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A.D.    1583. 

PART    I. 

[The  Editors  alone,  and  not  the  Committee  of  the  NEW  SHAKSPERE 
SOCIETY,  are  responsible  for  the  opinions  expresst  in  the  Society's 



€n  s 








A.D.     1583. 

PART    I. 

(COLLATED  WITH  OTHER  EDITIONS  IN  1583,  1585,  AND  1595.) 


AND  HIS  PERFECT  PA  THWA  Y  TO  FELICITIE,  1592  (1610), 








SCfje  Beta  Sljaftspere  Soctetg 

BY   N.  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  57,   59,  LUDGATE   HILL, 
LONDON,  E.C.,   1877-9. 


no.  6 

Sent*  VI. 









BY    ITS     EDITOR. 

Cut  at  the  back  of  the  Colophon  of  the  2nd 
(Aug.  i,  1583)  and  3rd  (1584)  editions  of 
the  A n atomic.  See  p.  60*,  note  2. 


WOODCUTS  OF  ELIZABETHAN  DRESS,  from  Planche's  Hist,  of 
Costume  and  the   Roxburghe  Ballads,  with  Mr.  Ebsworth's 

Memorandum  on  the  latter  

FOREWORDS  (see  the  Contents  of  em,  p.  35*)      

APPENDIX:  Extracts  from  Bp.  Babington,  1588     

Some  Collations,  and  Title,  of  the  Anatomie,  ed.  1584  (C-D) 



Of  &tW0f0:   i  Maij.  1583  (A),  collated  with 
three  other  editions,  (B)  I  Aug.  1583;  (E)  1585  ;  (F)  1595     ... 

The  Epistle  Dedicatorie,  to  Phillip,  Earle  of  Arundell 

A  Preface  to  the  Reader  {left  out  of  all  editions  after  the  \sf) 
Poems  : 

a.  Phillippus  Stubeus  candido  Lectori xiv 

b.  C.  B.  In  commendation  of  the  Auctors  lucubrations        ...         xv 

c.  A.  D.  In  com nendation  of  the  Author  and  his  Booke      ...      xvii 

d.  I.  F.  In  commendation  of  the  Avthor  and  his  Booke       ...     xviii 

e.  (Ph.  Stubbes).  The  Avthor  and  his  Booke  xix 


Introductory :  The  2  Speakers,  Spudeus and  Philoponus  (Stubbes)   2 1 -26 
Stubbes's  Travels  about  England  (21-2);  England  describd  : 
its  people  the  wickedest  on  the  earth  (23),  their  sin  coming  from 
the  Devil  (24)  ;  Stubbes' s  grief  at  it  (25),  and  attempt  to  do 
them  good  by  laying  bare  their  abuses  and  enormities  (26). 


A  particuler  Description  of  PKIDE,  the  principall  Abuse; 

and  how  manifold  it  is  in  AILGNA  (England) 26-49 

Three  sorts  of  Pride  :  of  the  Heart,  of  the  Mouth,  of  Apparel 
(27-8).  How  these  Three  are  committed  (28-30).  Foreigners 
don't  change  their  dress  (31)  :  'no  People  in  the  World  is  so 
curiouse  in  new  fangles  as  they  of  (England)  be'  (32),  or  like 

1  The  chapters  are  not  numberd  in  the  ist  edition,  and  sometimes  not  divided,  as 
'n  chap,  vii,  on  Covetousness,  p.  114. 

4*  Contents. 


'  far-fetcht  £  dear-bought '  so  well  (33).  Our  Mingle-mangle 
of  Apparel  (34).  Men  of  birth  and  office  only  should  wear 
fine  clothes  (35).  Dress  was  first  given  to  cover  our  shame 
(36);  tho'  we're  not  bound  to  wear  leather1,  like  Adam 
(37-8).  God  regards  not  Attire  (39).  The  pretence  that 
setting  forth  God's  Glory  (40),  or  gaining  acceptance  with 
wise  men  (41)  is  a  reason  for  fine  Clothes.  Reverence  is 
due  to  Virtue,  not  to  Apparel  (42-3).  Apparel  and  Pride 
can't  be  separated  (44).  The  Godly  (45)  and  the  Heathen 
Greeks,  &c.  (46),  despisd  Apparel  (47);  as  did  the  Prophets 
and  the  Early  Church  (48).  We  are  outrageously  extra 
vagant  in  it  (49). 


A  perticuler  Discription  of  apparell  in  Ailgna  by  degrees. 

Men's  Dress  49-62 

Men's  Hats,  their  many  shapes,  bands,  and  materials  (50)  ;  no 
Bands,  but  Feathers  (51).  Ruffs  (51),  and  their  two  stays, 
Starch  and  Supportasses.  Workt  Bands  (52).  Ruffs  called 
'Three  Steppes  and  a  halfe  to  the  Gallowes.'  Wrought 
Shirts  (53).  Our  pamperd  bodies  grow  weak  (54).  Mon 
strous  big-bellid  Doublets  (55).  Hose,  French,  Gaily,  and 
Venetian  (56).  Nether-stockes,  clockt  stockings  (57).  Corkt 
Shoes,  and  Pantqfles  (57-8).  Coats  and  Jerkins  (58-9). 
Neglect  of  the  miserable  Poor,  who  die  in  the  streets  like 
dogs  (59:  see  too  p.  105,  116).  Turkish  cruelty  of  the 
English  rich  to  the  poor  (60).  Cloaks  short  and  long  (60- 1). 
Boot-hose,  from  £4.  to  ^10  (61),  gewgaws  to  feed  the  wanton 
eyes  of  gazing  fools  (62).  Rapiers,  Swords  and  Daggers,  in 
Velvet  Sheaths.  The  Day  of  Judgment  (62). 


A   particulare    Discription    of   the  Abuses    of   Womens 

Apparell  in  Ailgna  (England),  and  other  Naughtinesses.  63-89 
Painting  their  Faces  (64-7),  as  Harlots  do  (65).  The  Fathers 
denounce  this  (65-6).  Tricking  their  Heads,  propping  their 
hair  with  wires,  hanging  bugles,  &c.,  on  it  (67).  Wearing 
sham  Hair,  and  Dyeing  their  Hair  (68),  Hoods,  Hats, 
Caps  and  Cawls  (69).  Making  holes  in  their  ears  to  wear, 
jewels  in  (70).  Ruff's,  starcht  and  supportast  (70).  Minor 
Ruffs;  Ruff-S&irts  ornamented  (71).  Fearful  example  of  the 
Ruff-wearing  Woman  of  Antwerp,  whose 'neck  the  Devil 

1  "Since  leathern  Adam,  till  this  youngest  hour,"  1596.  Edward  III,  II.  ii.  120. 

-Contents.  5* 

JK     'I    -,  PAGE 

broke  (71-3).  Doublets  and  Jerkins  like  men's  :  a  curse  on 
them  for  it  (73).  Gowns,  Capes,  Petticoats  (74) ;  Kirtles 
(75).  Women  are  bundles  of  Clouts.  Poor  men's  daughters' 
love  of  Finery  (75),  makes  them  Whores  (76).  Stockings  of 
all  colours  (76),  Corkt  Shoes  and  Slippers;  Perfumes  (77); 
Nosegays  in  their  Bosoms  :  Scents,  &c.,  allurements  to  vice 
(78).  Women's  Mincing,  Tripping  (78),  Ritigs,  Armlets, 
scented  Gloves,  Looking- Glasses  (Devil's  Bellows),  Silk 
Scarfs  (79),  Visors,  Masks  (80).  Inventors  of  new  Fashions 
denounct  (80-1).  Heathen  women,  German  women,  &c., 
despise  fine  Dress  (81-2),  so  did  Christian  Women  (83). 
God's  punishments  of  Pride  (84-6).  Englishmen  dress  to 
please  their  Harlots  (86-7). — {Added  in  2nd  edition}  How 
English  Women  spend  their  days  in  idleness  and  sin  (87).  The 
Gardens  they  meet  their  Paramours  in  (88),  are  little  better 
than  Brothels  (89). 


The  horryble  vice  of  Whordome  in  Ailgna  (England)        ...    90-102 
The  justifiers  of  whoredom  denounc't  (90),  Marriage  alone 
lawful  (91).     Heathens  (92),  and  the  Bible  (93-5)  against 
whoredom.     Bodily  evils  of  it  (95-6).     Every  Englishman 
has  bastards  (96).     Marriages  of  mere  infants.     Every  boy 
huggles  his  pretty  pussy,  and  runs-up  a  cottage  (97).    Early 
marriage  should  be  restraind  (97),  and  whoredom  punisht 
.  (98)  by  branding  with  a  hot  iron  (99).     Judgments  on  W. 
Bru.s tar  and  his  whore  (100).     Wives  are  whores,  and  Hus 
bands  keep  whores  (101). 


Gluttonie  and  Drunkennesse  in  Ailgna  (England) 102-114 

The  English  given  to  too  many  dishes  and  sauces  (102).  In 
Stubbes's  father's  time,  and  earlier,  men  livd  plainlier  : 
We're  weaker  folk1  (103).  The  Bible  against  Gluttony 
(104).  Small  relief  of  the  poor  now:  3  cankers  of  the 
Commonwealth,  'daintie  Fare,  gorgious  Buildings,  and 
sumptuous  Apparel'  (105).  Food  and  health  of  the  Poor  ; 
dainties  and  diseases  of  the  Rich  (106).  Drunkenness  of 
the  Maltworms  in  Alehouses  2  (107).  The  evils  of  Drunken 
ness  (108).  The  Bible  against  it  (109-10).  Judgments  on 

1  Cp.  Harrison's  oken  men,  &c.,  Pt.  I.  p.  viii,  337-8. 

a  See  the  Exeter  Regulations  about  Alehouses  in  Mr.  A.  S.  Hamilton's  Quarter 

6*  .Gonterits. 


Swabian  drunkards  (111-13)  ;  ori  Dutch  ones (113-14  \both 
added  in  ind  edition}. 

Couetousnes  in  Ailgna  (England)          ...         ...         ...         ;..  114-123 

All  Englishmen  covetous  (114-15).  Racking  of  Rents,  and 
Enclosure  of  Commons  (116).  Grasping  Lawyers  (117-18); 
Cheating  Merchants  (118).  Dearness  of  all  things  (118). 
Taking  house  and  land  over  the  poor  man's  head  (119). 
The  Bible  against  Covetousness  (120-1).  Every  Beggar 
tries  to  be  "Master,"  a  gentleman,  and  is  flatterd  by  Ti'ti- 
villers  (122). 


Great  Vsurie  in  Ailgna  (England)         ...         „.  .      ...         ...  123-129 

The  laws  allow  it,  but  don't  command  it  (123-4).     The  Bible 
against  it  (125).     Debtors  imprisond  (126);  their  misery; 
the  Creditor's  /  will  make  dice  of  his  bones  (127).     Vsurers 
worse  than   Devils  (128).      Scriveners,   the   Devil's  tools 
(128-9).     .        .      . 


Great  Swearyng  in  Ailgna  (England :  not  in  \st  ed.,  added 

in  2nd)      ...         ...         .,;.        ...     ..   .„         ..;    ':..,•   •:.;;  129-136 

Papists  allowd  too  much  liberty  in  England  (130-1).  English 
men  swear  too  much  (131)  ;  the  greatest  swearer  held  the 
bravest  fellow  (132).  .  Sin,  of  Swearing. (133)."  Swearers 
should  be  branded  with  a  hot  iron  (134).  Judgments  on 
Swearers  in  Lincolnshire  (.135),  Congleton  in  Cheshire,  and 
London  (136). 


The  Maner  of  sanctifying  the  Sabaoth  in  Ailgna 136-140 

Plays,  Lords  of  Misrule,  Games,  Bear-baitings,  Fairs,  Foot 
ball,  reading  bawdy  Books  (137).  Why  the  Sabbath  was 
instituted  (138).  The  Jews  strict  in  keeping  it  (139).  Its 
true  use  :  prayer,  and  doing  good  (140). 


Of  Stage -play  es,  and  Enterluds,  with  their  wickednes  ...  140-150 
Plays  on  religious  subjects  are  Sacrilege  (140-1).  The  Fathers, 
&c.,  against  Plays  (142-3).  The  sinful  Arguments  of  Trage 
dies  and  Comedies  (143).  Curse  those  who  say,  Plays  are 
as  good  as  Sermons  (144).  The-  naughtinesses  at  The 
Theatre  and  Curtain  (144).  Bad  things  learnt  at  Plays 
(145).  Players  are  Rogues  and  Vagabonds  by  Law  (146). 

.  Contents.  7* 


Lords  of  Mis-rule  in  Ailgna  (England)  ...  146-148 

How  they  dress  up,  play  the  Devil's  Dance  in  the  Church,  and 
feast  in  bowers  in  the  Churchyard  (14?).  Their  Badges, 
and  the  Gifts  they  get  (148). 


The  Maner  of  Maie-Games  in  England          ...         ...         ..'.148-150 

Folk  spend  the  night  in  the  woods,  draw  the  Maypole  home 
with  oxen,  and  dance  round  it. 


The  Manner  of  Church-ales  in  Ailgna  (England)    ...         ...  150-152 

The  Churchwardens  brew  the  ale,  sell  it  in  Church,  and  men 
get  as  drunk  as  Apes  (150-1).  They  let  the  Churches  and 
Bibles  go  to  ruin  (151). 


The   maner    of   keeping   of    Wakesses,    and  Feasts    in 

Ailgna     ...         ...         ...  152-154 

Every  town  and  village  has  its  yearly  Wake-day  or  Festival,-  at 
which  the  Parishioners  and  their  friends  stuff  and  get  drunk, 
and  gather  together  a  lot  of  whores  and  drabs  (152-3). 
Wakes  sprang  from  the  Heathen  and  the  Devil  ( 1 54). 


The  horrible  Vice  of  pestiferous  Dauncing,  vsed  in  Ailgna.  1 54-169 
Dancing  provokes  Wantonness  (154);  Clipping,  Kissing, 
Groping,  &c.  (155);  hurts  the  Body,  and  lames  the  Mind 
( 1 56).  The  Bible  and  the  Fathers  against  Dancing  ( 1 57-8). 
Our  Forefathers'  dancing  and  ours  compart!  (158-9).  The 
Israelites'  dancing:  not  Men  with  Women  (1603).  Our 
cheek-by-cheek  Dancing  is  '  beastly  to  behold '  (163).  Bible- 
folk's  dancing  (163-5).  Our  filthy  Dancing  must  do  hurt 
(165).  Each  sex  should  dance  by  itself  ( 166).  The  Fathers, 
&c.,  against  Dancing  (166-9).  ^  sprang  from  the  teats  of 
the  Devil's  breast  (169). 


Of  Musick  in  Ailgna,  and  how  it  allureth  to  Vanitie        ...  169-173 
1  Musick  is  a  good  gift  of  God,'  but  used  for  '  filthie  dauncing '  is 
bad  (170).     Alehouse  Musicians,  and  Minstrels,  and  their 
bawdy  Songs  (171).     If  you  want  your  daughter  whorish, 

''&'*  Contents. 


'bring  her  up  in  Music  &  Dancing' (171).     The  harm  of 
licensing  Minstrels,  &c.  (172). 

Cards,  Dice,  Tables,  Tennisse,  Bowles,  and  other  Exer- 

cyses  vsed  vnlawfully  in  Ailgna  ... 173-177 

These  fooleries  specially  us'd  at  Christmas  (173).  No  Chris 
tian  can  play  for  money  (174).  Evil  of  Gaming  or  Brothel- 
Houses  (175).  Laws,  £c.,  against  Gaming  (176-7). 


Beare-baiting  and  other  Exercyses,  vsed  vnlawfully  in 

Ailgna ...         ...         ...         177-180 

These  heathenish  games  are  held  on  the  Sabbath  (177).  Some 
men'll  keep  12  or  20  mastiffs,  and  risk  from  £20  to  ^100  on 
a  Bear-bait:  'fight  Dog,  fight  Bear!  the  Devil  part  all!' 
(178).  God's  Judgment  on  the  Bear-baiting  Folks  at  Paris 
Garden,  Southwark,  on  Sunday,  Jan.  13,  1583  (179)}  and  at 
The  Theatre  a  little  before  (180). 


Cockfighting,   Hawking  &  Hunting  upon  the   Sabbath- 
Day  in  England 180-182 

The  Swearing,  Cheating,  Quarrelling  and  Drinking  at  the 
Cockfights  (180).  Hawking  and  Hunting  are  only  allow 
able  on  week-days  (181).  Is  it  Christian  to  break  down 
your  neighbour's  hedges,  and  trample  his  corn  ?  (182). 

Markets,  Fairs  ;  Courts  and  Leets  upon  the  Sabbath-Day 

in  England        182-183 

The  former  lead  to  Cheating,  Lying,  Drunkenness ;  the  latter 
to  Envy,  Perjury,  Pilling  of  the  Poor. 

Football -playing    on    the    Sabbath    &    other    Days    in 

England 183-184 

It's  a  bloody  and  murdering  game,  not  fit  for  the  Sabbath  or 
any  other  day  (184). 


The  Beading  of  Wicked  Books  in  England 1 84- 1 86 

The  Bible,  and  Fox's  Book  of  Martyrs  are  set  aside  for  scur 
rilous  and  bawdy  books  (185). 

Contents:  9* 



How  all  these  Enormities  &  Abuses  maybe  reformd  ...  186-191 
By  putting  our  good  Laws  into  practise  (186),  and  punishing 
those  who  give  bribes  to  avoid  them  (187).  The  Day  of  Judg 
ment  is  not  far  off  (187),  as  Signs  and  Tokens  show  (i  88). 
And  then  the  wicked  shall  find  a  Material  Hell  with  ( uggle- 
some  Devills '  (188).  Repentance  must  not  be  put  off  (189) ; 
it  must  be  inward  and  true  (190).  Men  cannot  wallow  in 
the  Pleasures  of  the  World,  and  live  in  Joy  in  Heaven  (191). 

Faults  escaped  in  Printing    ...         ..-.-•       ...         ...         ...          192 


Extracts  from  PHILLIP  STUBBES'S  <ftl)ri0tal  <&U00e  for 
(TfiVtetiaU  &230tnen,  1591,  or  Life-fr  Death  of  his 
Wife,  Katherine  Stubbes,  who  died  at  Burton-upon-Trent  on 

Dec.  14,  1590      ...         ...         ...  195-208 

Her  parentage,  marriage  (197),  sweet  and  pious  character  (198- 
9)  ;  her  feeling  that  she  should  die  in  childbirth  (200).  Her 
boy  born;  Ague  seizes  her  ;  her  gentle  patience  (200).  Her 
desire  to  be  set  free  (201),  and  to  make  a  Confession  of  her 
Faith  (202).  Her  Confession  (mainly  doctrinal,  and  there 
fore  left  out)  (203-5). 

1  A  most  wonderfull  conflict  betwixt  Satan  and  her  soule ; 
and  of  her  valiant  conquest  in  the  same,  by  the  power  of 
Christ'  (205-7).  Her  death  at  the  age  of  18  (208). 


Extracts  from  PHILIP  STUBBES'S  Perfect    ?Jatt)U)aj|)  tO 

jFrltrittr,  Containing  ^SofcUe  ittrtuiattons  antr 

|3ta|)0r0,  1592,  and  1610  ...  ..;  ,.,  ...  ...209-230 

Contents  of  these  two  Editions  (1592,  1610) 210,212 

The  Epistle  Dedicatorie  to  Mistresse  Katherine  Milward, 

1592       ...  ...         ...  ...  213-214 

Precepts  at  thy  going  forth  of  thy  Chamber  ...         ...         21  $ 

Meditations  in  the  washing  of  ones  Face  and.  Hands  ...  215 
A  Praier  to  be  said  at  the  washing  of  ones  Face  and  Hands  215 
Directions  how  a  Christian  should  behaue  himselfe  at  the 

Table *  ...  216 

A  Thankv-giuing  to  God  after  Dinner  216 

A  Thanks-giuing  to  God  before  Supper  217 

io*  Contents. 


A  Thanks-giuing  to  God  after  Supper          .........  218 

Directions  of  Christian  behauiour  after  Supper      ...         ...  218 

Meditations  when  thou  comest  into  thy  Chamber  ...         ...  219 

A  Prayer  when  Sleepe  cometh  vpon  one      ...         ...         ...  220 

{these  fleas  and  gnats  do  bite  &>  gnaw  my  skinne,  221) 

A  Praier  when  one  awakes  out  of  Sleepe     ......         ...  221 

Christian  Directions  for  the  Morning           ...         ......  221 

Extracts  from  &  5>t)ort  STffati0e  of  Uraierg 

..,      ...      ...      ...      ......  223-230 

A  Praier  for  the  Queenes  Maiestie    ...         ...         ...         ...  224 

A  Prayer  for  a  Competent  &  a  necessary  Liuing    ...         ...  225 

A  Praier  to  be  said  of  those  that  be  vnmaried        ......  225 

A  Prayer  to  bee  said  of  those  that  be  maried          ......  226 

A  Prayer  to  be  said  of  those  that  be  Masters  of  Households  227 

A  Prayer  to  be  said  of  Seruants         ....         ...         ......  227 

A  Prayer  in  the  time  of  Pestilence    ...         ...         ...         ...  228 

A  Praier  to  be  said  of  all  such  as  be  Maiestrates  and  Rulers 

in  the  Common  Wealth       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  230 


NOTES:— (Chief headings)  ...        ...        ...  .     ...        ...  231-320 

Men's  Dress  and  its  Absurdities        ...    .     ...         ...         ...    .      239 

Women's  Dress,  Face-Painting,  Naked  Breasts,  &c.         ...  253 

Fornication  and  Adultery      ....         ...         ...         ...         ...  280 

Gluttony  and  Drunkenness ...  284 

Cruelty  to  the  Poor,  Usury,  &c. 288 

Swearing            294 

Sabbath-breaking,  by  Bearbaiting,  &c.         ,.:     "    ...    •     .'..  296 

Theatres...         .,.[       ...     •[  .......     ...         ...  301 

Lords  of  Misrule,  May-games,  Church-Ales,  &c.  ...         ...  304 

Games,  Sports,  and  Football- Playing           ...  316 


APPENDIX  :  Popular  arid  Popish  Customs  and  Superstitions 
in  Germany,  &c.,  in  1553:  The  4th  Book  of  Thomas 
Kirchmaier's  (or  Naogeorgus's)  "  Popish  Kingdome  "  1553, 

englisht     1570      ...         ...         ... 321 


INDEX 349 




H     <u 

.  II  fill 





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r.    o;   rt  ||JWjg|»<5; 

rt  §  2g^W»|4-S 

.S^  |1^«J'S' 





I  I 

Spinster's  Ruff  and  bare  neck  ;  Farthingale  (or  Crinoline).     Miss  Anne  Russell 
[formerly  supposd  to  be  Lady  Hunsdon] ;  from  Virtue's  print.     See 
the  Heliogravure,  above.     Planche,  i.  187. 

Ruff  Wings,  &c.  Queen  Elizabeth.    Planch/,  i.  246,  435. 



Time  of  James  I.    The  Earl  (Carr)  and  Countess  of  Somerset  (Lady  Essex).    Planch^  ii.  230. 
Later  fashion  of  marrid  women  baring  the  neck. 

Mask,  from  a  print  by  P.  de  Jode; 
time  of  James  I.     Planchf,  i.  366. 

Q.  Elizabeth  :  early  Portrait,  with 

'  Mary-Queen  of-Scots'-cap.* 

Plancht,  i.  79. 

Ruff '  underpropped  with  Supportasse. 
Stttbbes,  p.  70,  foot.     Plancht,  i.  443. 

Wheel  Farthingale  (or  Crinoline).    Anne  of  Denmark,  Queen  of  James  I.    Planch£t  L  187. 
Later  Fashion  of  marrid  Women  baring  the  Neck. 


Cap.    Earl  of  Oxford,  1578. 
Planchc,  i.  77. 

Ruff.     Sir  William  Russell,  1590.     Planche,  i.  436. 

t  v  Y  fj^Ti.  *  >^  _  /  y'-^  )  i  J 

Hat,  with  Lady's  glove  in  it  (gauntlet  shown).     George 
Clifford,  Earl  of  Cumberland.     Platicht,  i.  256. 

Ruff,   pointed   Doublet,   and    Netherstockes 

{Stubbes,  p.  57}  ;  time  of  Elizabeth,  from 

portrait  of  Sir  William  Russell. 

Plancht,  i.  172. 

Cap.     Sir  Christopher  Hatton  ;  time 
of  Elizabeth.     Plancfit,  i.  77. 





THE  history  of  the  woodcuts  illustrating  the  common  street-ballads  has 
never  yet  been  systematically  undertaken.  Mr.  William  Chappell,  our 
very  highest  authority  on  all  matters  connected  with  old  songs  and 
ballads,  their  words,  music,  and  publication,  has  avowedly  left  the 
subject  of  their  woodcuts  to  other  students  and  specialists.  It  is  of 
sufficient  importance  to  be  assigned  to  one  volunteer,  who  has  already 
made  considerable  progress  in  tracing  the  source  from  which  many  of 
the  woodcuts  had  descended  to  the  hawkers  ;  and  his  future  gift  to  the 
Ballad-Society  members  may  prove  the  interest  attached  to  the  search, 
and  the  value  of  several  discoveries.  Meanwhile  here  are  some  Ballad- 
Society  woodcuts  chiefly  from  the  Roxburghe  and  the  Bagford  Collec 
tions,  as  reproduced  under  the  editorship  of  Messrs.  Wm.  Chappell  and 
J.  W.  Ebsworth.  A  few  words  from  the  latter  may  accompany  the 
present  selection  of  woodcuts,  without  borrowing  from  the  Planche 

All  the  street-ballad  cuts,  of  early,  middle,  or  recent  times,  fall 
easily  into  one  of  two  groups,  i.  Those  which  were  engraved  expressly 
for  some  one  particular  ballad.  2.  Those  which  had  originally  belonged 
to  a  higher  class  printed-book,  and,  after  having  served  the  purpose 
of  attracting  attention  and  sale  to  it,  became  lessened  in  value,  often 
mutilated  of  parts,  worm-eaten,  and  cracked,  and  in  such  condition 
fell  into  the  hands  of  those  literary  rag-pickers,  the  professional 
publishers  of  street-ballads  for  hawkers.  There  is  seldom  any  practical 
difficulty  found  by  an  expert  determining  to  which  of  these  two  classes 
every  woodcut  belongs,  when  it  is  encountered  on  a  broadside.  In 
general  the  first  class,  of  ballad-cuts  proper,  are  of  much  coarser  execu 
tion,  more  clumsy  in  design,  and  later  in  costume  than  the  book-illus 
trations.  Of  these  latter  a  large  number  were  no  doubt  the  work  of 
French  and  German  artists.  A  few  of  these  here  given  belong  to 
known  books,  still  extant,  and  there  are  many  others  in  the  Rox 
burghe,  Bagford,  Wood,  and  Rawlinson  collections  which  are  veritable 
relics  of  small  quarto  volumes  of  pleasantry,  which  must  always  be 
interesting  to  students  of  old  literature.  Thus  the  cut  marked  (A) 

1 8*  Memorandum  on  Ballad-broadside  Illustrations. 

belonged  to  Robert  Greene's  "  Quip  for  an  Upstart  Courtier, "published 
in  1592.  (B)  is  a  mutilated  and  spoilt  illustration  from  the  title-page  of 
Will  Kemp's  "  Nine-Days  Wonder,"  1600  ;  the  figures  separated  and 
absurdly  misplaced  (after  each  had  been  elsewhere  used  singly,  and  the 
original  intention  forgotten) :  with  the  bells  on  Kemp's  legs  shorn  away 
to  disguise  their  morris-dancer  significance.  These  bells  are  better  seen 
in  the  terribly-reduced  copy  (C)  of  the  morris-dancer  receiving  his  prize- 
cup  and  a  "  modest  quencher,"  that  "  cheers,"  if  it  does  no  more.  The 
gambling  Bordello-scene  (D)  is  an  Elizabethan  picture  of  fast-life,  that 
had  originally  belonged  to  a  small  pamphlet.  (E)  is  a  very  slovenly  and 
inaccurate  copy  (Blanche's)  from  the  wood-cut  adorning  the  title-page 
of  "A  Faire  Quarrell :  written  by  Thomas  Midleton  and  William 
Rowley,"  1622.  This  edition  is  in  the  present  writer's  possession,  but 
there  was  an  earlier  edition  issued  in  1617.  The  cut  may  have  been 
used  before  that  date,  as  evidently  the  two  shields  on  the  ground,  with 
armorial-bearings  emblazoned,  mark  some  special  duel. 

The  single  figure  (F)  represents  Gabriel  Harvey,  as  caricatured 
offensively  by  Thomas  Nash  (as  though  Harvey  had  anticipated  Alder 
man  Atkins  of  Civil- War  date,  in  forgetting  his  manners  ;  even  as 
Hogarth  misrepresented  Felix  when  he  "trembled").  It  is  from 
"  Haue  with  you  to  Saffron  Waldon,"  1596,  and  become  a  favourite 
adornment  among  ballad-prints.  There  is  clever  satire  embodied  in  (G), 
showing  how  drink  develops  the  latent  animalism  of  human  beings.  The 
original  cut,  before  it  descended  to  the  ballad  printer  Rich.  Harper,  was  on 
the  title-page  of  Thomas  Heywood's  "  Philocothonista;  or,  the  Drunkard 
opened,  dissected,  and  anatomised,"  1635.  At  the  Bodleian  Library, 
when  engaged  on  the  Bagford- Ballad  editing,  the  present  writer  found 
the  Maypole-dance  (H)  ;  with  its  primitive  perspective  of  street-archi 
tecture  resembling  our  modern  workmen's  cottages,  and  the  clear  indi 
cation  of  a  prize- wreath  for  the  Queen  of  the  May,  with  the  protecting 
stumps  around  the  May-pole,  and  the  Tabourer  with  his  pipe,  calling  the 
flat-capped  'Prentice-boys  and  the  blithe  damsels  to  a  dancing-bout.  It 
is  apparently  of  Charles  the  First's  time,  and,  to  the  best  of  our  belief, 
was  never  copied  before,  being  used  as  an  extra-illustration  of  the  Ballad- 
•Society's  Bagford-Ballads. 

The  Tavern  scene  (I),  with  the  "Drawer"  waiting,  was  a  favourite 
illustration  of  Martin  Parker's  convivial  ballads,  three  of  which  it  adorns. 
John  Wade's  publisher  often  selected  (K),  with  its  cavaliers  regaling 
themselves  oyer  the  Virginian  weed  : — 

Much  meate  doth  gluttony  produce, 

And  makes  a  man  a  Swine  ; 
But  hee'  s  a  temperate-man  indeed, 

That  with  a  hafe  can  dine. 

Memorandum  on  Ballad-broadside  Illustrations.  19* 

He  needes  no  napkin  for  his  hande 

His  fingers  for  to  wipe  ; 
He  hath  his  kitchin  in  a  box, 

His  Roast-meate  in  a  pipe.  (1641.) 

The  patient  fisherman  (L),  we  believe,  appeared  in  some  little  precursor 
of  Isaak  Walton's  "  Compleat  Angler,"  and  long  before  his  date  of  1653. 
(M)  and  (N)  probably  belonged  to  one  story-book,  and  showed  the  pro 
gress  of  a  love-affair,  the  garden-scene  being  a  later  incident  in  the  tale. 
To  us  it  seems  to  be  of  James  the  First's  time.  Most  of  the  other  cuts 
were  intended  from  the  first  as  ballad-illustrations.  The  Tinker  (O) 
was  always  a  popular,  amatory,  and  reckless  character  ;  to  whom  many 
old  ballads  were  devoted,  and  he  was  always  triumphant.  The  number 
of  representations  of  Queen  Elizabeth  (P,  Q,  and  R,)  testify  to  the 
fondness  with  which  the  people  regarded  "  Good  Queen  Bess,"  both 
before  and  after  the  Crown  had  passed  to  the  Stuart  family.  We  have 
an  impression  that  the  picture  of  a  Queen  with  a  veil  depending  from 
her  head  (S)  represented  "  Bloody  Mary."  It  is  of  rare  occurrence,  in 
comparison  with  those  of  her  more  popular  sister,  Elizabeth.  The 
obtrusively-indelicate  exposure  of  the  bosom  (T)  was  a  court-fashion  of 
James  the  First's  time,  to  whose  date  the  woodcut  belongs.  In  Coryat's 
"Crudities,"  1611,  both  the  frontispiece  and  the  illustration  of  his  meet 
ing  the  Venetian  Courtezan  shew  how  this  fashion  prevailed  among  the 
frail  sisterhood  in  other  lands.  Fuller's  "  Profane  State,*'  an  early 
edition,  has  a  portrait  of  Joan  of  Naples,  with  exactly  similar  display  ; 
probably  in  that  individual  case  it  was  a  wanton  calumny,  but  it  was 
intended  to  blacken  her  character.  Many  upright  people  love  to  believe 
the  worst  about  women  who  are  fascinating.  In  an  extant  portrait  of 
the  beautiful  and  wicked  Countess  of  Somerset,  Carr's  wife,  there  is  an 
equal  obtrusion  of  her  charms,  that  ought  to  be  kept  secret.  See  the 
Bagford  Ballads,  p.  124,  for  what  Dante  writes  on  the  immodesty  of  the 
Florentine  women  :  "  O  dolce  frate,"  etc.,  Purgatorio,  canto  xxiii.  See 
also  "  Bagnall's  Ballad,"  beginning,  "  A  Ballet,  a  Ballet,"  in  Musarum 
DelicicS)  1656.  An  insufficiency  of  drapery  to  cover  one  part  of  the 
body  seems  generally  to  have  accompanied  some  superabundance  at 
another ;  as  shown  in  the  hoop-extended  robes,  with  shoulder-lappets, 
and  wire-spread  starched- Ruff  under  the  ears  (U),  in  another  Court- 
Lady  of  James  the  First :  perhaps  his  Queen  Anne,  or  the  Lady  Arabella. 
Even  thus,  bare  shoulders  and  scanty  under-garments  are  now  found  in 
conjunction  with  long  trailing  skirts.  Going  down  to  dinner,  like  Gold 
smith's  Traveller,  ladies  "drag  at  each  remove  a  lengthening  chain." 
The  feather-fans  appear  in  many  of  the  cuts  ;  and  examples  meet  us 
(X1  to  X4)  of  the  same  design  being  often  copied  ;  sometimes  by  rival 
publishers,  but  oftener  to  suit  other-sized  spaces,  or  admit  of  several 

20* Memorandum  on  Ballad-broadside  Illustrations. 

ballads  being  worked  off  simultaneously,  before  stereotyping  was  under 
stood.  The  Shepherdess  with  a  crook  (Y)  affords  a  specimen  of  the 
fantastically  Pastoral;  her  actual  costume  (compare  Y2)  being  whim 
sical  enough  to  embody  the  ideal  desired.  The  dashing  Cavalier  (Z) 
with  three-plumed  hat  and  fair  depending  Love-locks,  often  tied  with 
knots  of  ribbon,  belongs  ,to  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First,  and  adorns 
ballads  of  the  date  1639.  Until  shortly  after  that  time  the  popular 
representation  of  a  lover  was  always  as  an  armed  horseman  : 

"  I  could  not  love  thee,  dear,  so  much 
Loved  I  not  honour  more." 


Roxburghe  Ballad  Cuts  (Ballad  Fociety).     T.  Bare  Breasts  ;  Wheel  Farthingale  (or  Crinoline). 

S.  Queen  Mary.     P.  Queen  Elizabeth.     Round  Farthingale. 


Kutts,  Fans,  Chains,  Farthingales  or  Hoops.     X2.  Unmarrid  Woman,  bare-breasted. 


Feathers,  Ruffs,  Fans,  Farthingales  or  Hoops.    V.  Probably  Queen  Anne,  of  Denmark,  with  wired  Ruff. 

Q.  Queen  Elizabeth.  ^ 


Women's  Feathers,  Wired  Ruffs,  Wheel  Farthingales.     Men's  Bumbasted  Breeches, 
Hat-bands,  Feathers,  &c.     t.  Elizabeth  or  James  I. 


(?  Time  of  James  I.) 

Women's  Ruffs,  Farthingales,  &c.     4.  Men's  fringed  Boot-tops,  &c 



D.     Gambling  in  a  Brothel.     Tune  ot  Elizabeth.. 

ii.     Bombasted  Breeches,  time  of  Elizabeth.     Planche,  i.  57.     (.Slovenly  copy  from  the 
title-page  of  Middleton  and  Rowley's  Faire  Quarrell,  1617.) 

Roxburghe  Ballad  Cuts.     A  :  from  R.  Greene's  Quip  for  an  Upstart  Courtier,  1592. 
B  is  the  famous  Clown  Kemp's  Dance  to  Norwich  1600,  alterd  from  the  title-page  of  his 

Nine-Days'  Wonder:  the  Drummer  ought  to  go  before  Kemp. 
C.  Morris-dancer,  with  bells  below  his  knee,  going  to  take  a  drink. 



F.     Gabriel  Harvey,  from  T.  Nashe's  Have  with  you  to  Saffron  Walden,  1596.    The  rest 
probably  of  the  time  of  James  I. 


Fishing  with  an  angle  (?  Dutch).     Probably  time  of  James  I. 

The  Jovial  Tinker.     See  Memorandum. 

G.     Drunkards,  from  the  Title-page  of  T.  Heywood's  Philocothonista,  1635. 

K.     Pipes  and  Ale  :  final  time  of  Q.  Elizabeth  or  early  of  James  I. 



[Probably  a  Professor  or  Lecturer  at  College,  with  his  Students.     Note  the  Dress, 
Benches,  Chair,  Bookshelves.     J.  W.  E.] 

A  Judicial  Complaint :  with  plaintiff  on  his  knees  supplicating  for  redress,  and  the  defendant 

standing,  but  losing  courage  while  being  admonished.    Their  inferior  size  is  an  indication 

of  being  of  lowlier  station.     J.  W.  E. 

I.     Tavern-scene.     Drawer  attending  at  a  revel. 

H.     May-pole  Dance:  time  of  Charles  I.     See  Memorandum. 



§   I.  The  Anatomic :    its  \st  and 

2nd  Parts,  p.  35* 
§  2.  T.  Nashe's  chaff  and  abuse  of 

Stubbes,  p.  36* 
§  3.  Did Stubbes write against  real 

Sins  orfancid  ones  ?  p.  44* 
§  4.    Was  he  a  mere  Railer,  or  did 

his  indignation  against  Vice 

and  Folly  spring  from  an 

earnest  Heart  ?  p.  49* 
§  5.  Stubbes,   his    Wife,   and   her 

Family,  p.  50* 

§  6.  His  II  known,  and  8  extant 

Works,  p.  55* 
§  7.  His  Character,  p.  69* 
§  8.  Miscellaneous:  p.  71* 

Queen  Elizabeth's  Procession  in 
1600,    Kirchmaier's  Popish 
Superstitions  in    1553,  M* 
present  Edition,  &c. 
APPENDIX  :    Extracts  from   Bp. 
Babington  more  or  less  justifying 
Stubbes,  p.  75* 

§  i.  As  Harrison's  Description  of  England  is  the  best  work  on 
the  general  condition  of  our  country  during  Shakspere's  early  time, 
so  is  Stubbes's  Anatomic  the  worthfullest  for  the  special  depart 
ments  of  Dress — and  its  extravagances  in  men  and  women, — of 
Amusements  and  the  excesses  they  ran  into,  of  the  Follies  and 
Naughtinesses  of  the  day.  No  one  can  pretend  to  know  Shakspere's 
England  without  Stubbes's  help,  and  therefore  the  Anatomie  has 
taken  an  early  place  in  our  Society's  Sixth  Series,  whose  purpose  is 
to  put  before  our  Members  the  best  pictures  attainable  of  our  great 
poet's  time.  The  First  Part  only  of  the  book  is  generally  known. 
The  reputation  which  its  slash  and  life  have  won  for  it,  has  (I  have 
long  thought)  unfairly  darkend  the  merits  of  the  Second  Part,  in 
which  Stubbes  shows  up  briefly  the  Abuses  and  Corruptions  in  all 
classes  of  Society,  Temporalty  and  Spiritualty,  and  describes,  one 
after  the  other,  the 

1  Prof.  Nichol,  of  Glasgow,  calls  this  good  word  a  barbarism  !  How  happy 
for  us,  that  a  little  cherub  sits  up  aloft  in  the  Northern  wilds  to  look  after  the 
civilization  of  us  Southerners  ! 

36*  §  i.  Contents  of  the  Anatomic,  Part  n.  §  2.  T.  Nasfie. 

Country  Landlords 

Queen  Tailors 

Her  Council  Starchers 

Shires  Tanners 

Judges  (delays  in  law)  Shoemakers 

Prisoners,  their  hard  case  Brokers  (F.  4,  bk.) 

Laws  Hospitality,    or  relief  for  the 
Universities  poor. 

Schoolmasters  Beggars 

Merchants  Husbandmen 

Drapers  Ingraters  or  Forestalled 

Clothiers  Chandlers 

Goldsmiths  Barbers 

Vintners  Surgeons  and  Physicians 

Butchers  Astronomers  and  Astrologers 

Grasiers  Prognosticators  and  Almanac- 
Parks  Makers. 

The  list  of  subjects  will  show  those  who  have  had  a  taste  of  Stubbes 
in  this  First  Part  of  his  Anatomic  how  valuable  the  Second  Part 
must  be;  and  tho'  the  spice  of  it  is  not  equal  to  that  of  the 
First  Part,  I  mean  to  print  it,  as  well  for  its  own  worth  as  to 
complete  the  work.  But  as  the  First  Part  was  evidently  written  as 
a  complete  book,  the  Second  Part  being  only  calld  out  by  the 
unwonted  success  of  the  First,  I  have  put  separate  Forewords, 
Notes,  and  Index  to  the  First  Part,  so  as  to  keep  it  distinct 
from  the  Second;  and  I  have  not  quoted  in  the  Notes,  any  of 
the  many  illustrative  passages  that  are  in  Part  II.,  where,  as 
the  reader  has  seen,  some  of  the  Part-I-subjects  are  dealt  with 

§  2.  The  general  view  of  Stubbes  is,  that  he  was  a  mere  bitter 
narrow-sould  Puritan,  who  saw  only  the  dark  side  of  everything, — 
evil  in  innocence,  sin  in  mirth,  the  devil  in  dancing,  and  hell  in 
Shakspere's  art.  In  his  own  time  this  opinion  prevaild.  He  was 
held  up  to  contempt  as  one  of  the  Mar-Prelate  zealots  and 
hypocrites  by  the  sharp-tongued  Thomas  Nashe,  who  in  1590 
plagiarized  Stulbes's  title,  and  helpt  his  own  Anatomie  of 
Absurditie  into  sale  by  following  in  Stubbes' s  wake,  and  yet  had 
in  1589  cut  him  (and  his  fellows)  up  in  the  style  following; — 

§  2.  T.  Nasheon  Stubbess  Dice-playing  and  Widow.  37* 

(i)  NASHE  on  STUBBES,  in  his  Almond  for  a  Parrat,1  1589. 

"If  they  will  needes  ouerthrowe  mee, 
let  them  goe  in  hand  with  the 

exploite,  6^r.  [on  sign.  C.  4. 

'  '  T  T  Olla,  holla,  brother  Martin,  you  are  to  hasty:  what,  Winter  is 
no  time  to  make  warres  in;  you  were  best  stay  til  summer, 
&  then  both  our  braines  wilbe  in  a  better  temperature,  but  I  thinke 
ere  that  time  your  witte  wilbe  welny  worn  thredbare,  and  your 
banquerout  inuention,  cleane  out  at  the  elbowes ;  then  are  we  well 
holpen  vp  with  a  witnesse,  if  the  aged  champion  of  Warwicke,  doe 
not  lay  in  his  shoulders,  and  support  discipline  ready  to  lie  in 
the  dust,  with  some  or  other  demonstration.  I  can  tell  you,  Phil. 
Stu.  is  a  tall  man  also  for  that  purpose.  What,  his  Anatomy  of 
Abuses  for  all  that,  will  serue  very  fitly  for  an  Antipast,  before  one 
of  Egertons^  Sermons:  I  would  see  the  best  of  your  Trauerses*  write 
such  a  treatise  as  he  hath  done,  against  short  heeld  pantoffles.  But 
one  thing  it  is  great  pitty  of  him,  that  being  such  a  good  fellow  as 
hee  is,  hee  shoulde  speake  against  dice,  so  as  he  doth  :  neuerthelesse 
ther  is  some  hope  of  him,  for  as  I  heard  not  long  since,  a  brother 
of  his,  meting  him  by  chance  (as  theeues  meete  at  the  gallowes) 
after  many  Christian  questions  of  the  well-fare  of  his  persecuted 
brethren,  and  sistern,  askt  him  when  they  should  haue  a  game  at 
tables  together,  "by  the  grace  of  God,  the  next  Sabbaoth,"  quoth 
Phil.,  "  and  then  if  it  shal  so  seeme  good  to  his  prouidence,  haue  at 
you  for  ames  ase  and  the  disc."  I  forgette  to  tell  you  what  a  stirre  he 
keepes  against  dumbe  ministers,  and  neuer  writes  nor  talkes  of  them, 
but  he  calleth  them  minstrels,  when  his  mastershippe  in  his  minority, 
plaide  the  Reader  in  Chesshire,  for  fme  marke  a  yeare  and  a  canuas 
dublet,  couenanted  besides,  that  in  consideration  of  that  stipend,  he 
make  cleane  the  patrones  bootes  euery  time  he  came  to  towne. 
What  neede  more  words  to  proue  him  a  protestawt?  did  not  he 
behaue  himselfe  like  a  true  Christian,  when  he  went  a  wooing  for 
his  friend  Clarke  ?  I  warrant  you,  he  saide  not  *  God  saue  you,  or  God 
speed  you,'  with  'good  euen,  or  good  morrow,'  as  our  prophane  woers 
are  wont,  but  stept  close  to  her,  with  'peace  bee  with  you,'  very  de 
murely,  and  then  told  her  a  long  tale,  that  in-so-much  as  widowhoode 
was  an  vncleane  lyfe,  and  subiect  to  many  temptations,  shee 

1  This  tract  has  been  attributed  also  to  John  Lyly,  the  author  of  Euphues ; 
but  it's  surely  more  like  Nashe,  and  ought  to  be  his. 

2  The  'zealous  Puritan  and  Preacher  at  the  Black  Fryers  in  London,'  Stephen 
Egerton,  author  of  a  Lecture  on  Gen.  xii,  &c.    Lon.  1589,  8vo.    Catechizing,  1594, 
8vo,  &c.     Wood,  Ath.  Oxon.  (1691),  i.  754. 

3  The  famous  Puritan,  Walter  Travers,  author  of  '  An  Answere  to  a  suppli- 
catorie  Epistle  of  G.  T.  for  the  pretended  Catholiques,'  1583,  &c.     Wood,  Ath. 
Oxon.  (i.  1691),  741  ;  Cooper,  Ath.  Camb. 

38*   §  2.  T.  Nashe  about  Stubbes  tempting  a  Widow. 

might  doe  well  to  reconcile  her  selfe  to  the  Church  of  God,  in  the 
holy  ordinance  of  matrimony.  Manye  wordes  past  to  this  purpose  • 
but  I  1\votte  well  the  conclusion  was  this,  that  since  she  had  hitherto 
conuerst  with  none  but  vnregenerate  persons,  and  was  vtterly 
carelesse  of  the  communion  of  Saints,  she  would  let  him,  that  was  a 
man  of  God,  put  a  newe  spirite  into  her  by  carnall  copulation,  and  so 
engraft  her  into  the  fellowshippe  of  the  faithfull ;  to  which,  that  shee 
might  more  willingly  agree,  hee  offered  her  a  spicke  and  spanne 
new  Geneua  Bible,  that  his  attendant  Italian  had  brought  with  him 
to  make  vp  the  bargaine.  But  for  all  the  Scripture  he  could  alledge, 
it  should  not  bee ;  Phil.  Stu.  was  no  meate  for  her  tooth.  God  wote, 
he  could  not  get  a  penyworth  of  leachery  on  such  a  pawne  as  his 
Bible  was ;  the  man  behinde  the  painted  cloth  mard  all ;  and  so,  O 
griefe,  a  good  Sabaoths  day  work  was  lost.  Stand  to  it  Mar-martin 
Junior,  and  thou  art  good  inough  for  ten  thousand  of  them ;  tickle 
me  my  Phil,  a  little  more  in  the  flanke,  and  make  him  winche  like  a 
resty  iade,  whereto  a  dreaming  diuine  of  Cambridge,  in  a  certain 
priuate  Sermon  of  his,  compared  the  wicked.  Saist  thou  me  so, 
good  heart  ?  then  haue  at  you  Maister  Compositor,  with  the  con 
struction  of  Sunt  oculos  dart  qui  cernis  sydera  tanquam.  If  you  be 
remembred,  you  were  once  put  to  your  trumpes  about  it  in  Wolfes 2 
Printing-house,  when  as  you  would  needes  haue  clari  the  infinitiue 
moode  of  a  verbe  passiue ;  which  determined,  you  went  forwards  after 
this  order :  Sunt  there  are,  oculos  eies,  qui  the  which,  cernis  thou 
doest  see,  clari  to  be  cleare,  tanquem  sydera  as  the  Stars  :  Excellent 
well  done  of  an  old  Maister  of  Arte  !  yet  why  may  not  hee  by 
authority  challenge  to  himselfe,  for  this  one  peece  of  worke,  the 
degrees  hee  neuer  tooke?3  Learning  is  a  iewel,  my  maisters;  make 
much  of  it;  and  Phil.  Stu.  a  Gentleman,  euery  haire  of  his  head;  whom 
although  you  doe  not  regard  according  as  he  deserues,  yet  I  warrant 
you,  Martin  makes  more  account  of  him  then  so,  who  hath  substituted 
him  long  since  (if  the  truth  were  well  boulted  out)  amongst  the 
number  of  those  priuy  Martinists  which  he  threatens  to  place  in 
4  euery  parish.  I  am  more  then  halfe  weary  of  trotting  too  and  fro  in 
this  cursed  common  wealth,  where  sinfull  simplicitye  pufte  vppe  with 
pride  of  singularity,  seekes  to  peruerte  the  name  and  methode  of 

1  Sign.  D.  i. 

2  Reginald  Wolfe,  the  Queen's  Printer,  and  planner  of  HolinshecTs  Chronicle. 
See  Harrison,  I.  p.  iv,  and  Stow,  p.  65*  n.  below. 

3  This  phrase  I  take  to  be  the  ground  of  Antony  Wood's  (or  his  correspond 
ent's)  paragraph  below,  p.  53*  n.    Stubbes  didn't  take  a  degree  ;  therefore  he  was  af 
a  University.    No  trace  existed  of  him  at  Oxford  ;  therefore  he  was  at  Cambridge, 
and  left  before  he  took  his  degree.     Then,  because  there  was  a  Justinian  Stubs, 
M.A.,  at  Glo'ster  Hall,  Oxford,  in  1589  (?  enterd  there  in  1583),  therefore  Phillip 
Stubbes,  after  his  7  years'  ramble  about  England,  1576-83,  settled  at  Oxford  for 
a  time,  at  Glo'ster  Hall. 

4  Sign.  D.  I,  back. 

§  2.    T.  Nashes  Attack  on  Stubbes  and  his  Anatomic.  39* 

magistracy.  But  as  the  moste  of  their  arguments,  are  drawn  from 
our  graue  fathers  infirmities,  so  all  their  outrageous  endeuors  haue 
their  offspring  from  affected  vainglory. 

("An  Almond  for  a  Parrat  /  Or  Cutbert  Curry-knaues  /  Almes.  /  Fit 
for  the  knaue  Martin,  and  the  /  rest  of  the  impudent  Beggers,  that  / 
can  not  be  content  to  stay  their  stomackes  /  with  a  Benefice,  but 
they  will  needes  /  breake  their  fastes  with  /  our  Bishops./  Rimanim 
sum  plenus.l  Therefore  beware  (gentle  Reader)  you  /  catch  not  the 
hicket  with  laughing./  [Ornament.']  Imprinted  at  a  Place,  not  farre 
from  /  a  Place,  by  the  Assignes  of  Signior  Some-body,  and  /  are  to 
be  sold  at  his  shoppe  in  Trouble-knaue  /  Street,  at  the  signe  of  the  / 
Standish./"  [1589].) 

(2)  NASHE  on  STUBBES,  in  his  Anatomie  of  Absurditie,  1590 
(sign.  B.  ii.). 

"  I  leaue  these  [Girls  and  their  praisers]  in  their  follie,  and  hasten  to 
other  mens  furie,  who  make  the  Presse  the  dunghill  whether  they 
carry  all  the  muck  of  their  mellancholicke  imaginations,  pretending 
forsooth  to  anatomize  abuses,  and  stubbe  vp  sin  by  the  rootes,  whe;/ 
as  there  waste  paper  beeingwel  viewed,  seemes  fraught  with  nought 
els  saue  dogge  daies  effects,  who,  wresting  places  of  Scripture  against 
pride,  whoredome,  couetousnesse,  gluttonie,  and  drunkennesse, 
extend  their  inuectiues  so  farre  against  the  abuse,  that  almost  the 
things  remaines  not  whereof  they  admitte  anie  lawfull  vse.  Speaking 
of  pride,  as  though  they  were  afraid  somebody  should  cut  too  large 
peniworthes  out  of  their  cloth :  of  couetousness,  as  though  in  them 
that  Prouerbe  had  beene  verified,  Nulhis  ad  amissas  ibit  amicus 
opes :  of  gluttonie,  as  though  their  liuing  did  lye  vppon  another  mans 
trencher  :  of  drunkennesse,  as  though  they  had  beene  brought  vppe 
all  the  dayes  of  their  life  with  bread  and  water:  and  finally  of 
whoredome,  as  though  they  had  beene  Eunuches  from  theyr  Cradle, 
or  blind  from  the  howre  of  their  conception.  But  as  the  Stage  player 
is  nere  the  happier,  because  hee  represents  oft  times  the  persons 
of  mightie  men,  as  of  Kings  &  Emperours,  so  I  account  such  men 
neuer  the  holier,  because  they  place  praise  in  painting  foorth  other 
mens  imperfections. 

These  men  resemble  Trees,  which  are  wont  eftsoones  to  die,  if 
they  be  fruitful!  beyond  their  wont ;  euen  so  they  to  die  in  vertue, 
if  they  once  ouershoote  themselues  too  much  wyth  inueighing 
against  vice ;  to  be  brainesicke  in  workes  if  they  be  too  fruit  full  in 
words.  And  euen  as  the  Vultures  slay  nothing  themselues,  but  pray 
vpon  that  which  of  other  is  slayne,  so  these  men  inueigh  against  no 
new  vice,  which  heere  to  fore  by  the  censures  of  the  learned  hath  not 
beene  sharply  condemned,  but  teare  that,  peecemeale  wise,  which 
long  since  by  ancient  wryters  was  wounded  to  the  death,  so  that  out 

1  Sign.  B.  ii.  back. 

40*  §  2.  7\  Nashes  Attack  on  Stubbes  &  fellow-Puritans. 

of  there  forepassed  pains,  ariseth  their  Pamphlets,  out  of  theirvolumes, 
theyr  inuectives.     Good  God,  that  those  that  neuer  tasted  of  any 
thing  saue  the  excrementes  of  Artes,  whose  thredde-bare  knowledge 
being  bought  at  the  second  hand,  is  spotted,  blemished,  and  defaced, 
through   translators  rigorous  rude  dealing,  shoulde  preferre   their 
sluttered  sutes,  before  other  mens  glittering  gorgious  array,  should 
offer  them  water  out  of  a  muddie  pit,  who  haue  continually  recourse 
to  the  Fountaine,  or  dregs  to  drink,  who  haue  wine  to  sell.     At 
scire  tuum  nihil  est,  nisi  te  scire  hoc  sciat  alter.     Thy  knowledge 
bootes  thee  not  a  button,  except  another  knowes  that  thou  hast  this 
knowledge.     Anacharsis  was  wont  to  say,  that  the  Athenians  vsed 
money  to  no  other  ende  but  to  tell  it ;  euen  so  these  men  make  no 
other  vse  of  learning,  but  to  shewe  it.     But  as  the  Panther  smelleth 
sweetelie  but  onely  to  brute  beastes,  which  shee  draweth  vnto  her  to 
theyr  destruction,  not  to  men  in  like  maner,  so  these  men  seeme 
learned  to  none  but  to  Idiots,  whom  with  a  coloured  shew  of  zeale, 
they  allure  vnto  them  to  their  illusion,  and  not  to  the  learned  in  like 
sort.    I  knowe  not  howe  it  delighteth  them  to  put  theyr  Oare  in  [an] 
other  mans  boate,  and  their  foote  in  another  mans  boote,  to  incurre 
that  prouerbial  checke,  Ne  sutor  vltra  cre-lptdam,  or  that  oratoricall 
taunt,  Quam  quisque  norit  artem,  in  ea  se  exerceat :  with  the  Elephant 
to  wade  and  wallowe  in  the  shallow  water,  when  they  woulde  sooner 
sincke  then  swym  in  the  deepe  Riuer,  to  be  conuersant  in  those 
Authors  which  they  cannot  vnderstande,  but  by  the  translatour  their 
Interpreter,   to  vaunte  reading  when   the  sum   of  their  diuinitie 
consists  in  twopennie  Catichismes ;  and  yet  their  ignoraunt  zeale 
wyll  presumptuously  presse  into  the  Presse,  enquiring  most  curiouslie 
into  euery  corner  of  the  Common  wealth,  correcting  that  sinne  in 
others,  wherwith  they  are  corrupted  themselues.    To  prescribe  rules 
of  life,  belongeth  not  to  the  ruder  sorte ;  to  condemne  those  callings 
which   are  approoued   by  publique  authoritie,   argueth  a  proude 
contempt  of  tho.  Magistrates  superiority.     Protogenes  knew  Apelles 
by  one  lyne,  neuer  otherwise  scene,  and  you  may  knowe  these  mens 
spirit  by  theyr  speeche,  their  minds  by  their  medling,  their  folly  by 
their  phrase.     View  their  workes,  and  know  their  vanitie ;  see  the 
Bookes  bearing  their  name,  and  smile  in  thy  sleeue  at  their  shame. 
A  small  ship  in  a  shallow  Riuer,  seemes  a  huge  thing,  but  in  the  sea 
a  very  little  vessell ;  euen  so  each  trifling  Pamphlet  to  the  simpler 
sorte,  a  most  substantiall  subiect,  whereof  the  wiser  lightly  account, 
and  the  learned  laughing  contemne.     Therefore  more  earnestly  I 
agrauate  their  faulte,  because  their  crime  is  crept  into  credit,  and 
their  dooinges  deemed  deuotion,  when  as  purposelie  to  some  mans 
despight,  they  bring  into  act  their  cholericke  motions. 

A  common  practise  it  is  now  adaies,  which  breedes  our  common 
calamitie,  that  the  cloake  of  zeale,  shoulde  be  vnto  an  hypocrite  in 
steed  of  a  coate  of  Maile,  a  pretence  of  puritie,  a  pentisse  for  iniquitie, 

1  Sign.  B.  iii. 

§  2.  T.  Nashe  s  Attack  on  Stubbesand  the  Puritans.  41* 

a  glose  of  godlines,  a  couert  for  all  naughtines.  When  men  shall 
publiquelie  make  profession  of  a  more  inward  calling,  and  shall  waxe 
cold  in  the  workes  of  charitie,  and  feruent  in  malice,  liberall  in  nothing 
but  in  lauishe  backbyting,  holding  hospitalitie  for  an  eschewed  heresie, 
and  the  performance  of  good  workes  for  Papistrie,  may  wee  not  then 
haue  recourse  to  that  caueat  of  Christ  in  the  Gospell,  Cauete  ab  lhipo- 
critis.  It  is  not  the  writhing  of  the  face,  the  heauing  vppe  of  the  eyes 
to  heauen,  that  shall  keepe  these  men  from  hauing  their  portion  in 
hell.  Might  they  be  saued  by  their  booke,  they  haue  the  Bible  alwaies 
in  their  bosome,  and  so  had  the  Pharisies  the  Lawe  embroidered  in 
their  garments.  Might  the  name  of  the  Church  infeaffe  them  in  the 
kingdome  of  Christ,  they  will  include  it  onely  in  their  couenticles, 
and  bounde  it  euen  in  Barnes,  which  many  times  they  make  their 
meeting  place,  and  will  shameleslie  face  men  out,  that  they  are  the 
Church  militant  heere  vpon  earth,  whew  as  they  rather  seeme  a 
company  of  Malecontents,  vnworthy  to  breath  on  the  earth.  Might 
the  boast  of  the  spirit  pind  to  their  sleeues,  make  them  elect  before 
all  other,  they  will  make  men  beleeue,  they  doe  nothing  whereto  the 
spirit  dooth  not  perswade  them  :  and  what  Heretiques  were  there 
euer  that  did  not  arrogate  as  much  to  themselues  ?  These  they  be 
that  publiquely  pretende  a  more  regenerate  holines,  beeing  in  their 
priuate  Chambers  the  expresse  imitation  of  Howliglasse.2  It  is  too 
tedious  to  the  Reader  to  attend  the  circumstaunce  of  their  seuerall 
shyftes,  the  lothsomnesse  of  their  guilefull  wiles,  the  tract  path  of 
theyr  treacherie :  you  know  them  without  my  discourse,  and  can 
describe  their  hypocrisie,  though  I  be  not  the  Notarie  of  their 
iniquitie,  Seeing  their  workes,  shun  their  waies." 

(The  Anatomic  of/  Absurditie :  /  Contayning  a  breefe  confutation 
of  the  slender  /  imputed  prayses  to  feminine  perfection,  with  a 
short  /  description  of  the  seuerall  practises  of  youth,  and  /  sundry 
follies  of  our  licentious  /  times.  /  No  lesse  pleasant  to  be  read,  then 
profitable  to  be  remembred/  especially  of  those,  who  Hue  more 
licentiously,  or  addic-/ted  to  a  more  nyce  stoycall  austeritie.  / 
Compiled  by  T.  Nashe.  /  Ita  diligendi  sunt  homines,  vt  eorum  non  / 
diligamus  errores.  /  At  London,  /  Printed  by  I.  Charlewood  for 
Tho-/mas  Hacker,  and  are  to  be  solde  at  his  shop  /  in  Lumberd 
Street,  vnder  the  signe  of /the  Popes  heade./  Anno.  Dom.  1590.  / ) 

Gabriel  Harvey,  in  his  Pierces  Supererogation,  1593,  against 
Thomas  Nashe,  thus  (pp.  183-4)  answers  the  latter's  attack  on 
Stubbes:  — 

"  It  is  the  destiny  of  our  language,  to  be  pestered  with  a  rable- 

1  Sign.  B.  iii.  back. 

2  A  supposd  rough  practical  joker  and  dirty  doer.     Wm.  Copland  printed  (in 
1548-60)  3  editions  of  the  book  recording  his  doings.     For  a  list  of  its  contents, 
see  my  Captain  Cox,  Ballad  Soc.,  p.  xlix-1. 

42*  §  2.  Gabriel  Harvey  s  Defence  and  Praise  of  Stubbes. 

ment  of  botchers  in  Print :  but  what  a  shamefull  shame  it  is  for 
him  [T.  Nashe],  that  maketh  an  Idoll  of  his  owne  penne,  and 
raiseth-vpp  an  huge  expectation  of  paper-miracles,  (as  if  Hermes 
Trismegist  were  newly  risen  from  the  dead,  and  personally  mounted 
vpon  Danters  presse 1),  to  emprooue  himself  as  ranke  a  bungler  in 
his  mightiest  worke  of  Supererogation,  as  the  starkest  Patch-pannell 
of  them  all,  or  the  grosest  hammer-drudge  in  a  country.  He  dis- 
daineth  Thomas  Delone,2  Philip  Stubs,  Robert  Armin,  and  the 
common  Pamfletters  of  London,  euew  the  painfullest  Chroniclers 
tooe ;  bicause  they  stand  in  his  way,  hinder  his  scribling  traffique, 
obscure  his  resplendishing  Fame,  or  haue  not  chronicled  him  in 
their  Catalogues  of  the  renowned  modern  Autors,  as  he  meritoriously 
meriteth,  and  may  peraduenture  be  remembred  hereafter.  But  may 
not  Thomas  Delone,  Philip  Stubs,  Robert  Armin,  and  the  rest  of 
those  misused  persons,  more  disdainfully  disdaine  him  ;  bicause  he 
is  so  much  vayner,  so  little  learneder,  so  nothing  eleganter,  than 
they;  and  they  so  much  honester,  so  little  obscurer,  so  nothing 
contemptibler,  than  he  ?  Surely,  Thomas,  it  were  pollicy,  to  boast 
lesse  with  Thomas  Delone,  or  to  atchieue  more  with  Thomas  More. 
If  Vaunting,  or  craking  may  make  thee  singular,  thy  Art  is  incom 
parable,  thy  Wit  superexcellent,  thy  Learning  omnisufficient,  thy 
memory  infinite,  thy  dexterity  incomprehensible,  thy  force  horrible, 
thy  other  giftes  more  then  admirable ;  but  ..." 

In  the  same  tract  (Pierces  Supererogation,  1593,  pp.  190-1), 
Gabriel  Harvey  further  praisd  Stubbes3  for  his  filed  and  workman 
like  style : — 

"  Our  late  writers  are,  as  they  are :  and  albeit  they  will  not  suffer 
me  to  ballance  them  with  the  honorable  Autors  of  the  Romanes, 
Grecians  and  Hebrues,  yet  I  will  craue  no  pardon  of  the  highest,  to 
do  the  simplest  no  wrong.  In  Grafton,  Holinshed,  and  Stowe ;  in 
Hey  wood,  Tusser,  and  Gowge4;  in  Gascoigne,  Churchy  arde,  and 
Floide5;  in  Ritch,  Whetstone,  and  Munday;  in  Stanyhurst,  Fraunce, 

1  From  which  came  in  1597  the  first  Quarto  of  Romeo  and  Juliet.    J.  Danter 
also  enterd  a  Titus  Andronicus  in  1593. 

2  See  the  long  list  of  Deloney's  ballads,  tracts,  and  books,  in  Hazlitt.     Tho' 
Deloney  might  have  been  calld  a  pamphleteer,  Robert  Armin,  the  actor  and 
play-writer,  couldn't. 

3  I  assume  that  he  means  Phillip  Stubbes,  and  not  John  Stubbe  of  the  Gaping 
Gulfe,    1579  (p.  53*  and  54*  below).       The  Chroniclers  who  are  coupled  with 
Stubbes  above,  are   praisd   here  by  name,  Grafton,    Holinshed,    Stowe ;    and 
certainly  Harvey  would  admire  all  the  hard  inkhorn  words  in  the  early  editions 
of  the  Anatomic. 

4  See  a  bit  of  Googe's  wprk  in  the  Naogeorgus  Appendix,  p.  323  below. 

5  Lodowick  Lloyd,  of  The  Pilgrimage  of  Princes,  &c.f  was  so  calld,  sa)S 
Mr.  Hazlitt.     See  the  list  of  his  works  in  Lowndes. 

§  2.  Nashe  s  Widow-chaff  of  Stubbes  not  to  be  believd.  4.3* 

and  Watson;  in  Kiffin1,  Warner,  and  Daniell;  in  an  hundred  such 
vulgar  writers,  many  things  are  commendable,  diners  things  notable, 
some  things  excellent.  For  a  polished  and  garnished  stile,  few  go 
beyonde  Cartwright,  and  the  chiefest  of  his  Confuters,  furnished 
writers  :  and  how  few  may  wage  comparison  with  Reinolds,  Stubbes, 
Mulcaster,  Norton,  Lambert,  and  the  Lord  Henry  Howarde  ?  whose 
seuerall  writings,  the  siluer  file  of  the  workeman  recommendeth  to 
the  plausible  interteinment  of  the  daintiest  censure.2  " 

Now  I  don't  want,  with  Harvey,  to  call  the  slashing  Tom  Nashe 
"the  sonne  of  a  mule,  a  rawe  Grammarian,  a  brabling  Sophister,  a 
counterfaict  cranke,  a  stale  rakehell,  a  piperly  rymer,  a  stump-worne 
railer,  a  dodkin  autor"  (ib.  p.  61) ;  or  to  say  that  his  books  are  all 
like  his  Strange  Newes  (1592,  against  Harvey):  "Railing,  railing, 
railing :  bragging,  bragging,  bragging  :  and  nothing  else,  but  fowle 
railing  vpon  railing,  and  vayne  bragging  vpon  bragging,  as  rudely, 
grosely,  odiously,  filthily,  beastly,  as  euer  shamed  Print "  (ib.  p.  64), 
but  I  do  not  believe  his  story  about  Stubbes  and  the  widow.  Nashe 
reminds  me  of  a  little  drunken  scribbler  I  once  knew,  who,  when  a 
man  offended  him,  always  said  'the  fellow  's  a  drunken  clown.' 
Nash  and  his  loose-living  likes,  who  sneerd  at  Stubbes  and  his  mates 
as  eunuchs,  did,  I  believe,  invent  or  get  hold  of  any  joking  tale — 
like  that  of  the  Bible  that  wasn't  a  high  enough  cushion  for  a  willing 
sister  and  an  endeavouring  brother,  because  the  Apocrypha  wasn't  in 
it3  (Percy  Fol,  L.&ff.  Songs,  p.  35), — and  stick  it  on  to  any  Puritan 
they  wanted  to  chaff.  So  that  it  raisd  a  laugh  was  all  they  cared  for, 
and  when  it  had  done  this,  they  were  satisfied.  Nashe's  story  goes 
too  far.  Even  if  Stubbes  had  been  an  Angelo,  and  the  widow  an 
Isabella,  the  bribe  wouldn't  have  been  a  Bible.  So  I  reject  the 

1  Maurice  Kyffin,  of  the  Blessedness  of  Brytaine,   1587,  &c. :  see  Hazlitt's 
Handbook,  p.  322-3. 

2  See  the  praises  of  other  authors,  &c.,  before  and  after,  p.  190-2  :  Southwell, 
Scot  (Discovery  of  Witchcraft],  Whitgift,  Drant,  Dr.  Still,  &c.     On  p.  60-1,  he 
calls  Nashe  "a  May-Lord  of  Primerose-hill,  that  hath  all  humours  in  his  liuerie, 
&  can  put  conscience  in  a  Vices  coate."     I  don't  take  up  space  by  quoting  the 
chief  works  of  the  authors  nam'd  in  the  text  above,  as  they  are  either  well  known 
or  can  be  easily  found  in  bibliographical  lists. 

3  See  too  in  Dodsley,  ix.  61-2,  the  jest  about  the  Puritan  lass  who  yielded  only 
to  prevent  her  lover  breaking  his  oath,  as  he'd  sworn  to  succeed.     The  point  of 
the  Apocrypha  joke  was  that  the  Puritans  calld  the  Apocrypha  a  lot  of  Popish 
fables,  and  refusd  to  acknowledge  it  as  part  of  the  Bible. 

44*   §  3-    Was  Elizabethan  Dress  outrageously  absurd? 

widow  tale.  Nashe,  however,  is  more  to  be  regarded,  and  is  nearer 
hitting  the  nail  on  the  head,  when  he  complains  of  Stubbes  extend 
ing  his  "inuectiues  so  farre  against  the  abuse,  that  almost  the  thing 
remaines  not  whereof  they  admitte  anie  lawfull  vse." 

§  3.  But  the  question  is,  T.  whether  Stubbes  was  writing  against 
real  abuses  or  not,  and  2.  whether  he  wrote  from  real  earnestness, 
or  only  hypocrisy.  If  the  excesses  he  denounct  were  real,  and  if  his 
zeal  against  them  was  righteous,  we  shall  not  judge  him  harshly 
because  he  went  a  little  too  far  in  the  words  he  used,  or  the  sharp 
ness  of  the  curb  he'd  have  liked  to  put  on  offenders. 

On  the  first  point  he  deals  with,  Men's  and  Women's  Dress,  I 
ask  whether  one  single  writer  of  the  time  can  be  produc'd,  who 
treats  the  matter,  and  is  satisfied  with  his  contemporaries'  practice  ? 
I've  never  seen  or  heard  of  one.  But  on  the  contrary,  every  man 
whose  book  you  open, — from  the  catholic  Shakspere,  who  surely 
liked  his  cakes  and  ale,  to  the  sensible  cheery  Harrison,  the  odd, 
and  liker  of  oddities,  Tom  Coryat, — every  single  writer  condemns 
the  foolery,  extravagance  and  evil  of  the  outrageous  garments  around 
him.  The  Queen  and  her  Council  did  so  (see  the  fine  volume  of 
her  Proclamations  in  the  Grenville  Library,  Brit.  Mus.,  an.  i,  4,  8 
(p.  94-6),  16  (p.  155-7),  19  (P-  J7i-3)>  3°  (?•  253-7)>  39  (P-  343'6, 
A.D.  I597).1  And  we,  by  our  practice,  do  it  too. 

Why  also  did  Stubbes  condemn  these  follies?  Not  only 
because  he  saw  with  Shakspere  that  men  bore  manors  on  their 
backs,  and  sacrifict  their  inheritances  to  gratify  their  stupid  pride ; 
not  only  because  he  knew,  with  Harrison,  that  for  this,  England's 
oaks  were  felld,  her  country  hospitality  stopt;  but  because  the  follies 
led  to  the  neglect  of  the  poor — the  humble  folk  that  ben  Christ's 
friends,  as  Chaucer  says — who  were  left  to  die  in  the  streets  like 
dogs,  the  dung  that  rotted,  to  grow  the  flowers  that  adornd  the 

Take  the  next  vices  with  which  Stubbes  deals,  Whoredom  and 
Adultery,  Gluttony  and  Drunkenness ;  and  on  the  first  pair,  con 
trast  Shakspere' s  Spring  Song  on  the  Cuckoo  at  the  end  of  Love's 

1  See  An.  42,  for  suppression  of  Ale-houses,  and  due  observance  of  Fish-days  ; 
and  an.  43  for  prohibiting  the  carrying  of  dags  (big  pistols  :  Harrison,  i.  283). 

§  3-  Did  Stubbes  condemn  Whoredom  too  strongly?  45* 

Labours  Lost  with  Wordsworth's,  and  judge  whether  Stubbes  had 
cause  to  write  as  he  did,  or  not,  and  whether  we  haven't  cause  to  be 
grateful  that  he  and  his  fellows  did  write  thus,  and  set  their  faces  as 
a  flint  against  the  idle  wits  that  treated  the  soiling  of  women's  purity 
as  a  joke,  and  the  debauching  of  girls  as  an  honourable  token  of 
manliness.  Thank  God,  it  requires  an  effort  of  the  imagination  to 
turn  from  our  own  state  of  society — faultful  tho'  it  be — and  con 
ceive  one  in  which  the  so  welcome  note  of  the  herald  of  spring,  the 
recaller  of  youth's  '  golden  time,'  could  suggest  the  idea  of  cuckoldry 
to  any  husband.  No  longer  is  it  true  in  England,  that 

"  When  Daisies  pied,  and  Violets  blew, 
And  Cuckow-buds  of  yellow  hew, 
And  Ladie-smockes  all  siluer  white, 
Do  paint  the  Medowes  with  delight, 
The  Cuckow  then  on  euerie  tree 
Mockes  married  men ;  for  thus  sings  he, 
Cuckow ! 

Cuckow,  Cuckow  !  O  worde  of  feare, 
Vnpleasing  to  a  married  eare." 

Z.  Z.  Lost,  V.  904-12,  Folio  I.  p.  144,  col.  2. 

And  we  have  to  thank  mainly  the  Puritan  party  that  this  old  evil  is 
not  ours  still. 

As  to  the  Drunkenness,  that  is  still  the  great  curse  of  our  land. 
And  ask  any  one  who's  been  among  working  men,  and  seen  what  a 
drinker's  home  and  wife  and  children  are  like,  seen  the  blessed 
change  that  teetotalism  makes  in  all ;  ask  any  one  who  knows  what 
went  on  in  the  upper  and  middle  classes  as  late  as  my  own  father's 
day,  my  own  youth, — the  daily  debasing  of  men  to  worse  than  brutes; 
— ask  any  one  who  knows  but  a  little  of  Elizabethan  books ;  ask 
Shakspere,  thro'  Hamlet  or  Cassio,  whether  Stubbes  has  said  one 
word  too  stern  against  that  " devil  drunkenness"  (Oth.  II.  iii.  297), 
which  was  in  his  day,  as  it  is  in  ours,  the  blight  of  our  native  land. 

As  to  the  evils  next  complaind  of,  the  enclosure  of  Commons 
without  due  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  poor,  the  cheating  dealers, 
&c. — what  is  our  Commons -Preservation  Society,  what  are  our 
Co-operative  Societies  and  Stores,  but  declarations  that  Stubbes  was 
in  the  right ;  that  landlords'  greed  needs  check  by  law,  the  weakness 


4-6*     §  3-    Stubbes's  abuse  of  Cheating,  etc.,  justified. 

of  the  poor  needs  help ;  and  that  the  Dealer,  standing  between  the 
workman  and  the  buyer,  to  make  out  of  both  the  most  he  can  for 
himself,  without  regard  to  the  welfare  of  either,  is  a  being  who  has 
to  be  turnd  into  the  agent  of  worker  or  buyer,  or  if  possible  both, 
bound  to  act  honestly,  and  put  down  all  adulteration,  extravagant 
profit,  and  tricks  of  trade.  As  to  the  evil  of  letting  usurers  get  the 
ownership  of  mortgagees'  lands  because  the  money  was  not  paid  on 
the  day  fixt  for  its  return,  our  Courts  of  Equity  and  our  Laws  have 
long  since  settled  that  Stubbes  was  right,  and  have  secured  the 
mortgagee  his  equity  of  redemption,  and  prevented  the  mortgagor 
from  taking  more  than  his  principal  and  interest.  So  also  our  laws 
have,  by  later  Insolvency  and  Bankruptcy  Acts,  declard  Stubbes 
right  in  his  denouncing  of  the  old  iniquitous  power  of  creditors  to 
keep  moneyless  debtors  in  prison  just  as  long  as  they  lik'd,  let 
their  heels  rot  from  their  buttocks,  as  Stubbes  says,  in  the  foul 
prisons  of  the  day,  and  then  make  dice  of  their  bones. 

Swearing  has  so  long  ceast  to  be  "good  form,"  that  Stubbes's 
condemnation  of  it  will  be  acquiest  in  by  all,  tho'  they  may  not 
want  swearers  now  branded  with  a  hot  iron,  or  believe  in  judgments 
on  em.1 

We  now  come  to  Stubbes's  wholesale  abuse  of  the  Amusements 
of  his  time ;  and  it  is  for  this  that  many  folk  condemn  him,  that  I 
allow  he  was  "  sum  what  too  sour,"  and  went  beyond  the  bounds 
which  he  had  laid  down  for  himself  in  his  Preface.  But  let  the 
reader  recognize  how  very  much  there  was  in  the  pastimes  of  the  day 
that  deservd  the  strongest  blame,  and  in  how  many  cases  posterity 
has  justified  Stubbes's  censures.  Note  first,  that  the  main  reason 
for  Stubbes's  fierceness  was,  that  all  the  games  and  devilry  that  he 
complains  of  so  bitterly,  were  carried  on  more  vigourously  on 
Sunday  than  any  other  day.  This  is  the  point  the  whole  matter 

1  Years  ago  I  chanced  to  ask  a  regular  contributor  to  the  Saturday— &  very 
high  wrangler  of  my  time  at  Cambridge— what  had  made  the  S.  Review  such  a 
success.  He  said,  "  Mainly  Cook's  (the  editor's)  power  of  swearing.  He  swears 
at  everybody  so  fiercely,  from  the  printer's  devil  to  his  best  leader-writer 
or  sub- editor,  that  he  makes  us  all  do  exactly  as  he  tells  us.  I  never  heard 
such  oaths."  The  like  procedure  seems  to  produce  contrary  effects  at  the  Horse 

§  3«  Stubbes  on  Sabbath-breaking.     Fairs,  etc.,  now.  47* 

turns  on.1  Stubbes  lookt  on  the  Day  as  specially  holy  to  his  Lord, 
to  be  spent  "in  hearing  the  woord  of  God  truely  preached,  therby 
to  learn  and  to  doo  his  wil ;  in  receiuing  the  sacraments,  rightly 
administred;  in  vsing  publique  and  priuate  prayer;  in  thanks- 
giuing  to  God  for  all  his  benefits ;  in  singing  of  godly  Psalmes,  and 
other  spirituall  exercises  and  meditations  ;  in  collecting  for  the  poore^ 
in  dooing  of  good  woorkes ;  and  breefly,  in  the  true  obedience  of  the 
inward  man  "  (p.  140) ;  and  instead  of  this,  he  saw  all  the  vagabonds 
and  drabs  of  the  country  playing  the  devil's  delight  all  day  long, 
and  all  night  too.  No  wonder  that  he  rose  in  wrath,  and  curst  the 
whole  crew.  And  who — even  among  us  Sunday  League  and  Sun- 
day-Society-men,  goers  by  train  and  boat — now  wants  to  have  bears 
baited,  or  theatres  open2,  on  Sundays  ;  fairs  held  then,  and  markets ; 
the  cancan  danced,3  or  drunken  jollifications  going  on  in  Church  or 
Churchyard  ?  Who  would  let  sister,  daughter,  or  maid,  be  out  with 
a  mixt  company  of  men  and  girls  in  the  woods  all  night  (p.  149)  ? 
Depend  on  it,  there  were  abuses  of  the  grossest  kind  in  the  rough 
games  of  Stubbes's  and  Shakspere's  day,  abuses  even  justifying  the 
call  that  they  should  in  public  be  put  down  for  a  time  altogether. 
We  know  how  many  of  them  have  been  rightly  given  up  since ;  any?, 
if  we  care,  we  may  know  that  there  are  two  sides  to  great  gather 
ings  for  amusement  now.  Two  of  the  occasions  on  which  this  has 
been  brought  home  to  me  were  these.  The  first  time  I  was  saying 
to  a  faithful-working  curate-friend  in  a  country  town  in  Hampshire, 
how  pleasant  all  lookt  at  the  fair  that  morning.  "  Yes, "he  answerd, 
" I  suppose  one  oughtn't  to  grudge  the  people  their  gathering;  but 
our  annual  crop  of  bastards  '11  be  sown  to-night.  We  had  twelve  last 
year,  and  eleven  the  year  before ;  and  many  of  the  girls  get  ruind  for 
life."  The  second  time,  chatting  to  an  easy-going  acquaintance  about 

1  So  in  his  denouncing  of  the  Church- Ales,  p.  150 — 2,  one  great  grievance  is 
that  the  Churches  lie  "  like  swyn-coates  (pig-styes),  their  windowes  rent,  their 
dores  broken,  their  walles  fall  downe,  the  roof  all  bare  .  .  .  the  booke  of  God 
rent,  ragged  and  all  betorn,  couered  in  dust,"  p.  151. 

2  With  Pink  Dominoes  (as  describd  to  me)  playd,  or  even  the  innocent  Venus 
and  Adonis  acted,  with  next  Sunday's  Referee  notice  that  Miss  Phoebe  Don's 
legs  were  "monuments  of  managerial  perspicacity  and  plumpness." 

3  See  p.  146.    Note  too  Chaucer  on  the  dangers  of  Dances,  &c.,  Cant.  T.,  C. 

§  3'  Stubbes  right  in  abusing  Bearbaiting,  etc. 

our  races  on  Runnymede,  at  Egham,  and  saying  that  I'd  seen  no  harm 
going  on  to  justify  the  outcry  against  them  by  some  folk,  he  answerd: 
"Ah,  your  people  just  drive  down  to  the  course,  and  go  away  when 
the  races  are  over.  But  if  you  want  to  know  when  the  harm's 
done,  and  what  it  is,  come  with  me  to  the  booths  the  nights  before 
and  after,  and  then  take  a  turn  about  the  grass,  and  see  what's  going 
on  there.  I'm  not  one  of  the  strait-laced  lot ;  but  knowing  what  I 
do,  I  don't  wonder  at  people  trying  to  stop  the  whole  affair."  Folk 
who  like  races  and  fairs  and  fun  in  general,  either  shut  their  eyes  to 
the  evils  attending  them,  or  say  it's  human  nature,  and  there's  no 
such  great  harm  in  it  after  all ;  but  other  men  and  women  exist  in  the 
world,  who  can't  take  sin  and  the  causes  of  it  like  this;  they're  just 
forced  by  their  souls  to  fight  against  it,  and  its  sources,  with  word  and 
deed,  with  all  their  might ;  and  if  they  do  speak  a  little  too  sharply, 
or  hit  a  little  too  hard,  the  self-indulgent  do-nothings  had  at  least 
better  keep  from  abusing  or  sneering  at  them. 

The  justness  of  Stubbes's  argument  against  hunting,  on  p.  182, 
is  acknowledgd  by  our  modern  hunts  paying  for  the  damage  they 
do  to  farmers'  fences  and  crops ;  and  his  plea  that  *  For  pleasure 
sake  only,  no  man  ought  to  abuse  any  of  the  cretures  of  God,' 
cannot  be  answerd,  as  every  one  '11  confess  who's  seen,  at  the  end 
of  his  first  day's  hunt,  the  tears  and  distresst  look  of  the  stag  he's 
followd,  or  the  last  tries  of  the  fox  to  save  his  life.1 

In  Stubbes's  condemnation  of  cockfighting,  gambling,  bear-bait 
ing,  we  all  admit  that  he  was  right ;  and  on  the  whole,  tho'  he  would 
have  put  me  as  an  inveterate  Sabbath-breaker 2,  dancer,  and  hon- 
ourer  of  Shakspere,  into  one  of  the  hottest  corners  of  his  '  Material 
Hell,'  I  do  not  hesitate  to  ask  his  readers  to  believe  that  the 

1  The  only  defence  is  a  shirk,  and  '  You're  another : '   "  You  can  do  without 
meat  if  you  like  ;  at  any  rate,  you'd  be  better  with  little  of  it,  and  that  of  the 
simplest  kind.     But,  solely  for  your  pleasure,  to  tickle  your  palate,  you  have  lots 
of  animals  needlessly  killed  ;  while  we  hunting  men,  for  our  health  and  refresh 
ment,  as  well  as  our  pleasure,  only  give  a  stag  a  good  sweating,  and  kill  a 
stinking  fox  now  and  then.     Who  are  you  to  find  fault  with  us  ? "     (Mr.  E.  A_ 
Freeman's  articles  on  hunting  and  Mr.  A.  Trollope's  answer,  a  few  years  back,  I 
haven't  seen.) 

2  And  a  backslider  from  the  faith  of  Stubbes,  for  one  Sunday,  after  a  Sab 
batarian  parson's  sermon,  my  father's  Sunday  newspaper,  the  Windsor  Express, 
to  his  great  disgust  disappeard  till  Monday  morning. 

§  4-  Stubbes  didnt  rail  only,  but  car  d  for  the  Poor.  49* 

Abuses  he  denounct  were  real  and  not  fancid  ones,  cancers  in  the 
body  of  the  commonweal,  and  that  his  words  in  denouncing  them 
were  not,  in  most  cases,  one  whit  too  strong,  We  pass  then  to 

§  4.  Was  Stubbes  a  mere  railer  ?  In  my  early  days  in  London, 
when  one  of  a  body  of  workers  full  of  Christian-Socialist  plans  of 
social  reform,  helping  in  district-visiting,  ragged  schools,  working- 
men's  associations,  &c.,  came  out  some  Latter-Day-Pamphlets,  by  a 
certain  prophet  of  the  time,  which  seemd  to  me  to  do  nothing  but 
swear  generally  all  round.  Everything  was  wrong,  everybody— 
except  the  writer — was  a  fool,  niggers  should  eternally  be  slaves, 
and  there  was  no  hope  for  the  world  except  in  the  coming  of 
some  beneficent  hog-herd  with  a  tremendous  whip  to  drive  the 
universal  swine  along  the  road  they  ought  to  go.1  One  night  a 
well-known  naval  novelist,  a  disciple  of  this  faith,  was  at  a  friend's 
house,  holding  forth  with  his  usual  fervour,  and  I  ventured  to 
suggest  that  he  should  do  something  to  try  and  cure  some  of  the 
evils  he  seemd  to  feel  so  keenly.  I  askt  him  to  teach  in  our 
ragged  school  in  Little  Ormond  Yard.  On  which  he  took  his  pipe 
out  of  his  mouth,  took  a  sip  at  his  — th  glass  of  toddy,  and  said, 
'  My  dear  Sir,  I'll  see  you  and  your  ragged  school  damnd  first ! 
The  world  's  going  to  the  devil  its  own  way.  Let  it  go  ! ' 

Now  Phillip  Stubbes  wouldn't  have  given  a  like  answer — if  I 
judge  him  aright — had  John  Stubbe,  or  any  such  man,  askt  him  to 
lend  a  hand  to  any  good  work  near  Lincoln's  Inn  in  his  day.  He'd 
have  gone  and  done  his  best  at  it,  tho'  he'd  no  doubt  have  insisted 
on  dosing  the  workees  with  texts  and  sermons.  On  his  Sundays,  he 
didn't  want  only  to  sing  psalms  and  pray ;  he'd  also  collect  money 
for  the  poor,  and  do  good  works  (p.  140).  He  wasn't  angry  with  the 
rich  for  their  gay  clothes  ar.d  vain  show  only,  but  because  these  led 
to  '  cold  charitie  to  the  poore  ' : 

"  Do  they  think  that  it  is  lawfull  for  them  to  haue  millions  of 
sundry  sortes  of  apparell  lying  rotting  by  them,  when  as  the  poore 
members  of  lesus  Christe  die  at  their  doores  for  wante  of  clothing?" 

1  If  I  do  injustice  to  this  book,  which  was  a  cruel  blow  to  me  after  the  noble 
Life  of  Cromwell,  the  Sartor,  &c.,  I  am  sorry.  I  never  opend  it  after  the  Parts 
were  bound.  But,  had  that  whip  then  come  to  my  hands,  the  prophetic  back 
would  have  been  the  first  laid  open  by  it. 

50*   §  4-  Stubbes  s  care  for  the  Poor,  etc.    §  5.    Fits  life. 

— p.  59.  "  And  so  [the  poore  diseased]  being  caried  foorth,  either 
in  carts  or  otherwyse,  and  thrown  in  the  streats,  there  they  end  their 
dayes  most  miserably.  Truely,  Brother,  if  I  had  not  seen  it,  I  would 
scarsly  haue  thought  that  the  like  Turkish  cruelty  had  beene  vsed  in 
all  the  World."— p.  60. 

Again  and  again  Stubbes  comes  back  to  this,  pp.  105,  116,  183, 
&c.  He  cares  for  God's  dumb  creatures  too1  (pp.  178,  182).  And 
tho'  we  can't  class  him  with  Orlando,  who  "  wil  chide  no  breather 
in  the  world  but  my  selfe,  against  whom  I  know  most  fault "  (As  You 
Like  It,  III.  ii.  297-8),  we  can  honestly  refuse  to  couple  him  with 
Jaques,  or  any  of  those  who  merely  want  to  "  raile  against  our  mistris 
the  worlde,"  and  "must  have  liberty  Withall,  as  large  a  Charter  as 
the  winde,  To  blow  on  whom  [they]  please ''  (ib.  II.  vii.  47-9). 

§  5.  Stubbes  and  his  family.  Where  he  came  from,  when  he 
was  born,2  where  he  was  taught,  and  when  he  died,  we  don't 

1  He  would,  were  he  living  now,  certainly  join  the  Fellowship  of  Animals' 
Friends   that   our  Vice-Presidents    Mr.    and   Mrs.   Cowper-  Temple   have  just 
founded.    And  he'd  have  curst  the  putting  back  Christians  under  Turkish  rule  in 
1878  as  heartily  as  I  did  ;  '  English  interests'  doing  the  Devil's  work. 

2  I  suppose  he  was  born  about  I55S> — the  year  that  Latimer  and  Ridley  were 
burnt  at  Oxford  (Oct.  16)  in  bloody  Mary's  reign.     If  Stubbes's  7-years'  travel 
about  England  by  or  before  1583,  is  to  be  taken  literally,  he  probably  did  not 
start  till  he  was  his  own  master,  and  21.     I  suppose  that  he  didn't  die  till  in  or 
after  1610,  when  an  enlargd  edition  of  his  Pathway  was  publisht,  with  15  new 
prayers  added,  perhaps  for  the  first  time.     That  he  was  a  well-read  and  learned 
man  is  plain  from  his  books. 

Here's  a  suggestion  from  The  Saturday  Review  (Sept.  25,  1869,  p.  421,  col. 
2)  as  to  Stubbes's  Christian  name  :  "Why  were  there  so  many  Philips  in  those 
days? — Philip,  Earl  of  Arundel,  to  whom  this  book  (Stubbes's  Anatomie]  is 
dedicated  ;  Philip,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  to  whom  the  Shakespeare  folio  is  inscribed  ; 
Philip  Sidney  and  Philip  Massinger,  who  could  write  books  for  themselves. 
Why  but  because  Philip  was  the  name  of  the  'father  of  our  Kings  to  be,'  and 
was  the  favourite  godpapa  with  the  rank-worshipping  mammas  of  the  period. 
And  if  the  word  Philip  had  been  called  out  at  a  bearbaiting  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  there  would  have  been  as  many  responses  to  it  as  there  are  nowadays 
when  H'albert  is  shouted  for  at  a  Foresters'  Fete  at  the  Crystal  Palace." 

Now,  though  I  can't  pretend  to  measure  the  infinite  flunk eyism  of  the  Victorian 
or  Elizabethan  English  mother  and  man,  yet  I  must  observe  that  Philip  Massinger 
was  baptizd  on  Nov.  23,  1583,  only  five  years  before  the  Armada,  and  Sir  Philip 
Sidney  born  on  Nov.  29,  1554,  four  years  before  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne 
(1558) ;  and  if  the  'mammas  of  the  period'  kept  up  their  fancy  for  the  Popish 
Philip  of  Spain  during  all  the  changes  of  feeling  in  this  time,  the  fact  will  surprise 
any  one  who  has  studied  the  period  with  the  least  care.  How  Stubbes  must 
have  hated  his  name  if  he  thought  he  got  it  from  the  pet  son  of  the  scarlet  whore  ! 

§  5  •  Stubbes  s  Marriage,  Wife,  and  Boy.        51* 

know.1  His  Marriage-license  we  have,  the  Certificates  of  his  son's 
birth,  and  his  wife's  death ;  his  own  account  of  his  4^  years  marrid 
life  (below,  p.  197-203,  208),  and  the  few  words  he  says  of  his 
travels  about  England,  in  his  Anatomic,  1583  (p.  22,  below),  and 
Motive  to  Good  Workes,  1593,  p.  68*,  69*,  below.  Colonel  Chester 
kindly  sends  me  the  Marriage  License,  from  the  Bishop  of  London : 

"  1586,  Sep.  6,  Philip  Stubbes,  Gentleman,  of  St.  Mary  at  Hill,2 
London,  and  Katherine  Emmes,  spinster,  of  the  same  parish, 
daughter  of  William  Emmes,  late  of  St.  Dunstan  in  the  West, 
London,  Cordwainer,3  deceased — To  marry  at  any  church  or  chapel 
in  the  diocese  of  London." 

Mr.  Henry  Stubbs  of  Danby,  Ballyshannon,  sends  me  the  fol 
lowing  extracts  from  the  Parish-Registers  of  Burton-on-Trent,  as  all 
that  the  latter  yield  : — 

"1590.  John  Stubs 4  filius  Philippi  baptized  the  17  November 
1590.  Catherine  Stubs  buried  the  14  day  of  December."  5 

1  I  say  this  notwithstanding  the  passage  from  Nashe  quoted  above,  p.  37*,  and 
the  extract  (evidently  bas'd  on  it)  from  Ant.  Wood  that  follows,  p.  53*,  note. 
But  Nash's  bit  about  the  Cheshire  readership  may  have  some  ground. 

2  Dr.  Howard,  who  has  searcht  the  Registers  of  St.  Mary  at  Hill,  reports  that 
there  are  no  Stubbes  entries  in  them.  — J.  L.  C. 

3  Of  course  you  understand  that  Katherine  Emmes's  father  was  something 
more  than  a  mere  "  shoemaker, ''  as  we  now  understand  the  term.     His  will 
styles  him  "Citizen  and  Cordwainer,"  i.  e.  a  freeman  of  London,  and  member  of 
the  Cordwainers'  Company.     Stubbs  in  his  tract  intimates  that  William  Emmes 
had  held  high  office  in  his  company,  which  elevates  him  to  the  level  of  the 
superior  tradesmen  of  the  old  city. — J.  L.  C. 

*  70  years  after,  a  John  Stubs,  with  George  Fox  and  Benjamin  Furly,  publisht 
"A  Battle-Door  for  Teachers  and  Professors  to  learn  Singular  and  Plural :  You 
to  Many,  and  Thou  to  One:  Singular,  One,  Thou;  Plural,  Many,  You.  Wherein 
is  shewed  forth  by  Grammar,  or  Scripture  Examples,  how  several  Nations 
and  People  have  made  a  distinction  between  Singular  and  Plural,  &c.  London, 
Printed  for  Robert  Wilson,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop  at  the  signe  of  the 
Black- Spread-Eagle  and  Wind-mil  in  Martins  le  Grand,  1660.  folio."  Hazlitt. 
Collection  and  Notes,  p.  166,  col.  2. 

6  This  is  the  day  of  her  death,  according  to  Phillip  Stubbes.  Possibly  her 
fever  led  to  her  quick  burial,  but  it  looks  odd.  It  was  the  Vicar,  the  Rev.  C.  F. 
Thornewill,  that  extracted  the  above  entries  in  the  Burton  Registers  for  Mr.  Henry 
Stubbes,  who  says,  "  the  Vicar  in  his  letter  to  me  remarked  that  there  was  a 
+  against  the  entry  of  Baptism  of  John  Stubs,  which  he  did  not  observe  against 
any  other  entry ;  'and  likewise  that  the  entry  of  Burial  had  evidently  been  made 
at  a  later  date  than  that  of  the  Burial  itself,  as  it  is  in  different  ink  from  the  rest, 
and  is  obviously  put  between  the  lines,  having  been  forgotten  or  otherwise 
omitted  at  the  time.'  " 

52*  §  5-  Stubbes s  Life.  His  Mother-in-law,  Mrs.  EMMES. 

All  the  facts,  then,  that  we  know  about  Philip  Stubbes  at  present 
are,  that  he  was  a  Gentleman  —  either  by  birth,  profession,  or 
both; — a  writer,  from  1581  to  1610  (?),  of  pamphlets  and  books 
strongly  on  the  Puritan  side,  well-read  in  his  Bible  and  holy  books ; 
that  before  1583  he  had  spent  "seuen  winters  and  more,  trauailing 
from  place  to  place,  euen  all  the  Land  ouer  indifferently"  (p.  21, 
below)  about  England;  that  he  marrid  in  the  autumn  of  1586,  a 
sweet,  gentle,  pious  girl  of  from  14  to  15,  with  whom  he  led  a  happy 
peaceful  life  for  nearly  4^  years,  expounding  texts  to  her  to  his  heart's 
content — a  blissful  contrast  to  Milton's  first  experiment ; — that  he 
lost  her  on  Dec.  14,  1590,  from  a  6-weeks'  fever  caught  after  she 
had  thoroughly  recoverd  from  bearing  'a  goodly  man  childe' — 
baptizd  John,  on  Novr  17  ; — that  he  was  in  'lodging  by  Cheapside, 
8  of  November,  1593;'  and  that  he  probably  livd  till  after  the  new 
edition  of  his  Perfect  Pathway  to  Felicitie  was  publisht,  with  1 5  new 
Prayers,  in  1610.  Col.  Chester  writes  :  "  I  have  again  gone  carefully 
over  all  the  Stubbs'  wills  in  Somerset  House  from  1550  to  1630,  and 
can  find  nothing  of  his  parentage.  His  own  will  is  certainly  not 
here,  if  he  left  one,  and  no  letters  of  administration  to  his  estate 
were  ever  taken  out." 

Stubbes' s  mother-in-law,  Mrs.  Emmes,  is  describd  by  him  as 
"a  Dutch  woman,  both  discreete  and  wise,  of  singular  good  grace 
and  modestie  .  .  .  both  religious  and  verie  zealous  "  (p.  197),  and 
yet  she  must  have  been  a  very  Wife  of  Bath  in  the  matter  of  hus 
bands,  'one  down,  t'other  come  on.'  Probably  after  her  third 
husband's  death,  she  in  1586  "bestowed  her  [daughter  Katherine 
by  her  second  husband,  William  Emmes,]  in  marriage  to  one 
maister  Stubbes" — our  Phillip — p.  197,  below,  and  Col.  Chester 
kindly  sends  me  the  following  account  of  her : — 

"The  mother  of  Catherine  Stubbes  (nee  Emmes)  was  also 
named  Catherine,  and  she  was  first  the  wife  of  one  Reginald 
Melchior  (or  Melcher),  whose  will,  as  of  St.  Martin-in-the-Fields, 
Middlesex,  dated  22  Sept.  1563,  she  proved  12  Nov.  following. 
Melchior  directed  his  body  to  be  buried  in  St.  Martin's  Church 
yard.  He  merely  left  small  sums  to  his  apprentice  and  his  maid, 
and  the  residue  of  his  possessions  equally  to  his  wife  Catherine  and 
his  son  Melchior. 

"  The  widow  did  not  grieve  long,  for  on  the  8th  of  November 

§  5-  Stubbes  s  Mother-in-laiv.    A.  WOOD'S  Life  of  him.  53* 

1563,  four  days  before  she  proved  her  husband  Melchior's  will,  a 
license  was  granted  by  the  Bishop  of  London  for  her  marriage  with 
William  Emmes,  then  of  St.  Sepulchre's,  London.  They  subse 
quently  lived  in  Fleet  Street,  St.  Dunstan-in-the-West" 

"The  will  of  William  Emmes,  Citizen  and  Cordwainer  of 
London,  is  dated  26  Nov.  1583.  He  bequeathed  considerable 
property  in  houses,  &c.  to  his  wife  Catharine,  and  his  children, 
William,  John,  Catherine  [Stubbes's  wife],  Anne,  Susan,  and  Alice, 
all  under  age.  The  widow  Catharine  Emmes  proved  the  will  14 
Jan.  1583/4. 

"Four  days  later,  viz.  18  Jan  1583/4,  the  Bishop  of  London 
granted  another  license  for  her  to  marry  Richard  Tompkins,  of  St 
Mary  at  Hill,  London.  She  outlived  her  third  husband,  for,  on  the 
24th  of  April,  1591,  letters  of  administration  to  her  estate,  as  a 
widow,  were  granted  to  her  daughter  Alice,  who  was  then  wife  of 
(blank)  Dumper." 

(Of  course  the  natural  temptation  has  been  yielded  to,1  to  make 

1  By  Antony  Wood  (or  his  informant) — whose  account  of  Stubbes  (not  in  his 
1st  ed.)  is  printed  in  inverted  commas  in  Bliss's  ed.  of  the  Ath.  Oxon.  i.  645,  and  is 
as  follows  : — "  Philip  Stubbs  or  Stubbes,  was  born  of  genteel  parents,  but  where, 
one  of  his  descendants  of  both  his  names  who  is  a  vintner  in  London,  [Philip 
Stubbs,  a  vintner,  living  in  the  parish  of  St.  Andrew  Undershaft  in  London 
(note)]  knows  not,  nor  can  he  positively  affirm  whether  he  received  his  education 
in  either  of  the  universities  or  not.  Be  it  known  therefore,  that  he  was  mostly 
educated  in  Cambridge,  but  having  a  restless  and  hot  head,  left  that  university, 
rambled  thro'  several  parts  of  the  nation,  and  setled  for  a  time  in  Oxon,  parti 
cularly,  as  I  conceive,  in  Glocester-hall,  where  a  brother  or  near  kinsman  called 
Justinian  Stubbs,  Mfaister]  of  A[rts]  and  a  civilian,  studied,  by  which  name  and 
titles  I  find  him  there  in  the  beginning  of  1589.  This  Ph.  Stubbs  was  a  most 
rigid  Calvinist,  a  bitter  enemy  to  popeiy,  and  a  great  corrector  of  the  vices  and 
abuses  of  his  time  ;  and  tho'  not  in  sacred  orders  yet  the  books  he  wrote  related 
to  divinity  and  morality,  as  the  titles  of  them  following  partly  shew."  He  then 
gives  the  titles  of  (b)  the  Two  Judgments,  1581  ;  (c)  View  of  Vanity  1582 ;  (e) 
Rosary  1583  ;  (d)  Anatomy  1583,*  noting  'divers  corrections  in  and  additions  to 
it ;'  (g)  Theatre  of  'the  Pope 's  Monarchy  1584.  oct. ;  (j)  Perfect  Path  to  Felicity  1592; 
(k)  Motive  to  Good  Works  1593;  (?)  "Praise  and  Commendation  of  Women. 
Printed  in  oct.  This  I  have  not  seen,  f  and  therefore  I  cannot  give  you  a  larger 
title."  (i)  "  Christial  glass  for  Christian  Women.  Lond.  1626."  He  then 
speaks  of  Stubbes's  wife,  and  says,  "  Near  of  kin,  if  not  brother,  or  father  to  this 
Philip,  was  Joh.  Stubs  of  Lincolns-inn,  gent,  a  most  rigid  puritan,  author  of 
A  Discovery  of  a  gaping  Gulph  for  England.  Printed  1579,  oct." 

*  "Ded  to  Phil.  E.  of  Arundel  ;  black  letter,  double  pages  125.  Printed  by 
Ric.  Jones.  At  the  back  of  the  last  page  is  a  wooden  cut  of  a  man  in  a  gown, 
round  bonnet,  stooping,  and  holding  a  pair  of  gloves  in  his  left  hand.  Thebook 
penes  Mr.  Lort  of  Trin.  coll.  Cambr.,  who  in  May  1772,  gave  7-r.  6d.  for  it  at 
Mr.  Joseph  Hart's  auction  of  books."  Cole. 

t  Nor  has  any  one  else  that  I  can  hear  of. 

54*    §  5*  John  Stubbe  of  the  Gaping  Gulfe,  1579. 

Philip  Stubbes,  "near  of  kin,  if  not  father  or  brother"  of  the  noble 
Puritan,  John  Stubbe1,  (or  Stubbes,)  who  in  1579  (not  1581)  wrote 
against  the  proposd  marriage  of  Queen  Elizabeth  with  the  Popish 
Duke  of  Anjou,  the  French  King's  brother — "  The  Discoverie  of  a 
Gaping  Gulf  whereunto  England  is  like  to  be  swallowed  by  another 
French  Marriage,  if  the  Lord  forbid  not  the  banes,  by  letting  her 
Majestie  see  the  sin  and  punishment  thereof" ;  and  who  had  his  right 
hand  chopt  off  with  a  butcher's  knife  and  mallet2  for  his  sensible 

1  See  the  interesting  memoir  of  him  in  Cooper's  Ath.  Cant.  ii.  ui-12. 

2  See  Camden's  Annales  englisht,  1625,  Bk.  III.  p.  14-16.     His  account  is  the 
best :  "  Her  Maiestie   likewise   burned  with  ch oiler  that  there  was   a   booke 
published  in   print,   inueighing   sharply   against   the  marriage,  as   fearing   the 
alteration  of  Religion,  which  was  intituled  '  A  gaping  gulfe  to  swallow  vp  England 
by  a  French  marriage?     In  this  Pamphlet  the  Priuy  Councillors  which  fauoured 
the  Match  were  taxed  of  ingratitude  to  their  Prince  and  Countrey  :  the  Queene, 
as  not  vnderstanding  well  her  selfe,  by  the  way  of  flattery  is  tauntingly  touched  : 
the  Duke  d' Anjou  and  his  country  of  France  in  contumelious  tearmes  shamefully 
reviled  :  the  marriage  condemned,  for  the  diuersitie  of  Religions,  by  poisonous 
words  and  passages  of  Scripture,  miserably  wrested,  would  seem  to  proue  that 
the  Daughter  of  God,  being  to  match  with  the  sonne  of  Antichrist,  it  must  needs 
bee  the  ruine  of  the  Church,  and  pernicious  to  the  State  j  neither  would  Queene 
Elizabeth  bee  perswaded  that  the  Author  of  this  booke  had  any  other  pur 
pose,  but  to  bring  her  into  hatred  with  her-  subiects,  and  to  open  a  gap  to  some 
prodigious  innouation.  .  .  . 

"  Since  that,  shee  begunne  to  bee  the  more  displeased  with  Puritans  then  shee 
had  been  before-time,  perswading  her  selfe  that  such  a  thing  had  not  passed 
without  their  priuitie  :  and  within  a  few  dayes  after,  lohn  Stubbes  of  Lincolnes 
Inne,  a  zealous  professor  of  Religion,  the  Author  of  this  Ralatiue  Pamphlet 
(whose  Sister,  Thomas  Cartwright  the  Arch-Puritan  had  married),  William  Page 
the  disperser  of  the  copies,  and  Singleton  the  Printer,  were  apprehended ;  against 
whom  sentence  was  giuen,  that  their  right  hands  should  be  cut  off,  by  a  law  in 
the  time  of  Philip  and  Marie  against  the  Authors  of  Seditious  Writings,  and  those 
that  disperse  them.  Some  lawyers  storming  hereat,  said  the  iudgement  was 
erroneous,  and  fetcht  from  a  false  obseruation  of  the  time  wherein  the  Statute 
was  made,  that  it  was  onely  temporarie,  and  that  (Queene  Marie  dying)  it  dyed 
with  her.  Of  the  which  Lawyers,  one  Dalton,  for  his  clamorous  speeches  was 
committed  to  prison,  and  Monson,  a  ludge  of  the  Common-pleas,  was  sharply 
rebuked,  and  his  place  taken  from  him.  .  .  . 

"Not  long  after,  [Nov.  3,  1579,*  not  1581,  as  Stowe  says,  Annales,  1605,  p. 
1 1 68],  vpona  Stage  set  vp  in  the  Market-place  at  Westminster,  Stubbes  and  Page  had 
their  right  hands  cut  off  by  the  blow  of  a  Butchers  knife,  with  a  Mallet  strucke 
through  their  wrests.  The  Printer  had  his  Pardon.  I  can  remember  that,  standing 

*  See  "  His  Wordes  upon  the  Scaffolde  when  he  lost  his  Haund  on  Tewsdaie, 
3  November,  1579."  In  Nuga  Antique. — Cooper, 

§  6.     Stubbes  s  Works  in  the  Stationers  Registers.  55* 

and  manly  tract.  But  Mr.  Henry  Stubbes  of  Danby,  Ballyshannon, 
has  a  copy  of  the  wills  of  the  righthandless  John  Stubbs  and  his 
father,  John  Stubbe  of  Buxton,  Norfolk,  and  in  neither  of  them 
is  there  any  mention  of  Philip  Stubbes.) 

§  6.  Stubbes 's  Works.  Of  these,  eleven  have  survivd  to  our  day 
in  title,1  and  eight  in  copies.  Of  the  eleven  only  six,  and  of  the 
eight  only  five,  were  enterd  on  the  Stationers'  Registers,  if  I  can 
trust  my  search  through  the  second  volume  of  the  (alas  !)  indexless 
Transcript  of  Mr.  Arber.  They  are  : — 

1582-3.     An.  Eliz.  XXVto.     primo  die  Martij 

Richard  Licenced  vnto  him  vnder  thandes  of  the  Bishop  of 

Jones.  LONDON   and   both   the  wardens.     The  Anatomye  of 

abuses,    by  PHILLIPE  STUBBES yjd 

Transcript,  ii.  421. 

1583.     An.  Eliz.  XXVto.     Tertio  Die  Augusti. 

John  Receaued  of  him  for  his  licence  to  ym print  The  Rosarie 

Charlewood/      Of  Christian  Prayers vj*  / 

Transcript,  ii.  426. 

by  lohn  Stubbes,  so  soone  as  his  right  hand  was  off,  put  off  his  hat  with  his  left, 
and  cryed  aloud,  God  saue  the  Queene.  The  people  round  about  him  stood  mute, 
whether  stricken  with  feare  at  the  first  sight  of  this  strange  kind  of  punishment, 
or  for  commiseration  of  the  man  whom  they  reputed  honest,  or  out  of  a  secret 
inward  repining  they  had  at  this  marriage,  which  they  suspected  would  be 
dangerous  to  Religion."  Sir  Walter  Scott  and  Macaulay  have  word-painted  the 

The  8vo  mentiond  by  Antony  Wood,  The  Praise  and  Commendation  of 
Women,  is  not  reckond  in  the  II,  as  I  doubt  the  author  of  The  Anatomie,  Part  I., 
which  scarified  women  so,  ever  having  written  a  '  Praise '  of  Women  in  general, 
tho  he  did  praise  his  own  dead  wife.  Moreover,  we've  no  record  of  the  Praise 
book  being  seen  by  any  one  ;  and  none  of  the  long  list  of  books  on  Women  in 
Mr.  Hazlitt's  Handbook,  and  Collections  and  Notes  suits  Wood's  title  except  '  to 
y*  Prayse  of  Good  women,''  y*  xiiij  chapeter  of  ye  Proverbis,  licenst  to  John  Aide 
in  1568  {Arber  s  Transcript,  i.  378),  which  is  too  early  for  Stubbes.  *  The  Praise 
and  Dispraise  of  Women  '  in  1579  won't  of  course  do. 

I  don't  think — as  Mr.  Reardon  did,  Old  Sh.  Soc.  Papers,  iii.  15  ;  and  Mr. 
Collier,  Bibl.  Cat.,  ii.  399 — that  Gabriel  Harvey  necessarily  meant  to  include 
Stubbes  in  "  the  common  Pamfletters  of  London  "  (p.  42*,  1.  9  above),  or  we  might 
suppose  that  many  of  Stubbes's  works  have  been  lost.  There  is  no  "other" 
before  Harvey's  "common, "as  there  ought  to  be  if  Mr.  Reardon's  and  Mr. 
Collier's  view  were  right ;  and  against  it,  is  also  Harvey's  after  praise  of  Stubbes 
for  his  filed  lines  (p.  43*  above).  Harvey  meant  to  distinguish  Stubbes  from 
the  "common  Pamfletters,"  not  confuse  him  with  em. 

56*   §  6.  Stubbess  Works  in  the  Stationers  Registers. 





2S  Eliz.  Septimo  Die  Nouembris/ 

Licenced  vnto  him  vnder  the  wardens  handes 
second  parte  of  Thanotomye  of  Abuses 



Transcript,  ii.  428. 

1591.     An.  Eliz.  33°.  xvto  Junij 

Entred  for  his  copie  vnder  the  handes  of  the  Bishop  of 
LONDON  and  the  wardens  /  A  Christall  glasse  for 
Christian  women  /  Conteyninge  an  excellent  discourse  of 
the  godly  life  and  Christian  death  of  mistres  KATHERINE 

SlUBBES2  &C      ...........       VJd/ 

Transcript,  ii.  585. 
1593.     An.  Eliz.  35to.  xiiijto.  die  Octobris/ 

Entred  for  his  Copie  vnder  the  handes  of  the  Bisshopp 
of  LONDON  and    Master  warden  Cawood.    a  booke 
entituled,  A  motiue  to  good,  woorkes  or  rather  to  true 
Christianity  e  &c  ...........     vjd 

Transcript,  ii.  638. 

[Assignment]     1594.     An.  36  Eliz.  vltimo  Maij 

Entred  for  his  copies  by  order  of  Court  Certens  Copies 
whiche  were  John  Charlewoodes  /  Saluo  Jure  Cuius- 
cunque     ..........    xiii8  iiijd  C 

The  Rosary  of  Christian  Praters 

Transcript,  ii.  651. 

a.  But  Stubbes  had  begun  printing  as  early  at  least  as  1581,  when 
(or  earlier)  he  issued  a  broadside,  with  a  woodcut,  "  A  fearefull  and 


1  "9  August!  [1596]. 

Entred  for  his  Copie  in  full  Court  holden  this  Day.  These  flfyve 
Copies  whiche  were  assigned  from  William  wright  to  Thomas 
Scarlet,  and  from  Thomas  Scarlet  to  the  said  Thomas  Crede 

ijs  yjd 

.  .  .  Item  the  second  parte  of  the  Anatomye  of  abuses  called  the 
Display  e  of  Corruptions."  Transcript,  iii.  68. 


Entred  for  his  Copyes  these  thinges  followinge,  viz.  Catheryne 
Stubes,  vjd  (with  The  scale  of  vertue,  vjd ;  Twenty  Orders  of 
Calettes  and  Drabes,  vjd  .  .  .  The  ffyve  and  Twentye  orders  of 
knaues,  vjd  )  Transcript,  iii.  187. 

Edward  White's  estate  in  *  Katherine  Stubes '  was  assignd  to  Master  Pauier 
and  John  Wright  on  Dec.  13,  1620  (Trans,  iv.  44),  and  Pavier's  share  was,  after 
his  death,  assignd  by  his  widow  to  Edward  Brewster  and  Robert  Birde  (Tran 
script,  iv.  164-5). 


..-   §  6.  Stubbes  sjirst  godly  Ballad,  w  1581.        57* 

terrible  Example  of  Gods  iuste  iudgement  executed  vpon  a  lewde 
Fellow,  who  vsually  accustomed  to  sweare  by  Gods  Blood :  which 
may  be  a  Caueat  to  all  the  World  that  they  blaspheme  not  the  name 
of  their  God  by  Swearing.  [Colophon]  Finis.  Philip  Stubbes. 
Imprinted  at  London  for  W.  Wright,  and  are  to  be  Sold  at  his' shop 
in  the  Poultrie."  *  Reprinted  by  Mr.  J.  P.  Collier  in  his  "  Broadside 
Black-letter  Ballads,  printed  in  the  i6th  6-  \lth  Centuries,  chiefly 
in  the  possession  of  J.  Payne  Collier,"  4°,  1868,  p.  42 — 7.  This 
is  a  ballad  of  102  lines  (25  verses,  and  a  tag)  of  7-measure  or  14- 
syllable  couplets,  describd  by  Stubbes  at  p.  135  below,  as  telling 
the  awful  end  of  "a  certaine  yong  man  dwellyng  in  Enlocnilshire, 
in  Ailgna,  (whose  tragicall  discourse  I  my  self  penned  about  two 
yeares  agoe,  referring  you  to  the  said  booke  for  the  further  declara 
tion  thereof)  who  was  alwaies  a  filthie  swearer :  his  common  othe 
was  by  Gods  bloud." 

The  story  being  given  at  p.  135  below,  I  quote  only  a  few  verses 
of  the  ballad  from  its  second  edition  in  the  Lambeth  Library  (sign. 
B.  i.  and  B.  ii.),  to  show  the  doggrel  it  is  written  in : — 

"There  is  a  towne  in  Lincolneshire,  which  Bothbie  hath  to  name, 
Just  three  miles  distant  from  Grantam,  a  towne  of  au^cient  fame. 


Wherein  there  dwels  a  Gentleman,  the  truthe  for  to  decyde,          13 
Who  Frauncis  Pencil  called  is,  this  may  not  be  denyed. 
It  pleased  God  this  Gentleman,  into  his  house  did  hyre 
A  Seruingman  t'atende  him  on,  borne  in  Worstershire.  16 


Which  sayd  youngman  inclyned  was,  vnto  a  thing  not  good, 
As  for  to  sweare  by  Christ  his  flesh,  and  by  his  precious  blood.     18 
*  *  *  *  * 


He  had  no  sooner  spoke  these  wordes,  'which  I  haue  shewed  to  you, 
But  that  a-pace  his  heart  blood  did,  foorth  of  his  boody  flowe ;  46 
For  why,  out  of  his  ringers  endes,  his  blood  did  streame  full  faste ; 
So  did  it  foorth  at  his  toes  endes,  which  made  them  all  agaste.  48 

1  Hazlitt's  Collections  and  Notes,  p.  410,  col.  I,  from  which,  and  Hazlitt's 
Handbook,  most  of  the  after  titles,  &c,,  are  given. 

58*     §  6.   Stubbess  Second  godly  Ballad,  in  1581. 


Thus  died  he,  commmitting  his  soule  to  the  furies  fell,  53 

Which  doo  possesse  th'  infernall  gulfe  and  Laberinth  of  hell. 
Than  was  his  body  straight  interde,  although  (in  trueth)  forlorne, 
For  whome  it  had  beene  better  farre,  if  he  had  not  beene  borne."  56 
(Old)  Shakespeare  Society's  Papers,  iv.  77-9,  1849. 

b.  Stubbes's  second  known  publication  contains  his  first  ballad, 
with  a  second  like  one  in  114  long  lines,  couplets — probably  first 
issued  as  a  broadside  too — and  prose  forewords  and  hindwords,  the 
latter  calld  "  An  admonition  to  the  Christian  Readers,  inferred  vpon 
the  two  straunge  Stratagems  before  passed."  The  whole  forms  a 
4to  pamphlet  of  ten  leaves  (A  &  B  in  fours,  C  in  2),  of  which  there 
is  a  copy  in  the  Lambeth  Library,  and  a  reprint  by  Mr.  James 
Purcell  Reardon  in  the  Papers  of  the  Old  Shakespeare  Society,  iv. 
73-88.  The  title  is  :— 

"  Two  wunderfull  and  /  rare  Examples.  /  Of  the  vndeferred  and 
present  /  approching  iudgement  of  the  Lord  our  God :  the  /  one 
vpon  a  wicked  and  pernitious  blasphe-/mer  of  the  name  of  God, 
and  seruaunt  /  to  one  Maister  Frauncis  Pennell,  /  Gentleman,  dwell 
ing  at  Booth-/bie,  in  Lincolnshire,  three  /  myles  from  Grantham./ 
The  other  vpon  a  woman,  named  /  loane  Bowser,  dwelling  at  Don- 
nington,  in  Leicestershire,  to  whome  the  Deuill  verie  /  straungely 
appeared,  as  in  the  dis-/course  following,  you  may  /  reade.  In  lune 
last.  1581.  /  Written  by  Phillip  Stubbes.  /Imprinted  at  London  for/ 
William  Wright,  and  are  to  be  solde  at  /  his  shoppe  in  the  Poultrie : 
the  middle  /  shoppe  in  the  rowe,  adioyning  to  /  Saint  Mildreds 

The  story  of  the  second  ballad  is  told  in  the  prose  forewords, 
sign.  A,  iij,  (p.  75-6,  Sh.  Soc. ) :  how  in  Donnington,  Leicestershire, 

"dwelled  a  poore  man  named  lohn  Twell,  who  deceased,  owing 
unto  one  Oswald  Bowcer  the  summe  of  fiue  shilling,  which  the 
sayde  Oswalde  did  forgiue  the  sayde  man  before  named,  as  he  lay 
vpon  his  death  bedde ;  but  the  sayde  Oswaldes  wife,  called  loane, 
would  in  no  wise  forgiue  the  sayde  Twell  as  long  (she  sayde)  as  she 
had  day  to  Hue.  Wherevpon,  not  long  after,  the  Deuill  appeared 
vnto  her  in  the  forme  of  the  sayd  Twell,  deceased,  expressing  all 
the  lyneamentes  of  the  body  of  the  dead  man  .  .  .  this  euill  spirit 
vttered  unto  her  these  speeches,  and  sayd  he  had  brought  her  mony 
from  lohn  Twell  deceased,  and  willed  her  incontinent  to  disburse 
the  sayd  money  vnto  her  husband  for  his  paines.  Which  she,  with 

§  6.  Stubbes  on  Donnington,  in  his  znd  Ballad.  59* 

as  couetous  a  desire,  receyued,  saying,  '  God  thanke  you.'  She  had  no 
sooner  named  God,  but  the  money  consumed  away  from  betweene 
her  handes,  as  it  were  a  vapour  or  smoake,  tyll  it  was  all  consumed  : 
wherwith  the  Deuill,  giuing  her  a  most  fearefull  and  sore  stroke, 
vanished  out  of  her  sight. 

"Wherewith  her  whole  body,  became  as  blacke  as  pitche, 
replenished  all  ouer  with  a  most  filthy  scurffe  and  other  thinges, 
which  was  so  odious,  as  heere  my  pen  for  modesties  sake  leaueth 
to  wright  .  .  .  her  body  was  most  straungely  benummed,  and  her 
eyes  closed  vp  from  the  benefite  of  the  light.  Thus  remayning  a 
certaine  space,  she  confessed  the  hardnesse  of  her  heart,  and  with 
great  patience  thanked  God  for  his  iudgementes  bestowed  on  her. 
Wherevppn,  to  be  breefe,  it  ^leased  God,  seeing  her  repentaunce, 
to  reuoke  his  Justice,  and  to  restore  her  vnto  her  former  health, 
where  she  remayned,  praysing  the  name  of  God  for  his  great 
mercies  bestowed  upon  her." 

At  the  end  of  this  ballad,  Stubbes  calls  on  Donnington  to 
repent,  and  talks  of  the  love  he  bears  the  town,  as  if  he  knew  it  well 
and  had  some  connection  with  it.1  And  as  his  objection  to  dancing 
and  piping,  which  he  shows  in  his  Anatomic  y  comes  out  too,  I  quote 
a  few  lines  from  sign.  B.  iiij.  back,  and  C.  i.  :  — 

"Therefore,  thou  Towne  of  Donington,  I  read  thee  to  repent      83 
*  *  *  *  *  * 

God  hath  thee  warned  now  by  this,  and  that  in  freendly  sorte,  87 
To  leaue  thy  whoredome  and  thy  pride,  and  all  thy  filthy  sporte. 

Abandon,  then,  out  of  thy  streates,  all  mirthe  and  minstrelsie  ; 

No  Pipers,  nor  no  Dauncers  vile,  in  thee  let  extant  be  ,  90 

Remember  thou  thy  lately  plague,  of  blayne,  of  Botche,  and  Bile 

Whereby  thy  God  did  scourge  thee  sore,  least  synne  should  thee 



O  Donington,  fall  not  againe  vnto  thy  vomite  old  ; 
In  filthy,  scurrile,  bawdie  talke,  doo  not  thy  selfe  vphold  ;  94 

Ne  yet  with  vaine  and  bloody  othes,  doo  not  thy  selfe  imbrew,  (p.  86) 
For  than  the  Lord  will  throwe  thee  downe  amid  the  Deuils  crew    96 
*  *  *  *  *  * 

1  The  Rev.  John  G.  Bourn,  the  Vicar  of  Castle  Donnington  near  Derby  has 
kindly  searcht  his  Registers  for  1550  —  1600,  and  finds  no  Stubbes  or  Bowcer  entry, 
but  one  of  John  Twell  (who  may  have  been  Stubbes's  man),  marrid  5  May  1567; 
John  Twell  baptizd  18  June  1583  ;  John  Twell  son  of  John  Twell,  baptizd 
1589,  died  (?)  25  March. 

6o*    §  6.  Stubbess  V^iew  of  Vanitie ;  and  Anatomic,  Pt.  i. 

And  now,  O  gentle  Donington,  be  mindefull  yet  of  me  103 

Who  haue  with  paines  contriued  this  same,  for  looue  I  beare  to 



Requite  me  not  with  wrath  againe  :  that  were  disloyaltie, 
But  see  that  thou  accept  hereof,  as  best  beseemeth  thee ; 
And  as  a  pledge  of  my  good  will,  let  this  be  vnto  thee, 
Desiring  God,  that  I  thy  state,  in  health  and  wealth  may  see." 

c.  Of  Stubbes's  third  publication,  no  copy  is  known.     It  was 
"A  View  of  Vanitie,  and  Allarum  to  England  or   Retrait  from 
Sinne,  in  English  Verse  by  Phil.  Stubs.  London,  by  T.  Purfoot. 
1582.  Svo." 

d.  His  fourth  was  the  famous  Anatomic  of  Abuses,  enterd  in  the 
Stationers'  Registers  on  the  ist  of  March,  and  printed  on  the  ist  of 
May,  1583,  125  leaves,  small  Svo,1  here  reprinted.     The  success 
of  the  book  was  so  great  that  a  second  edition  was  "  Printed  at 
London,  by  Richard  lones.  16.  August  1583.  \Cokpkon\  Perused, 
aucthorised,  and  allowed,  accordyng  to  the  order  appoincted  in  the 
Queenes  Maiesties  Iniunctions.     At  London  Printed  by  Richard 
Jones  dwellyng  at  the  Signe  of  the  Rose  and  the  Crowne,  neere 
vnto  Holborne  Bridge.  1583."  small  Svo,  133  leaves,  black  letter. 
( Collation :  1F,  4  leaves :  B — R  in  eights,  R  8  occupied  by  the  colophon 
and  device2).     Copies  are  in  the  Grenville  Library  in  the  British 
Museum  (collated  for  the  present  edition),  in  the  Bodleian  (Malone 
526),  and  at  Bridgewater  House.     In  1584,   a  third  edition3  of 
the  book  was  issued,   "now  newly  reuised  and   recognized,   and 
augmented   the   third   time   by   the   same   Author   [Quotations]. 

1  There  are  3  copies  of  it  in  the  Bodleian, — Crynes  833,  Tanner  120,  8°.  S. 
269.  Art.     Mr.  F.  Ouvry  has  the  copies  of  the  1st  and  2nd  editions  describd  by 
Mr.  Collier  in  his  Bill.  Cat.  ii. 

2  The  woodcut  on  the  last  page  is  that  of  a  man  in  a  round  cap  and  long 
gown,  stooping,  his  arms  both  stretching  to  the  left,  with  a  glove  in  his  left  hand ; 
whereas  the  woodcut  at  the  end  of  the  1st  edition  is  of  a  lady  seated,  and  looking 
over  her  right  shoulder,  with  a  flower  in  her  hand. 

3  Formerly  treated  by  Mr.  Collier,  and  Mr.  Hazlitt  after  him  (and  me  after 
them),  as  2  editions,  the  3rd  and  4th.    Mr.  C.  (Bibl.  Cat.  ii.  393)  states  that  "the 
fourth  edition,  also  dated  1584,  is  without  any  specification  of  the  month.     We 
have  examined  all  anterior  impressions  of  the  book  and  their  dates,  so  that  we  are 
in  a  condition  to  speak  positively  on  the  subject."    But  can  one  trust  him  ? 

§  6.  Stubbes  s  4.1/1  Book,  the  Anatomic,  Part  i.  61* 

and  Printed  at  London,  by  Richard  Tones  12  October,  1584,  8° 
black  letter1";  this  has  A— R  4  in  eights,  says  Mr.  Hazlitt,  the 
colophon  on  R  4  repeating  the  date  of  the  year,  but  not  the 
month.  In  1585  the  fourth  edition  came  out,  and  was  still 
calld  the  third2:  "now  newly  reuised  recognized  and  augmented 
the  third  time  by  the  same  Author.  .  .  1585."  (A  copy  is  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  has  been  collated  for  the  present  edition.) 
Then  came  a  stay  for  ten  years,  when  the  fifth  edition  (calld  the 
fourth)  was  publisht,  "Now,  the  fourth  time,  newly  corrected  and 
inlarged  by  the  same  Author.  .  .  Imprinted  at  London  by  Richard 
lohnes,  at  the  sign  of  the  Rose  and  Crowne,  next  aboue  S. 
Andrewes  Church  in  Holborne.  1595."  4to,  76  leaves.  Of  this 
edition  two  copies  are  in  the  Bodleian  (Malone  527,  and  Tanner 
120)  and  have  been  collated  for  the  present  book.  Mr.  Huth  also 
has  a  copy. 

Tho  Mr.  J.  P.  Collier  has  in  his  reprint  of  the  Anatomic,  A.  1583 
(Introduction),  and  his  Bibliographical  Catalogue,  ii.  402,  tried  to 
kill  Stubbes  in  1593  of  t'ie  plague  then  raging  in  London,  it  is 
absolutely  certain  that  he  revisd  his  Anatomic  for  the  edition  of 
I595>3  and  its  title-page  of  that  year  leaves  no  doubt  that  he  was 
not  dead  when  it  was  issued.  Also,  if  his  Perfect  Pathway  of  1610 
is  not  a  reprint  of  an  earlier  edition,  its  fresh  15  Prayers  were  added 
by  Stubbes  alive  then.  The  changes  made  in  the  Anatomic  after 
its  first  publication  were  mainly4  these  : — 

i.  he  left  out  of  the  2nd  and  all  after  editions,  his  Preface  to  the 
Reader,  in  which  he  had  said  that  he  didn't  want  to  put  down  all 
amusements,  but  only  the  abuses  in  them,  and  had  allowd  that 
some  kind  of  Plays,  dancing  in  private,  and  gaming  that  wasn't 

1  "A  perfect  copy  in  the  original  vellum  wrapper  has  been  recently  dis 
covered,"  Mr.  Hazlitt  tells  me  (Aug.  8,  1879),  and  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  A. 
Wallis,  88,  Friar  Gate,  Derby,  Editor  of  the  Derby  Mercury.      Mr.   Pyne  has 
the  imperfect  copy  mentiond  in  Mr.  Hazlitt's  Collections  and  Notes. 

2  The  late  Mr.  Turnbull  reprinted  this,  with  a  short  Introduction. 

3  See  notes,  p.  iii,  viii,  ix,  50,  52,  53,  &c.,  &c. 

4  In  F  he  left  out  his  Latin  verses,  p.  xiv,   A.  D.  's  commendatory  poem, 
p.  xvii,  and  his  own  verses  on  '  The  Avthor  and  his  Booke,'  p.  xix-xx,  below  ;  in 
B,  &c.,  he  put  in  a  poem  by  "C.  B.  In  commendation  of  the  Auctors  lucubrations," 
p.  xv-xvi,  below. 


62*  §  6.  Changes  in  the  2nd  and  6tk  eds.  of  the  Anatomic. 

gambling,  were  innocent.  He  evidently  wrote,  and  perhaps  printed, 
this  Preface  before  he  wrote  all  his  book,  and  then  saw  that  it  was 
more  or  less  inconsistent  with  the  book  itself,  which  denounst  Plays, 
&c.,  so  fiercely,  and  calld  out  loudly  for  their  abolition. 

2.  he  put  in  the  story  at  p.  7 1 — 3  of  the  Devil  setting  the  Antwerp 
woman's  ruff,  and  wringing  her  neck  for  it;  the  bit  in  p.  79  note, 
about  Looking-glasses  being  the  Devil's  bellows ;  the  2  £  pages,  p. 
87 — 9,  on  the  bad  way  in  which  women  spend  their  days  and  meet 
their  paramours  in  Gardens  in  the  suburbs ;  the  bit  on  p.  99  against 
allowing  whoredom  for  a  fine;  the  stories  in  in — 13  of  the  Devil 
burning  up  the  7  Swabian  drunkards,  and  on  113 — 14  of  the  awful 
end  of  the  2  Dutch  drunkards ;  the  new  chapter,  of  7  pages  in  our 
text,  on  Create  Swearyng  in  AiZgna,  p.  129 — 136,  and  the  instance 
of  the  English  Jew  who  fell  into  a  privy  on  his  Sabbath,  and  died 
there  rather  than  'break  or  violate  the  Lordes  Sabbaoth,'  p.  139. 
Some  fresh  sidenotes  were  added  in  B  1583,  E  1585,  and  F  1595  (or 
the  uncollated  edition  of  1584) :  see  p.  41,  53,  62,  63,  81,  82,  83,  87, 
103,  in — 14,  122,  130 — 6,  &c. ;  and  some  fresh  chapter-headings. 
The  worth  of  the  Anatomie  is  too  well  known  to  need  any  dwelling- 
on  by  me,  and  so  are  the  strength  and  raciness  of  Stubbes's  words — 
the  ruffs  that  go  flip-flap  in  the  wind,  and  lie  on  men's  shoulders 
like  the  dish-clout  of  a  slut  (p.  51),  the  women  who  are  'puppits  or 
maumets  of  rags  and  cloutes  compact  together '  (p.  75),  the  boys  who 
care  for  nothing,  so  that  they  have  '  their  pretie  pussie  to  huggle 
withall'  (p.  97),  the  usurer,  'thou  Dauill,  for  I  dare  not  call  thee  a 
man '  (p.  127),  the  dancers,  '  what  kissing  and  bussing,  what  smouching 
and  slabbering  one  another'  (p.  155),  the  minstrels  who  pipe  up  a 
dance  to  the  devil  (p.  172),  the  football  players,  when  two  charge 
one,  '  to  hit  him  vpon  the  hip,  and  to  pick  him  on  his  neck,  with  a 
hundred  such  murdering  deuiees'  (p.  184),  the  '  vgglesome  monsters 
and  Deuills'  (p.  188),  &c,  &c. 

Another  change  that  Stubbes  made  in  his  1595  edition  (our  F) 
was  of  his  earlier  inkhorn  terms  into  simpler  ones.  Here  are  a  few 
instances  taken  at  random :  — 

A.  tractation 
F.  discourse 


A.  preparaunce 

F.  great  preparation 


§  6.  Changes  ofinkhorn  words  used  in  the  1583  ed.  A.  63* 


A.  momentaine  115 

F.  momentary 

A.  acuate  128  128 

F.  whette 

A.  implicate  129 

F.  entangled 

A.  denegers  of  (the  faithe)    134 
F.  reprobates  concerning 

A,  abdicate  (themselves)        134 
F.  abandon 

A.  evacuate  136 

F.  haue  discended 

A.  God  his  (left  at  189)         142 
F.  Gods 

A.  exordium  145,  154 

F.  original 

A.  procliue  146 

F.  prone 

A.  allections  146,  155 

F.  enticements 

A.  instinction  148 

F.  instinct 

A.  exterior  action  152 

F.  outward  show 

A.  templaries  &  oratories       152 
F.  temples  and  churches 

A.  saturitie  153 

F.  fulnesse 

A.  determinat  153 

F.  prefixed 

A.  circum vailed  153,  162 

F.  compassed  about 

A.  concions  154 

F.  preachings 

A.  introite 
F.  entrance 

A.  instinction  [on-pricking]  157 
F.  instinct 

A.  preter  time  157 

F.  former  ages 

A.  quauemire  or  plash  159,  168 
F.  quagmire  or  puddle 

A.  obtused  161 

F.  dulled 

A.  babish  161 

F.  wanton 

A.  distincted  165 

F.  distinct1 

A.  victimats  and  holocaustes  168 
F.  and  oblations 

A.  Hethenicall  168,  177 

F.  Heathnish 

A.  auditorie  169 

F.  hearers 

A.  fucate  174 

F.  counterfeit 

A.  promulgat  176 

F.  published 

A.  vendicate  .  .  commend 
ations  177 
F.  challenge  .  .  rewards 

A.  adnull  178 

F.  annull 

A.  prostrated  181 

F.  humbled 

A.  preiudicing  182 

F.  annoying 

A.  consummate  183,  191 

F.  ended 

But  he  has  left  amamtent,  147;  alatrate,  149;  conculcate,  183, 

&c.  ;  and  in  one  case  he  has  turned  the  simpler  trinckets  of  A,  82, 

to  supellectiles  in  E  and  F  :  probably  more  of  like  kind  occur.     In 

F,  too,  Stubbes  gave  up  his  absurd  way  in  A  of  spelling  certain 

1  '  Distincted '  is  left  in  F.  1 56. 

64*  §  6.  Stubbes's  Rosarie,  Anatomic  n,  against  Papists. 

proper  names  backwards  :  Ailgna,  for  Anglia,  England  ;  Eprautna 
(71),  for  Antwerp;  Lewedirb  (100),  for  Bridewell;  Munidnol  (59), 
for  Londinum,  London;  Ainatirb  (21),  for  Britannia;  Ratstirb 
(100),  for  Brustar ;  Enlocnihhire  (135),  for  Lincolnshire ;  Notelgnoc 
for  Congleton  (136),  &c.  Erichssehcshire  for  Cheshire  (135)  he 
had  given  up  in  E  (1585)  or  before. 

e.  Stubbes's  fifth  book  was  "The  Rosarie  of  Christian  Praiers 
and  Meditations  for  diuers  Purposes,  and  at  diuers  Times,  as  well 
of  the  day  as  of  the  Night,  by  Phill.  Stubbes.  Lond.  by  lohn 
Charlewood,  1583,  i8mo."  It  was  enterd  in  the  Stationers' 
Register  on  Aug.  3,  1583,  and  assignd  to  James  Roberts  on  May 
31,  1594,  but  no  copy  is  now  known. 

/  Stubbes's  sixth  book  was  the  "  The  /  Second  part  /  of  the 
Anatomic  of  /  Abuses,  conteining  The  display  /  of  Corruptions, 
with  a  perfect  de-/scription  of  such  imperfections,  blemi-/shes,  and 
abuses,  as  now  reigning  in  eue-/rie  degree,  require  reformation  for 
feare  /  of  Gods  vengeance  to  be  powred  vpon/  the  people  and  coun- 
trie,  without  /  speedie  repentance  and  con/uersion  vnto  God  :  made/ 
dialogwise  by  Phil-/lip  Stubbes.  /  Except  your  righteousnes  exceed 
....  London,  Printed  by  Ro[ger]  W[ard]  for  William  Wright,/ 
and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop  ioining  /  to  S.  Mildreds  Church  in  the/ 
Poultrie,  being  the  mid-/dle  shop  in  the  rowe."  [i  583].  A — P  in  eights : 
a  little  8vo  of  5^  inches  high  by  3f6ths  broad,  2  copies  at  Lam 
beth,  i  in  the  Grenville  Library,  Brit.  Mus.,  i  in  the  Bodleian,  &c. 
As  I've  already  given  the  list  of  this  book's  subjects  (p.  36*),  and 
mean  to  print  it  for  the  Society,  I  need  say  no  more  about  it  now. 
It  was  enterd  in  the  Stationers'  Registers  in  Nov.  7,  1583. 

In  the  1583  edition  of  Foxe's  Martyrs  ('  Ecclesiastical  History 
....  Actes  and  Monumentes,'  &c.),  the  following  eight  lines  of 
Stubbes's,  on  the  Papist  Bloodsuckers  or  Leeches,  appeard  at  the 
end  of  the  commendatory  Poems,  sign.  IF  iiij.  They  are  not  in  the 
edition  of  1570,  but  are  repeated  in  that  of  1596  : — 

"In  sanguisugas  Papistas, 

Philippus  Stubbes. 

kVi  sacrum  Christi  satagit  conuellere  verbum, 
Vulnificum  contra  calcitrat  hie  stimulum, 


§  6.  Stubbed s  Popes  Monarchic,  &  Parry's  Treason.  65* 

Florida  quse  nimio  compresse  est  pondere  palma, 
Fortius  exurgit  viribus  aucta  suis. 
Auricomansqwe  crocus  quo  calcatur  magis,  exit 
Hoc  magis,  excrescit,  floret,  eoq#<?  magis. 
Sic  EuoyyeXio*'  quantumuis  turba  papalis 
Conspuat,  exurat,  crescit,  vbique  tamen. 

g.  Of  the  seventh  book:  " The  Theatre  of  the  Popes  Monarchic, 
by  Phil.  Stubbes.  Lond.  for  Henry  Carre.  1584.  8vo,"  no  copy  is 

h.  His  eighth,  a  4to  tract  of  4  leaves,  is  represented  by  copies 
in  the  Lambeth  and  Huth  Libraries,  and  was  reprinted  (with  a  few 
changes)  by  Mr.  Reardon  in  the  Old  Shakespeare  Society's  Papers, 
Hi.  17 — 21  : 

"  The  /  Intended  Trea-/son,  of  Doctor  Parrie :/  and  his  Com 
plices,  A -/gainst  the  Queenes  moste  /  Excellent  Maiestie./  With  a 
Letter  sent  from  the  Pope/  to  the  same  effect./  Imprinted  at 
London  /  for  Henry  Car,  /  and  are  to  be  solde  /  in  Paules  Church 
yard  at  the  Signe  /  of  the  Blazing  Starre.  /  "  (1585.) 

This  little  tract  must  have  been  written  between  Febr.  25,  1585, 
when  Stubbes  says  that  Parry  "was  conuaied  from  the  Tower  of 
London  to  Westminster  Hall,  where  he  was  arraigned  according  to 
the  lawe  in  that  case  prouided,"and  March  2,  when  he  was  hangd.1 
The  object  of  the  tract  was  to  state  Parry's  crime,  to  print  the  Pope's 
letter  to  him — '  written  by  the  Cardinall  of  Como ' — encouraging  him 
to  his  crime,  and  granting  him  plenary  indulgence  and  remission  of 
all  his  sins,  and  to  make  Englishmen  hate  the  Pope  and  papists : — 

"  One  Doctor  Parrie,  Doctor  of  the  Ciuil  Law,  being  (though 
beyond  his  deserts)  very  deer  vnto  her  maiestie,  and  wel  liked  of, 
was  by  her  grace  sent  ouer  Seas  in  very  waightie  affaires,  which  he 
wel  atchiuing,  returned  home,  and  no  doubt  was  bountefully 
rewarded  of  her  grace  for  his  seruice  and  paines  sustained :  within 
a  while  after,  this  Doctor  Parrie,  vnwoorthy  the  name  of  a  doctor 
or  of  a  Christian,  conspired  the  death  of  her  maiestie,  hauing 

1  And,  as  Stowe  says  in  his  Annales  (1605),  p.  1180,  "The  2.  day  of  Marche 
[1584 — 5]  William  Parry  was  drawne  from  the  Tower  through  the  city  of  London 
to  Westminster,  and  there  in  the  palace  court,  hanged,  bowelled,  and  quartered 
for  high  treason,  as  may  appeare  by  a  booke  extant,  intituled  'A  true  and  plaine 
declaration  of  the  horrible  treasons  practised  by  W.  Parry'  &c.  &  I  have  set  downe 
the  same  booke  in  the  continuance  of  Reine  Woolfe's  Chronicle  "  [calld  by  us, 
Holinshed's,  ed.  1587,  vol.  ii.  p.  1382—95]. 

66*  §  6.  Stubbed*  Parry's  Treason,  &  Life  of  his  Wife. 

receiued  his  fees  of  the  Pope  (as  it  should  seem)  for  the  same. 
For  the  accomplishing  of  which  moste  hainous  fact,  he,  with  another, 
determined  to  kill  her  maiestie,  sometimes  with  a  Dag,1  sometimes 
with  a  Poynado  or  dagger,  sometime  with  one  thi//g,  and  sometimes 
with  an  other.  Wei,  this  platforme  being  laid,  and  he  hauing 
promised  the  Pope  to  performe  the  thing,  one  of  his  conspirators, 
through  the  goodnes  of  God,  disclosed  the  same ;  which  doon, 
both  he  and  the  said  archtraitor  Parrie  were  both  apprehended 
and  committed,  and  vpon  the  25  of  Februarie  the  said  Parrie  was 
conuaied  from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Westminster  hall,  where 
he  was  arraigned  according  to  the  lawe  in  that  case  prouided 

sign.  A.  ij.  (p.  1 8) 

"  What  good  subiect,  now,  knowing  the  Pope  and  papists  to  be 
the  instruments  of  all  mischeef,  of  blood  and  of  treason,  wil  not 
abhor  and  detest  the  one  &  ye  other?  (A.  iij.  back,  p.  20).  .  .  . 
take  this  for  a  Maxime,  that  all  papists  are  traitors  in  their  harts,  how 
soeuer  otherwise  they  beare  the  world  in  hand  (p.  20)  ...  blood, 
treason,  rebellion,  insurrections,  commotions,  mutenies,  murther,  and 
the  like,  are  the  badges  and  cognizaunce  of  them,  and  of  that  wicked 
generation ;  and  let  vs  look  for  it,  they  wil  be  pricks  vnto  our  eyes, 
whips  unto  our  backs,  and  kniues  to  cut  our  throts  withall,  if  time 
would  serue  them,  which  I  pray  God  neuer  doo"  (sign.  A.  iiij. — p.  21). 

/.  Stubbes's  ninth  book  was  his  Life  of  his  Wife,  or  Christal 
Glassefor  Christian  Women,  i59i,enterd  on  the  Stationers'  Registers 
on  June  15,  1591.  Mr.  Henry  Pyne  has  been  kind  enough  to  lend 
me  his  unique  copy  of  the  first  edition.2  From  it  the  part  in  which 
Stubbes  describes  his  wife  and  her  relation  to  him,  is  printed  below, 
p.  195 — 208,  the  doctrinal  part  being  left  out.  That  Stubbes  lovd 
his  young  wife,  and  did  his  duty  by  her,  is  clear.  The  picture  of  the 
stern  grave  husband  and  the  sweet  girl-wife  looking  up  to  him,  never 
contrarying  him,  but  gently  persuading,  listening  to  his  exposition 
of  Holy  Writ,  is  surely  one  grateful  to  the  mind,  notwithstanding  its 
dark  background  of  hard  religionism. 

j.  Stubbes's  tenth  book  is  also  in  part  reprinted  below,  p.  209. 

"  A  perfect  Pathway  /  to  Felicitie,/  Conteining  godly  /  Medita 
tions,  and  prai-/ers,  fit  for  all  times,  and  /  necessarie  to  be  prac-/tized 
of  all  good  /  Christians./  Imprinted  at  Lon-/don  by  Richard 
Yardly/  for  Humfrey  Lownes"/  1592.7.  My  copy,  believd  to  be 

1  Pistole:    F.    A    Pistoll ;    a  great   (horsemans)    Dag  .  .  Pistolet ;    m.     A 
Pistolet ;  a  Dag,  or  little  Pistoll— 1611.     Cotgrave. 

2  The  2nd  edition,  1592,  is  in  the  Huth  Collection.     The  tract  was  printed 
as  late  as  1658.     Of  that  edition  I  have  a  copy. 

§  6.  Stubbes '$  Pathway,  and  Motive  to  good  Workes.  67* 

unique,  is  imperfect.  It  is  a  little  squarish  book,  much  cut  down,  of 
3^-in.  high,  by  2\  broad,  every  page  having  a  printed  border.  Colla 
tion  :  IT  in  8,  and  A  to  P  in  8s  ;  no  doubt  the  last  three  leaves,  and 
perhaps  IT  i  too,  were  blank.  The  Contents  of  it  are  printed  below, 
p.  210  and  p.  212,  the  titles  of  the  missing  Prayers  being  given  from 
the  only  other  edition  known  to  me,  that  of  1610,  the  only  known 
copy  of  which  the  late  Mr.  Henry  Huth,  with  his  never-failing 
friendship,  lent  me.  This  1610  edition  has  15  more  Prayers  than 
that  of  1592 — their  titles  are  given  at  the  foot  of  p.  212, — and  I 
suppose  that  Stubbes  livd  till  1610  to  write  them.  The  20  pages 
of  Prayers,  &c.,  reprinted  below,  are  from  the  1610  edition,  as  the 
1592  one  did  not  turn  up  till  after  my  pages  were  cast.  I  chose 
those  Prayers  which  interested  me  most — not  forgetting  that  on  p. 
220-1  below,  which  mentions  'those  fleas  and  gnats'  that  in  bed  did 
bite  the  skin  of  Stubbes,  as  their  fellows  must  have  done  that  of 
Shakspere.  These  Prayers  convinct  me  that  their  writer  was  a  pure- 
minded  earnest  man,  not  only  a  bitter  railer.  Taking  them  with  the 
other  works,  I  cannot  but  feel  a  real  respect  for  Stubbes :  and  all 
who  wish  to  understand  him  should  read  them. 

k.  Of  the  eleventh  and  last  known  work  of  Stubbes,  only  one 
copy  seems  to  have  been  lately  extant,  and  that  belongd  to  Mr.  J. 
P.  Collier,  but  has  (he  says)  been  stolen  from  him.  He  thus 
describes  it  in  his  Bibliographical  Catalogue,  ii.  400-1  : — 

"  A  Motive  to  good  Workes.  Or  rather,  to  true  Christianitie 
indeede.  Wherein  by  the  waie  is  shewed,  how  farre  wee  are  behinde, 
not  onely  our  forefathers  in  good  workes,  but  also  many  other 
creatures  in  the  endes  of  our  creation  :  with  the  difference  betwixt 
the  pretenced  good  workes  of  the  Antichristian  Papist,  and  the  good 
workes  of  the  Christian  Protestant. — By  Phillip  Stubbes,  Gentle 
man. — Matthew.  5.  verse  16.  Let  your  light  so  shine,  &c. — 
London,  Printed  for  Thomas  Man,  dwelling  in  Pater  Noster  rowe, 
at  the  signe  of  the  Talbot.  1593.  8vo.  114  leaves. 

"  In  quoting  the  sacred  text,  which  the  author  chose  as  the  motto 
of  his  book,  it  is  singular  that  he,  or  his  printer,  should  have  left  out 
so  important  a  word  as  '  good  '  before  '  workes/ 

"This  is  the  only  copy  of  the  book  that  we  ever  met  with  : 
Lowndes  originally  mentioned  it,  and  the  short  title  is  given  in  the 
new  edition,  p.  2539  j  but  in  both  it  is  erroneously  dated  1592  :  it 
is  entirely  prose. 

68*  §  6.  Stubbed s  i  ith  book,  A  Motive  to  good  Workes. 

"  Stubbes,  in  his  dedication,  tells  Cuthbert  Buckle,  Lord  Mayor  of 
London  for  the  year,  that  '  he  took  his  gelding  about  the  Annuncia 
tion  of  S.  Mary  last  past1,'  and  made  a  journey,  which  lasted  about 
three  months,  into  various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  partly  for  pleasure, 
and  partly  to  avoid  the  infection  of  the  then  raging  plague.  As  he 
subscribes  it  '  from  my  lodging  by  Cheapside,  8  of  November,  1593' 
we  may  conclude  that  by  that  date  the  virulence  of  the  disorder  had 
considerably  abated.  He  complains  that  he  every  where  found  the 
country  fertile  and  beautiful,  but  the  people  utterly  unworthy  of  it 
— a  deplorable  deficiency  of  good  workes,  and  a  lamentable  decay 
of  hospitals,  almshouses,  churches,  schools,  &c.  His  object  in 
writing  his  book  is  therefore  evident,  and  in  a  brief  address  '  to  the 
courteous  Reader '  he  apologises  for  the  unadorned  plainness  of  his 
style  : — '  I  have  not  desired  to  be  curious,  neither  to  affect  filed 
phrases,  culled  or  picked  sentences,  nor  yet  loftie,  haughtie  or  farre 
fetched  epithetes.' 

"Considering  the  purpose  for  which  the  author  travelled,  we 
might  reasonably  expect  some  minute  and  interesting  details  of 
what  he  saw  in  the  country  nearly  three  centuries  ago ;  but  we  have 
little  beyond  general  invective  and  pious  lamentation  over  the 
prevailing  vices,  until  we  arrive  at  p.  184,  where  remarks  are  made 
upon  the  facility  with  which  a  license  was  obtained  for  a  worthless 
or  immoral  book,  while  permission  to  publish  a  religious  or 
meritorious  work  was  long  delayed.  As  this  is  a  point  which  he 
had  touched  upon  in  his  'Anatomy  of  Abuses  [p.  185,  below]'  we 
transcribe  only  a  few  sentences  :  he  says — 

'  I  cannot  a  lyttle  mervayle  that  our  grave  and  reverend  Bishops,  and  other 
inferiour  magistrates  and  officers,  to  whom  the  oversight  and  charge  of  such 
things  are  committed,  will  either  license  (which  I  trust  they  do  not,  for  I  wyll 
hope  better  of  them)  or  in  anie  sorte  tollerate  such  railing  libels  and  slanderous 
pamphlets  as  have  beene  of  late  published  in  print,  one  man  against  another,  to 
the  great  dishonour  of  God,  corruption  of  good  manners,  breach  of  charitie,  and 
in  a  worde  to  the  just  offence  and  scandall  of  all  good  Christians.  And  truely, 
to  speake  my  conscience  freely,  I  thinke  there  cannot  a  greater  mischiefe  be 
suffered  in  a  common  wealth,  than  for  one  man  to  write  against  another,  and  to 
publish  it  in  print  to  the  viewe  of  the  world.' 

"Tn  this  passage  we  can  scarcely  fail  to  observe  an  allusion  to 
the  very  personal  controversy  about  this  date  so  vigorously  carried 
on,  through  the  medium  of  the  press,  between  Nash  and  Harvey. 
The  Martin-marprelate  feud  was  also  then  at  its  height,  and  Stubbes, 
as  a  zealous  Puritan,  sincerely  sympathised  with  his  pen-persecuted 
brethren.2  He  proceeds : — 

1  25  March,  1593. 

2  And  had  a  direct  personal  feeling  about  it  besides  :  see  Nashe's  attacks  on 
him,  p.  37* — 41*  above.     But  it  is  surely  to  Stubbes's  credit  that  (so  far  as  we 
know)  he  didn't,  like  Gabriel  Harvey,  answer  Nashe's  personal  railing  by  per 
sonal  railing,  as  he  could  easily  have  done,  but  protested  against  the  practice. 
It's  a  height  of  virtue  which  I  have  not  yet  reach t. 

§  6.    Stubbed s  Motive,  1593.     §  7.   His  Character.  69* 

'  I  wis,  the  noble  science  of  printing  was  not  given  us  to  that  end,  being 
iudeede  one  of  the  chiefest  blessings  that  God  hath  given  to  the  sons  of  men  heere 
uppon  earth.  For  is  not  this  the  next *  way  to  broach  rancor,  hatred,  malice, 
emulacion,  envie  and  the  like  amongst  men  ?  Nay,  is  not  this  the  next l  way  to 
make  bloudshed  and  murther,  to  rayse  up  mutenies,  insurrections,  commotions 
and  rebellions  in  a  Christian  commonwealth  ?  and  therefore  I  would  wish  both  the 
bookes  and  the  authors  of  them  to  be  utterly  suppressed  for  ever,  the  one  by  fire, 
and  the  other  by  the  halter  or  gallowes,  if  nothing  else  will  serve.  But  what 
should  I  say?  I  cannot  but  lament  the  corruption  of  our  time,  for  (alas)  now 
adayes  it  is  growen  to  be  a  hard  matter  to  get  a  good  booke  licensed  without 
staying,  peradventure,  a  quarter  of  a  yeare  for  it ;  yea,  sometimes  two  or  three 
yeares  before  he  can  have  it  allowed,  and  in  the  end  happly  rejected  too  ;  so  that 
that  which  many  a  good  man  hath  studyed  sore  for,  and  traveyled  long  in, 
perchance  all  the  dayes  of  his  life,  shall  be  buryed  in  silence,  and  smothered  up 
in  forgetfulness,  and  never  see  the  light ;  whilest  in  the  meane  tyme  other  bookes, 
full  of  all  filthines,  scurrilitie,  baudry,  dissolutenes,  cosonage,  conycatching  and 
the  lyke  (which  all  call  for  vengeance  from  heaven)  are  either  quickely  licensed, 
or  at  least  easily  tollerate,  without  all  denyall  or  contradiction  whatsoever.' 

"At  all  events  Stubbes  had  not  much  reason  to  complain  of 
delay :  he  collected  his  materials  in  the  summer  of  1593,  wrote  his 
book  on  his  return  in  November,  and  published  it,  duly  registered 
[Oct.  14]  and  licensed,  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

"He  is  especially  vehement  on  the  neglected  and  ruinous  state 
of  the  churches  in  the  country  and  does  not  spare  the  Roman 
Catholics  and  Jesuits  for  their  many  attempts  on  the  Queen's  life, 
enumerating  Parry  (about  whom  he  had  himself  written),  Somerville, 
Arden,  Throckmorton  and  Babington  as  among  the  principal 

§  7.  Stubbes' 's  Character.  On  Sunday,  July  17,  1575,  and  the 
Tuesday  after,  the  Coventry  folk,  led  by  the  great  Captain  Cox, 
playd  before  Queen  Elizabeth  at  Kenil worth,  their  Hock-Tuesday 
Play,  of  how  the  English  men  and  women  drove  out  the  Danes, 
A.D.  1012.  They  had  been  wont  to  act  the  play  yearly  in  their  city, 
but  it  had  bean  "of  late  laid  dooun,  theyknu  no  cauz  why,  onless  it 
wear  by  the  zeal  of  certain  theyr  Preacherz :  men  very  commendabl 
for  their  behauiour  and  learning  fy  sweet  in  their  sermons,  but 
sumwhat  too  sour  in  preaching  awey  their  pastime"  3  Now  something 
of  this  kind  may,  I  think,  fairly  be  said  of  Stubbes.  Tho  his 

1  next  is  the  contraction  of  '  nighest,'  as  hext  of  'highest.' 

2  On  p.  402,  Mr.  Collier,  besides  trying  to  take  a  dozen  or  more  years  off 
Stubbes's  life  by  making  him  die  of  the  plague  in  1593,  thinks  "It  is  rather 
singular  that  in  the  [Motive  to  Good  Workes,  1593]   Stubs  says  nothing  of  the 
death  of  his  wife  which  had  occurred  on  the  I4th  December  preceding,"  or  1592. 
But  1590  was  the  year  of  Katherine  Stubbes's  death  :  see  p.  195  below. 

3  Captain  Cox  or  Laneham's   Letter,  p.  27  of  my  edition  for   the  Ballad 
Society.     Who'll  give  us  ^35,  to  issue  it  for  the  New  Shakspere  Society  ? 

70*          §  7-    The  Character  of  Phillip  Stubbes. 

Anatomie  can't  be  calld  a  *  sweet '  book,  yet  his  purpose  in  writing 
it  was  a  righteous  one  : — 

"Wherefore  I  will  assay  to  doe  them  good  (if  I  can)  in 
discouering  their  abuses,  and  laying  open  their  inormities,  that 
they,  seeing  the  greeuousnes  of  their  maladies,  and  daunger  of  theyr 
diseases,  may  in  time  seeke  to  the  true  Phisition  and  expert  Chirurgion 
of  their  soules,  Christ  lesus,  of  whome  onelie  commeth  all  health 
and  grace,  and  so  eternally  be  saued."  p.  26  below. 

And  tho  he  cut  out  in  after  editions,  the  moderate  and  sensible 
Preface  to  the  Reader ^  p.  x — xiii  below,  which  he  wrote  to  his  first 
edition,  yet  there  stands  his  declaration  of  his  meaning  in  the  book, 
that  it  was  the  abuse,  not  the  use,  of  amusements  that  he  con- 
demnd  :  "  take  away  the  abuses,  the  thinges  in  themselues  are  not 
euill ;  being  vsed  as  instruments  to  Godlynes,  not  made  as  spurres 
vnto  vice.  There  is  nothing  so  good  but  it  may  be  abused  \  yet, 
because  of  the  abuses,  I  am  not  so  strict  that  I  wold  have  the  things 
themselues  remooued,  no  more  than  I  wold  meat  and  drinke, 
because  it  is  abused,  vtterlyto  be  taken  away."  p.  xii;  see  too  p.  x. 

And  granting  that  Stubbes  went  beyond  this  limit  in  the  body 
of  his  book,  yet  one  knows  that  the  evils  he  was  denouncing  were 
real  sores  in  the  common  weal,  and  one  sees  how  easily  he, 
believing  that  the  Day  of  Doom  was  close  at  hand  (p.  187),  would 
be  led  to  speak,  maybe  too  sharply,  of  the  ridiculous  petty  vanities 
and  fooleries  that  were  going  on  daily  and  hourly  around  him. 
There  was  something  better  for  English  men  and  women  to  do  in 
Shakspere's  days  than  dress  themselves  like  '  a  dog  in  a  doublet,' 
and  paint  themselves  like  harlots ;  and  if  Stubbes  while  calling  on 

1  I  attach  no  value  whatever  to  Mr.  Collier's  suggestion  that  Stubbes  withdrew 
his  Preface  on  account  of  the  issue  of '  a  public  order  .  .  forbidding  the  profanation 
of  Sunday  by  the  representation  of  plays  and  interludes.'  Why  should  this  make 
him  withdraw  his  moderate  Preface,  and  yet  make  him  maintain  his  fierce  attack 
on  Sunday  plays  in  the  after  part  of  his  book  ?  -And  I  suppose  that  the  following 
paragraph  is  due  to  that  imagination  of  Mr.  Collier's  which  gave  us  his  versions 
of  the  Alleyn  letters  (Audelay  and  Harman,  E.  E.  T.  S.  xxv),  Blackfriars  petitions, 
&c  :  "  We  can  readily  believe  that,  considering  the  offence  it  had  given  at  Court  and 
elsewhere,  he  [Stubbes]  was  glad  also  to  omit  what  he  had  said,  in  the  first  instance, 
on  the  subject  of  indecency  and  extravagance  in  dress."  Bibl.  Cat.  ii.  394.  The 
denouncings  are  made  fiercer,  if  anything,  in  the  2nd  edition  j  the  Preface  is 
withdrawn  only  because  it  weakend  the  attack  in  the  text. 

§  8.    Queen  Elizabeth's  Procession  in   1600.    71* 

them  to  do  this  better  thing,  also  calld  them  idiots,  and  all  the  hard 
names  he  could  lay  his  tongue  to,  let  us  hold  that  he  was  right  in 
his  main  purpose,  if  he  errd  somewhat  in  his  way  of  carrying  it  out. 

And  if  we  read  his  meditations  and  prayers,  and  give  him  credit 
— as  we  surely  may — for  trying  to  do  and  be,  from  dawn  till  sleep 
came  upon  him,  what  he  askt  others  to  pray  to  do  and  be,  in  their 
daily  life,  I  do  not  think  we  shall  deny  to  Philip  Stubbes  a  pure 
spirit,  an  earnest  soul,  a  longing  to  be  one  with  God,  and  fit  himself 
and  the  world  around  him  for  the  habitation  of  the  Holy  One,  in 
whom  he  with  his  whole  heart  believd. 

§.  8  Miscellaneous,  a.  The  illustrations.  As  Stubbes  writes  so 
much  about  the  dress  of  his  period,  I  thought  our  members — the 
foreign  and  colonial  ones  especially  —  would  like  to  have  some 
authentic  reproductions  of  trustworthy  specimens  of  that  dress  : 
hence  our  heliogravure  (by  M.  Dujardin)  of  Virtue's  large  engraving 
of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Herbert  Procession  in  1600,  from  Lord 
Ilchester's  picture,  and  the  other  cuts  from  Planches  late  work  on 
Costume.  For  the  Ballad  cuts  that  follow  the  above,  I  cannot 
claim  equal  authority ;  but  as  they  could  be  had  for  the  price  of  the 
casts  of  them,  they  were  added,  and  Mr  Ebsworth  has  been  so  kind 
as  to  write  an  interesting  Memorandum  on  them. 

The  cause  of  Elizabeth's  Procession  was  her  going  to  the 
marriage  of  Lord  Herbert  and  Miss  Anne  Russell.  A  short  notice 
of  the  event  is  given,  says  Mr.  G.  Scharf  (Arch<zol,  Journal,  xxiii,  231), 
in  the  Sidney  Papers,  ii,  203  :  — 

"  Rowland  White  to  Sir  Robert  Sidney,  June  23,  1600  : — 

"This  day  se'night  her  Majesty  was  at  Blackfriars  to  grace  the 
marriage  of  Lord  Harbert  and  his  wife.  The  bride  met  the  Queen 
at  the  water-side,  where  my  Lord  Cobham  had  prouided  a  lectica,1 
made  like  a  litter,  whereon  she  was  carried  to  my  Lady  Russell's  by 
six  knights.  Her  Majesty  dined  there,  and  at  night  went  through 
Dr.  Puddins  (Sir  Wm.  Paddy's  house)  who  gave  the  Queen  a  fanne 
to  my  Lord  Cobham 's,  where  she  supped  .  .  .  Her  Majesty  upon 
Tuesday  came  backe  againe  to  the  court." 

p.  137  :  "It  may  be  observed,  with  reference  to  the  costume  of  the 
Queen,  that  the  wide-spreading,  radiating  ruff,  open  in  front  so  as  to 
show  the  neck,  appears  to  be  a  peculiarity  of  the  Queens  latest 

1  Littra,  a  horselytter,  Lectica.  1591.    R.  Perciuale.    Spanish  Diet, 

J2*   §  8.    Q.  Elizabeth's  Procession.     Stubbes  Extracts. 

years.  The  open  neck  was  more  particularly  reserved  for  unmarried 
ladies.  It  does  not  appear  either  in  pictures  or  on  coins  of  this 
reign  bearing  dates  earlier  than  I60I.1  Most  of  the  portraits  of  the 
Queen,  on  the  coinage  especially,  exhibit  her  wearing  a  small 
ruff,  carried  completely  round  and  supported  by  a  high  stiff  band  or 
collar  belonging  to  the  dress,  such  as  was  worn  during  the  reign  of 
her  predecessor.  In  this  picture,  however,  a  second  minor  ruff  also 
appears,  passing  immediately  under  the  chin,  and  corresponds 
exactly  with  a  small  frill  in  Lord  Salisbury's  curious  portrait, 
exhibiting  the  robe  embroidered  with  eyes  and  ears.  No.  267  of 
the  Kensington  Portrait  Exhibition." 

•"  All  the  noblemen's  cloaks  are  black  satin,  and  of  the  short 
Spanish  cut.  All  legs  are  remarkably  thin.  The  shoes  are  uniformly 
white,  with  ties  of  the  same  colour  on  the  instep.  All  the  courtiers, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Earl  of  Cumberland,  wear  full-spreading 
lace-ruffs."  Schdrfy  p.  143.  The  bride  is  in  white. 

As  to  the  house  in  the  background,  the  antiquary  whose  loss 
we  all  so  lament,  Mr.  J.  G.  Nichols,  said  (Arch.  Journal,  xxiii,  302) 
that  he 

".  .  .  .  did  not  attribute  much  reality  to  the  landscape  in  the 
background,  except  that  it  may  give  a  general  idea  of  the  detached 
buildings  then  existing  in  the  fields  and  gardens  on  the  Surrey  side 
of  the  river.  He  regarded  the  grand  house  immediately  behind  the 
figures  as  the  mansion  of  Lord  Cobham,  in  which  the  Queen  was 
entertained,  notwithstanding  that  the  procession  is  represented  as 
already  passing  it  by.  This  house,  after  the  attainder  of  Lord 
Cobham  in  1603,  passed  to  Lord  Hunsdon,  and  then  acquired  the 
name  of  Hunsdon  House, — whence  the  confusion  with  the  Queen's 
visit  to  Hunsdon  House  in  Hertfordshire.  .  .  .  Inquiry  being  made 
where  the  house  stood,  Mr.  Nichols  replied  that  he  believed  very 
near  the  site  of  the  famous  Blackfriars  Theatre  (shown  in  the  map 
by  Playhouse  Yard),  in  which  Shakspeare  was  a  partner  :  subsequently 
occupied  by  the  Kings  Printing-office,  and  now  by  that  of  the 
Times  newspaper  in  Printing-house  Square." 

b.  The  Extracts  from  Stubbes's  other  works  are  added  to  enable 
the  reader  to  judge  Stubbes's  character  better  than  the  Anatomic 
alone  allows  them  to  do,  and  for  the  picture  of  his  girl  wife, — a  bride 
at  between  14  and  15,  dead  between  18  and  19, — and  their  marrid 
life.  Her  doctrinal  belief  I  have  left  out. 

The  Extracts  from  Bp.  Babington  are  given,  to  show  how  a  grave 
Churchman  in  high  place  in  Elizabeth's  reign  spoke  of  the  social 

1  But  in  1598,  when  Hentzner  saw  Elizabeth  at  Greenwich,  "  Her  bosom  was 
uncovered,  as  all  the  English  ladies  have  it,  till  they  marry."  Harrison,  I.  Ixxvi. 

§  8.  Naogeorguss  Popular  Superstitions.    This  Boult.  73* 

ills  of  which  Stubbes  complains,  so  that  the  reader  may  judge,  from 
them  and  the  other  extracts  in  the  Notes,  how  little  or  how  much 
Stubbes  exaggerates.  That  I  could  have  three-  or  four-folded  the 
testimony  borne  by  these  extracts,  and  those  in  the  Notes,  every 
student  of  the  literature  of  the  time  knows. 

c.  The  Fourth  Book  of  Kirchmaier's  (or  Naogeorgus's)  Regnum 
Papismi,  as  englisht  by  Barnabe  Googe  in  1570,  is  reprinted  here, 
because  it  deals  with  many  of  the  superstitious  customs  against 
which  Stubbes  writes,  and   also   because  I  believe  many  of  our 
members  must  have  often  desird  with  me,  to  see  the  whole  of  the 
Book  in  which  the  passages  occur  that  have  so  often  informd  and 
interested   them   in   Brand  (Popular   Antiquities,    ed.    Ellis,    ed. 
Hazlitt).     This  fourth  Book  of  Kirchmaier's  easily  lifts  out  of  Tlie 
Popish  Kingdom*,    the  rest  of  which,  tho'  it   abuses  the  Papists, 
isn't  lighted  by  nearly  so  much  of  the  church-  and  folk-lore  that 
make  the  fourth  Book  of  such  worth  to  us  now. 

d.  The  present  Edition  of  the  Anatomie  (Part  I)  is  the  second 
reprint   of  Stubbes's  first  edition  of  May  i,    1583,  Mr.  J.  Payne 
Collier's  reprint  in  1869  (with  a  few  mistakes)  being  the  first.     As 
above  noted,  p.  61,  note  2,  the  late  Mr.  W.  D.  Turnbull  *  re-edited 
in  1836,  Stubbes's  fourth  edition  of  1585,  wrongly  calld  the  third. 
That  the  worth  of  the  book  deservd  more  reprints,  is  clear ;  but  as 
Harrison's  Description  of  England  was  never  reprinted  separately,2 
till  our  Society  did  part  of  it  in  1877-8,  we  cannot  wonder  at  the 
fewness  of  the  Anatomies  reprints. 

Stubbes  having  so  added  to  and  changd  this  first  edition,  I 
thought  it  would  be  more  interesting  to  print  the  text  in  its  first 
state,  and  show  all  the  changes  in  it,  rather  than  to  reprint  the  last 
edition  of  1595,  and  note  the  earlier  states  of  that.  The  only 
difficulty  was,  how  to  deal  with  the  chapter  on  Swearing,  and  the 
other  long  additions  of  the  second  edition  :  I  decided  to  put  them 
in  the  text,  between  brackets,  and  with  notes  saying  that  they  were 
insertions.  Of  no  copy  of  the  edition  of  1584  (then  considerd  two 

1  See  Canon  Simmons's  note  on  him  in  The  Lay  Folks'  Mass  Book,  Early 
English  Text  Society,  1879,  p.  Ixvi. 

2  Sir  Hy.  Ellis  of  course  included  it  in  his  reprint  of  Holinsked. 

74*          Thanks  to  Helpers.     Asking  for  Notes. 

editions,  p.  60*  above,  note  3)  could  I  hear,  and  so  I  couldn't  get 
it  collated.  For  the  copying  and  collations  of  the  text  I  have 
to  thank  our  helpers,  Mr.  George  Parker  and  Miss  Smith;  for  a 
great  part  of  the  Index,  Mr.  Sidney  J.  Herrtage  and  Mr.  H.  K. 
Deighton ;  for  some  aid  in  the  Notes,  Mr.  W.  G.  Stone  ;  for  their 
details  of  Stubbes' s  family,  Col.  Chester  and  Mr.  Henry  Stubbes; 
for  leave  to  have  the  englisht  Naogeorgus  out  of  the  Cambridge 
University  Library,  Mr.  Bradshaw,  our  great  Chaucerian;  for  his 
Memorandum  on  the  wood-cuts,  Mr.  Ebsworth — king,  with  Mr. 
Chappell,  over  Ballad-land ; — for  tidings  of  editions,  Mr.  W.  C. 
Hazlitt ;  and  for  information  about  their  paintings  of  Q.  Elizabeth's 
Procession,  Lord  Ilchester  and  Mr.  Digby. 

For  any  further  tidings  about  Stubbes  or  his  lost  books,  I  shall 
be  greatly  obliged,  for  use  in  my  edition  of  The  Anatomic,  Part  II. 

3  St.  George's  Sq.,  N.  W.,  July  20,  1879. 

p.  52*.  Mr.  Henry  Stubbes  says:  "I  have  had  the  Eltham  Registers 
examined,  and  they  contain  a  great  number  of  Stubbs  entries  of  the  branch  from 
which  I  am  descended,  from  1584  to  1650,  and  among  them  some  Philips,  but 
none  whom  I  can  identify  as  the  Author." 

p.  66*.  Life  of  Wife. — Besides  the  witness  that  its  many  editions  afford  to  the 
wide-spreadness  of  Stubbes's  '  Life  of  his  Wife,'  we  have  other  testimony  in  plays, 
&c.,  as  for  instance,  in  William  Cartwright's  The  Ordinary ',  probably  written  in 
1634,  printed  in  1651,  Vicar  Catchmey  says — 

"  I  shall  live  to  see  thee 
Stand  in  a  playhouse  door  with  thy  long  box, 
Thy  half-crown  library,  and  cry  small  books  : 
'  Buy  a  good  godly  sermon,  gentlemen,' — 
'  A  judgment  shown  upon  a  host  of  drunkards '  ; 
'  A  pill  to  purge  out  popery  '  : 
«  The  life  and  death  of  Katherine  Stubbs,'  " 

in  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  xii.  272.  And,  as  the  note  there  says,  '  Richard  Brome,  in 
his  play  of  The  Antipodes,  act  iii,  sc.  2.  [acted  1638,  printed  1640]  mentions  this 
book  in  the  following  manner  : — 

"  A  booke  of  the  godly  life  and  death 
Of  Mistress  Katherine  Stubs,  which  I  have  turn'd 
Into  sweet  meetre,  for  the  vertuous  youth, 
To  woe  an  ancient  lady  widow  with." 
'Again,  Bishop  Corbet,  in  his  Iter  Boreale,  [?  1647]  says — 

" — And  in  some  barn  have  cited  many  an  author, 
Kate  Stubbs,  Anne  Ascue,  or  the  Ladies  daughter."  ' 




Dress,  p.  75* 

Charms,  Gaming,  and  Cursing,  p.  78* 
Spending  of  Sunday,  p.  78* 
Parents'  Neglect  of  Children,  p.  82* 
And  setting  them  a  bad  Example,  p.  82* 
Children's  Neglect  of  Parents,  p.  82* 
Stage-Plays  and  Players,  p.  83* 
Dancing  :  its  Evils,  p.  83* 
Wanton  Looks  and  Books,  p.  84* 
Liveries  and  Retainers,  p.  86* 

Idleness  in  Youth,  p.  86* 

Idle  Jesting  and  Scoffing,  p.  87* 

Amusements  allowable,  btit  not  Gaming 

for  Money,  p.  88* 

Dicing:  its  evils  (Chaucer  on},  p.  89* 
Oppressing  the  Weak.     Taking  Bribes, 

p.  91* 
Covetousness.  Lawyers.    Unfit  Parsons, 

p.  92* 
Prittle-prattle :  evils  of  it,  p.  93* 

Bp.  Babington  on  Dress. 

p.  ii.  "Apparell  againe  is  another  of  the  raging  desires  of  Apparell. 
many.  Euen  a  worlde  it  is  to  see  howe  all,  as  dead,  doe  tast  no  sinne 
in  it,  but  spend,  and  spare  not,  what  possiblie  may  be  gotten  to  bestowe 
on  it ;  yet  what  bsginning  had  it  ?  Was  it  not  then  inuented,  when  man 
had  sinned,  grieuouslie  offended  his  God,  and  cast  himselfe  away  both 
bodie  and  soule  ?  Seeing  then  in  our  integritie  it  was  not  vsed,  but  after 
sinne,  bestowed  on  man  to  hide  his  shame  withall,  what  may  it  euer 
beate  into  vs,  but  our  rebellion  against  the  Lorde,  our  sinne  and  cursed 
disobedience  ?  Howe  should  the  sight  of  it  and  vse  of  it  humble  vs, 
and  not  puffe  vs  vp,1  seeing  it  plainely  telleth  vs,  we  are  not  as  we  were 

1  Dress,  advantages  of. — "Fastidious  Brisk.  Why,  assure  you,  signior,  rich 
apparel  has  strange  virtues  :  it  makes  him  that  hath  it  without  means,  esteemed 
for  an  excellent  wit :  he  that  enjoys  it  with  means,  puts  the  world  in  remembrance 
of  his  means  :  it  helps  the  deformities  of  nature,  and  gives  lustre  to  her  beauties  ; 
makes  continual  holiday  where  it  shines  ;  sets  the  wits  of  ladies  at  work,  that 
otherwise  would  be  idle  ;  furnisheth  your  two-shilling  ordinary  j  takes  possession 
of  your  stage  at  your  new  play  ;  and  enricheth  your  oars,  as  scorning  to  go  with 
your  scull."  1598-1601.  B.  Jonson.  Every  Man  in  his  Humour,  II.  ii.  Works, 
i.  94.  See  too 

"  Macilente.     I  was  admiring  mine  own  outside  here, 

To  think  what  privilege  and  palm  it  bears 

Here  in  the  court !     Be  a  man  ne'er  so  vile, 

In  wit,  in  judgment,  manners,  or  what  else  ; 

If  he  can  purchase  but  a  silken  cover, 

He  shall  not  only  pass,  but  pass  regarded  : 

Whereas,  let  him  be  poor  and  meanly  clad, 

76*  4ppx.     Bp.  Babington  on  Dress. 

when  no  apparell  was  worne,  and  yet  no  shame  thereby  ?  Were  it  not 
monstrous  pride,  if  a  redeemed  prisoner  conditionally,  that  he  should 
euer  weare  an  halter,  should  waxe  prowde  of  his  halter  ?  Mans  apparell 
is  the  badge  of  a  sinner,  yea  of  a  condemned  and  cursed  sinner,  & 
therefore  the  pride  of  it  and  delight  in  it,  no  doubt  very  monstrous 
before  the  Lorde,  and  hatefull.  If  euery  silken  sute  and  gorgeous  gowne 
in  Englande  shrowded  vnder  it  a  saued  soule,  and  a  sanctified  bodie  in 
the  sight  of  God,  O,  happie  then  England  of  all  the  nations  vnder 
heauew.  But  if  vnder  such  garded  garments,  may,  and  doeth  lodge  a 
body  and  soule  abhorred  of  the  Lorde,  that  in  the  day  of  wrath  shall 
finde  no  fauour  :  then  is  it  not  apparell,  that  ought  to  be  sought  after, 
but  in  the  day  of  Judgement  how  we  may  be  saued." 

p.  308.  "  As  for  filthines,  foolish  talking,  iesting,  and  such  like,  they 
are  thinges  vncomelie  for  a  Christian.  Againe,  vnchast  bookes  and 
wanton  writinges,  who  knoweth  not  howe  they  tickle  to  vncleannes  ?  and 
therfore  both  they  and  the  reading  of  them  forbidden  in  this  lawe. 
Sixtly,  too  much  showe  in  apparel,  painting,  tricking  and  trimming  of 
our  selues  aboue  conueniencie :  it  is  a  daungerous  allurer  of  lust,  and 
therefore  forbidden. 

Que.  I  could  wish  yet  a  litle  larger  speach  of  apparell,  because  I 
see  it  is  one  of  the  wormes  that  wasteth  at  this  day  the  common  wealth, 
that  decaieth  hous-keeping,  that  maketh  strait  the  hande  of  the 
master  to  his  seruant,  and  the  Lord  to  his  tenant,1  and  a  thing,  to 

Though  ne'er  so  richly  parted  *,  you  shall  have 
A  fellow  that  knows  nothing  but  his  beef, 
Or  how  to  rince  his  clammy  guts  in  beer, 
Will  take  him  by  the  shoulders  or  the  throat, 
And  kick  him  down  the  stairs.     Such  is  the  state 
Of  virtue  in  bad  clothes  !  "  ib.  p.  108,  col.  i. 

1  Thomas  Lupton  gives  us  the  grasping  landlord's  remorse  in  hell,  in  —  "  A 
Dreame  of  the  Devil  and  Dives,  most  terrible  and  fearefull  to  the  servaunts  of 
Satan,  but  right  comfortable  and  acceptable  to  the  chyldren  of  God  &c. — 
Imprinted  at  London  by  John  Charlewood  for  Henrie  Car."  (8.  L.  8vo.  60 
leaves,  1584.  A  copy  at  Lambeth.) 

"Then,  said  Dives,  wo  woorth  these  rackte  rentes,  and  unreasonable  fines 
that  shall  purchase  such  a  kingdome  !  I  would  to  God  I  might  chaunge  my  estate 
of  that  kingdome  with  the  most  vilest  and  basest  cottage  on  the  earth.  When  they 
came  hyther,  they  will  crie  out  and  say,  Wo  woorth  the  time  that  ever  we  rackt 
our  tenants,  or  tooke  such  fines  to  impoverishe  them  !  wo  woorth  the  tyme  that 
ever  wee  were  so  greedie  of  money,  and  wo  woorth  the  tyme  that  ever  we 
consumed  the  same  in  gluttonous  and  excessive  fare,  in  proude  and  sumptuous 
apparell,  in  playing  of  Dice,  Gardes,  or  other  games,  and  other  worldly  vanities  ! 
Wo  woorth  the  tyme  that  we  made  our  Sonnes  ritch  by  making  Tenaunts  poore  ! 
But  cursed  be  the  time  that  we  have  made  our  Sonnes  Lordes  and  Gentlemen  on 
the  earth,  with  the  everlasting  damnation  of  our  owne  bodies  and  soules  in  Hell ! 
That  proverbe  may  be  truelie  verifyed  in  us,  which  is  Happie  is  that  childe  whose 
Father  goeth  to  the  Devill.  This  will  be  theyr  song  when  they  come  hither,  but 
then  they  shall  be  without  remedy,  as  I  am."  Collier's  Bibl.  Cat.  i.  498. 

*  Endowd  with  parts  or  talents,  learned,  &c. 

Appx.     Decker,  &c.}  against  absurd  Dress.     77* 

conclude,  that  the  deere  children  of  God  cannot  ouercome  themselues 
in."  ' 

1  Apparel :  (a)  Women  imitating  merfs  dress :  (b)  Men's  absurd  Dress. 
Andrew  Boarders  Cut  of  the  naked  Englishman,  p.  249,  below. 

"  For  as  man  is  Gods  ape,  striuing  to  make  artificiall  flowers,  birdes,  &c.  like 
to  the  natural :  So  for  the  same  reason  are  women,  Mens  Shee  Apes,  for  they  will 
not  bee  behind  them  the  bredth  of  a  Taylors  yard  (which  is  nothing  to  speake  of) 
in  anie  new-fangled  vpstart  fashion.  If  men  get  vp  French  standing  collers, 
women  will  haue  the  French  standing  coller  too  :  if  Dublets  with  little  thick 
skirts,  (so  short  that  none  are  able  to  sit  vpon  them),  womens  foreparts  are  thick 
skirted  too :  by  surfeiting  vpon  which  kinde  of  phantasticall  Apishnesse,  in  a  short 
time  they  fall  into  the  disease  of  pride  :  Pride  is  infectious,  and  breedes  prodi- 
galitie :  Prodigalitie,  after  it  has  runne  a  little,  closes  vp  and  festers,  and  then 
turnes  to  Beggerie.  Wittie  was  that  Painter  therefore,  that  when  hee  had  limned, 
one  of  euery  Nation  in  their  proper  attyres,  and  beeing  at  his  wittes  endes  howe 
to  drawe  an  Englishman,  At  the  last  (to  giue  him  a  quippe  for  his  follie  in 
apparell)  drewe  him  starke  naked,  with  Sheeres  in  his  hand,  and  cloth  on  his 
arme,  because  none  could  cut  out  his  fashions  but  himselfe  (see  p.  249,  below). 

"For  an  English-mans  suite  is  like  a  traitors  bodie  that  hath  beene  hanged, 
drawne,  and  quartered,  and  is  set  vp  in  seuerall  places  :  his  Codpeece  is  in  Den- 
marke,  the  collor  of  his  Duble[t],  and  the  belly  in  France :  the  wing  and  narrowe 
sleeue  in  Italy ;  the  short  waste  hangs  ouer  a  Dutch  Botchers  stall  in  Vtrich : 
his  huge  floppes  [slops]  speakes  Spanish :  Polonia  giues  him  the  Boates  :  the 
blocke  for  his  heade  alters  faster  than  the  Feltmaker  can  fitte  him,  and  thereupon 
we  are  called  in  scorne  Blockheades.  And  thus  we  that  mocke  euerie  Nation,  for 
keeping  one  fashion,  yet  steale  patches  from  euerie  one  of  them,  to  peece  out  our 
pride,  are  now  laughing- stocks  to  them,  because  their  cut  so  scuruily  becomes  vs." 
1606.  T.  Decker.  Seuen  Deadly  Sinnes  of  London  (Arber,  1879),  p.  36—7. 

Women.  Tight  waists.  —  "I  have  scene  some  swallow  gravell,  ashes, 
coales,  dust,  tallow,  candles,  and  for  the  nonce,  labour  and  toyle  themselves  to 
spoile  their  stomacke,  only  to  get  a  pale-bleake  colour.  To  become  slender  in 
wast,  and  to  have  a  straight  spagnolized  body,  what  pinching,  what  girding,  what 
cingling,  will  they  not  indure  ;  Yea  sometimes  with  yron-plates,  with  whale-bones 
and  other  such  trash,  that  their  very  skin,  and  quicke  flesh  is  eaten  in  and 
consumed  to  the  bones :  Whereby  they  sometimes  worke  their  owne  death." 
1603.  J.  Florio.  Montaigne's  Essayes  (ed.  1632),  p.  133.  [in  French,  1580.] 

The  following  sketch  of  a  fop  with  a  toothpick  in  his  mouth  and  a  flower  in 
his  ear  (compare  the  picture  in  the  Natl.  Portrait  Gallery)  is  from— "Laugh 
and  lie  downe :  or  Theworldes  Folly"  (Printed  at  London  for  Jeffrey  Chorlton, 
and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop,  at  the  great  North  dore  of  saint  Paules.)  1605.  4to. 
B.  L. 

"The  next  was  a  nimble  witted  and  glib-toung'd  fellow,  who,  having  in  his 
youth  spent  his  wits  in  the  Arte  of  love,  was  now  become  the  jest  of  wit ;  for  his 
looks  weere  so  demure,  his  words  so  in  print,  his  graces  so  in  order,  and  his 
conceites  so  in  tune,  that  he  was — yea,  iwis,  so  was  he,  and  that  he  was  such  a 
gentleman  for  a  Jester,  that  the  Lady  Folly  could  never  be  better  fitted  for  her 
entertainement  of  all  straungers.  The  picktooth  in  the  mouth,  the  flower  in  the 


78*        Appx.     Bp.  Babington  on  Gaming,  &c. 

Charms,  Gaming,  and  Cursing. 

p.  158-9.  "  For  sorcerie  and  witchcraft,  charming  and  coniuring,  am 
I  able  to  say  I  haue  as  earnestlie  abhorred  them  as  I  ought,  and  euerie 
way  so  absteyned  from  them  as  I  shoulde  ?  Nay  hath  not  rather  ease 
Ckarmin  ^eene  s°ught  in  paine  of  mee  by  these  meanes,  or  at  least 
ntnS'  wished  if  j  coulde  haue  gotten  them  ?  .  .  .  Let  it  be  wel  weied 
of  anie  Cristian  heart  that  feareth  God  indeede,  and  carefullie  seeketh 
_  .  the  credite  of  his  name,  howe  often  vnreuerentlie  in  sporting 
n™s'  and  playing,  in  shooting  &  bowling,  in  dising  &  carding,  we  vse 
Scripture  his  name,  howe  the  phrase  of  scripture  wil  rowle  out  of  our 
phrase.  mouthes  in  iesting  and  light  conferences,  howe  fearefully  we  vse 
Banning,  him  in  cursing  &  banning  our  bretheren,  and  surely  he  shall 
see  no  smal  guilt  touching  this  comma/zdement  in  euerie  one  of  vs." 

Here  is  Babington's  contrast  of  the  way  in  which  the  Papists 
punisht  breaches  of  God's  laws — swearing,  &c. — and  of  their  own  : — 

p.  119.  "Who  so  breaketh  these,  an  Heretike  hee  is,  a  runneaway 
from  the  Church :  cite  him  and  summon  him,  excommunicate  him  and 
imprison  him,  burne  him  and  hang  him,  yea,  away  with  such  a  one,  for 
Reade  the  L.  he  is  not  worthie  to  liue  upon  the  earth.  But  if  he  blas- 
Cexbaminatfon  P^eme  t^ie  name  of  the  Lord  by  horrible  swearing,  if  he 
^tiwfagin-  offende  most  grieuously  in  pride,  in  wrath,  in  gluttonie,  and 
ning  of  it.  couetousnesse,  if  he  be  a  drunken  alestake,  a  ticktack  tauerner, 
keepe  a  whore  or  two  in  his  owne  house,  and  moe  abroade  at  bord  with 
other  men,  with  a  number  such  like  greeuous  offences,  what  doe  they? 
Either  he  is  not  punished  at  all,  &  most  commonly  so,  or  if  he  be,  it  is 
a  little  penance  of  their  owne  inuenting,  by  belly  or  purse,  or  to  say  a 
certaine  of  prayers,  to  visit  such  an  image  in  pilgrimage,  &c." 

Sabbath-breaking :  the  Spending  of  Sunday. 

p.  189-191.  "If  the  sanctification  of  this  day  consist  greatly  in 
labouring  to  knowe  the  Lorde  by  the  preaching  of  his  worde,  howe 
shall  they  safely  passe  the  curse  of  God  for  the  breache  hereof,  who 
with  benummed  soules,  parched,  padded,  senselesse,  and  euery  way  most 
hardened  hearts,  either  lie  and  sleepe  on  the  one  side  idle,  or  tossing  the 
alepot  with  their  neighbours,  suffer  this  day  to  passe  without  any  instruc 
tion,  and  like  dumbe  dogges  hold  their  peace,  no  way  discharging  the 
dutie  of  a  true  minister,  and  one  that  tendereth  the  glory  of  God,  his 
owne,  &  his  peoples  soules  ?  .  .  .  Againe,  if  to  sanctifie  the  Sabaoth,  be 
to  consecrate  it  to  holy  vses,  such  as  haue  beene  named,  is  it  possible 
for  vs  to  escape  the  reuenging  hande  of  the  eternall  God,  if  he,  content 
in  mercie  with  one  day  in  the  7.  we  denie  him  that  also,  and  dedicate  it 

eare,  the  brush  upon  the  beard,  the  kisse  of  the  hand,  the  stoupe  of  the  head,  the 
leere  of  the  eye,  and  what  not  that  was  unneedefull,  but  he  had  so  perfecte  at  his 
fingers  endes,  that  every  she  was  '  my  faire  Ladye,'  and  scarce  a  Knight  but  was 
'  Noble  Sir ' :  the  tobacco  pipe  was  at  hand,  when  Trinidado  was  not  forgotten, 
and  then  a  tale  of  a  roasted  horse  to  make  an  asse  laugh  for  lacke  of  witte  :  why, 
all  thinges  so  well  agreede  togither,  that  at  this  square  table  of  people,  or  table 
of  square  people,  this  man  (made  by  rule)  could  not  be  spared  for  a  great  somme." 
Collier's  Bibl.  Cat.  i.  p.  452-3. 

Bearbaiting  on  Sundays,  attackt  &  defended.   79* 

to  drunkennes,  to  feasting  and  surfeiting,  &c.  Nowe  in  ye  name  of  the 
God  of  heauen,  and  of  lesus  Christ  his  son,  who  shall  come  to  iudge  the 
quick  &  the  dead  at  the  latter  day,  I  require  it  of  al  that  euer  shall  reade 
these  words,  that,  as  they  wil  answere  me  before  the  face  of  God  &  all 
his  Aungels  at  the  sounde  of  the  last  trump,  they  better  wey  \spending 
whether  carding,  dising,  &  tabling,  bowling,  &  cocking,  stage  Sunday.} 
plaies  and  summer  games,  whether  gadding  to  this  ale  or  that,1  to  this 
bearebaiting  2  &  that  bulbaiting,  with  a  number  such,  be  exercises  com 
manded  of  God  for  the  sabaoth  day  or  no.  O  hart  al  frosen  &  void  of 

1  See  Harrison,  Part  I,  p.  32:  he  speaks  of  Ales,  &c.,  as  lessend  in  number. 

2  The  sweet  and  comfortable  recreation  of  Beare-bayting. 

In  Haslewood's  account  "of  the  London  Theatres;  No.  IX,  The  Bear 
Garden,"  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1816,  vol.  86,  Part  I,  p.  205,*  he  says 
that  "The  Author  of  a  tract  in  manuscript  in  the  Museum, f  written  about  this 
period  [1606],  having  censured  the  players  for  the  indirect  attacks  made  by  them 
upon  the  Nobility,  under  borrowed  names  of  foreign  Dukes  and  feigned  persons, 
defends  this  diversion  as  needful  for  the  common  people,  and  that  it  should  be 
exhibited  upon  festivals.  '  I  cannot  (he  says)  see  howe  that  sweet  and  comfortable 
recreation  of  beare-bayting  (beinge,  to  our  rude  and  inferiour  vulgar,  that  which 
Circensis  Venatio  was  among  the  Romans)  maye  welbe  forborne,  seeinge  like  will 
to  like,  as  it  is  in  the  black  proverbe,  and  therfore  conclude  that  our  active 
spirritts  and  fine  pregnant  witts,  with  pleasant  and  ingenious  playes  would  be 
intertayned,  and  the  scumme  of  the  people  (evene  vpon  the  festivall  daies)  to  the 
Bancke-side  drayned  ...  To  retorne,  where  exception  is  taken  to  bear-bay  ting 
on  festivall  daies,  I  saye,  vppon  those,  hell  is  broake  loose,  and  it  is  good  pollicye 
to  drawe  all  the  devylles  (if  it  be  possible)  into  one  place,  to  keepe  them  from  being 
easely  tempted  (for  pares  cum  paribus  facillime  congregantur,  pent  dixissem 
copulantur,  for  one  devill  easely  tempteth  another,)  and  vnlawfull  attemtinge 
ells  where.  Bestiis  indulgendum  est  infima  plebi;  the  poore  slaves  have  bene  helde- 
in  harde  to  labour  att  the  working  daies,  and  would  be  gladd  to  have  a  little 
recreation  on  the  holye  dayes,  which  our  commiserant  Lord  ordayned  in  part  (as 
I  conceive)  for  the  reste  of  them,  and  all  brutes  in  generall,  whome  the  insatiable 
covetousnes  of  man  wold  contynually,  without  intermission,  be  hurrying  in 
traveile  and  laboure,  and  partly  for  solace  and  refection  to  the  droylinge  servant. 
Nowe  becawse  the  rude  multitude  dothe  not  knowe  well  howe  to  vse  libertye  (and 
some  they  muste  and  will  have),  therefore,  that  they  themselves  may  devise  none 
madder,  whereof  mischief  maye  aryse  to  the  weale  publique  of  the  poppular 
cittyes,  let  them  vse  the  sweete  pastime  of  beare-bayteinge,  and  other  suche  publique 
exercises  (thoughe  on  the  festivall  dayes),  a  God's  name,  that  we  may  knowe  what 
they  doe,  and  wheare  to  fynd  them  if  neede  be.  And  [in]  generall,  all  manner  of 
pastimes  are  to  be  permitted  att  customable  tymes  to  a  peaceable  people  for  there 
solace  and  comfort,  as  his  Majestic  in  those  moste  judicious  and  admirable 
preceptes  and  direccions  to  the  Prince  J,  hathe  verye  choisely  noated  and 

*  Mr.  W.  G.  Stone  gives  me  the  reference. 

•f  I  can't  identify  the  MS  by  the  Class  Catalogue,  nor  can  the  keeper  of  the 
MSS.  tell  me  which  it  is.     We've  tried  a  few  likely  ones. 
\  James  fs  Book  of  Sports. 


8o*  Appx.     Bp.  Babington  against  Sabbath- Breaking. 

the  feeling  of  the  mercie  of  thy  God,  that  hauing  euery  day  in  6.  euery 
houre  in  euery  day,  &  euery  minute  in  euery  houre,  so  tasted  of  the  sweet 
grace  of  thy  God  in  Christ,  as  that  without  it  thou  hadst  perished  euery 
minute,  yet  canst  not  tel  howe  possibly  to  passe  ouer  one  day  to  his 
praise,  vnlesse  one  halfe  of  it  be  spent  in  carding  &  bowling.  Awake, 
awake,  in  lesus  Christ  admonished,  awake  !  &  seeing  al  the  weeke  long, 
ye  Lord  of  heauen  doth  defend  &  feede  thee,  comfort  &  blesse  thee,  &  is 
contented  but  in  one  day  especially  to  be  regarded,  vow  with  thy  self  in 
request  of  strength  to  keepe  it,  that  to  the  Lord  y*  one  day  shall  be 
consecrated  of  thee,  &  obserued  according  to  his  will." 

p.  199-205.  "  Haue  we  spent  the  Sabaoth  in  godly  conference  & 
meditation,  powring  out  thanks  from  a  feeling  soule  for  ye  Lords  good- 
nes  euer  to  vs,  &  namely  the  weeke  passed  ?  Haue  we  visited  or 
thought  vpon  the  sick,  sore,  diseased,  imprisoned,  banished,  or  any  way 
suffring  for  a  good  cause,  &  to  our  power  comforted  them?  Haue  we 
studied  how  either  to  procure  or  continue  or  increase  amongst  our  selues, 
or  our  neighbours,  the  rneanes  of  saluatio«,  as  ye  preaching  of  the  word, 
&  such  like  ?  O  beloued,  we  haue  not,  we  haue  not,  we  know  it  &  must 
needs  corifesse  it,  if  there  be  any  trueth  in  vs.  Too  much  haue  we  neg 
lected  all  these  ;  yea,  euen  diverse  of  them,  it  is  greatly  to  bee  feared,  haue 
litle  or  neuer  at  all  troubled  our  heads  :  but  for  their  contraries,  in  most 
ful  measure  we  haue  wallowed  in  them,  and  with  greedinesse  euer  accom 
plished  them.  Where  is  the  minister  whose  negligence  hath  not  made  his 
people  to  pollute  the  Sabaoth  ?  Where  is  the  people  whose  consciences 
awaked  may  not  iustly  condemne  them  for  ungodly  gadding  \ckurckaies, 
on  this  day  to  Churchales,  to  weddings,  to  drinkings,  to  ba«-  stage  plays, ' 
kets,  to  fairs,  &  markets,  to  stage  plaies,  to  bearebay tings,  &  ***»&***»«*•] 
summer  games,1  and  such  like?  Where  is  that  master  that  hath  had  a 

1  Dancing  and  Minstrelsy  on  Sundays. — See  Mr.  Collier's  account,  in  JBibl.  Cat. 
i.  489-492,  of  Thomas  Lo veil's  '  Dialogue  between  Custom  and  Veritie,  concerning 
the  use  and  abuse  of  Dauncing  and  Minstrelsie,  1581,  a  book  written  to  prevent  the 
desecration  of  the  Sabbath  by'  "heathenish  dauncing  and  vain  minstrelsie. " 
Custom  defends  these  practises  ;  Verity  condemns  them,  especially  *  the  horrible 
immorality  of  kissing  at  the  end  of  a  dance,  as  we  know  was  then  usual  (Henry 
VIII,  Act  I,  sc.  4).' 

While  men  with  maides  in  wanton 
daunce  unseemly  oft  doo  turn, 

Their  harts  blinde  Cupid  oft  doth  cause 
with  Venus  games  to  burn  .  .  . 

If  that  his  mate  doo  seem  to  like  the 

game  that  he  would  have, 
He  trips  her  toe,  and  clicks  her  cheek, 

to  show  what  he  doth  crave. 

For  Thomas  Deloney's  advice  in  1607  how  to  woo  and  win  a  wench,  see 
Collier's  BibL  Cat.  i.  215. 

Arthur  Golding,  the  great  englisher  of  classical  books  in  Shakspere's  day, 
also  complains  of  the  Sabbath-breaking  that  went  on.  In  his  little  book  on  the 
earthquake  *  probably  alluded  to  by  Shakspere,  through  the  Nurse's  mouth,  in 
Romeo  and  Juliet,  he  says  : — 

*  "A  discourse  upon  the  Earthquake  that  hapned  through  this  Realme  of 
Englande,  and  other  places  of  Christendom,  the  sixt  of  Aprill.  1580.  betweene 
the  houres  of  five  and  six  in  the  Evening.  Written  by  Arthur  Golding,  Gentle 
man.— At  London,  Imprinted  by  Henry  Binneman,  dwelling  in  Thamis  streate 
nere  Baynerds  castle,"  small  8vo.  B.  L. 

Appx.    Bp.  Babington  against  Cochfighting.     81* 

conscience  to  restraine  his  seruants  from  this  impietie,  or  the  seruant 
againe  that  hath  either  brideled  himselfe  for  ye  Lords  cause,  or  else  wel 
accepted  his  master  or  mistres  restraint  being  made  vnto  him,  and  which 
hath  not  rather  burst  out  into  vngodly  &  disobedient  speeches,  murmur 
ing  that  because  he  hath  wrought  all  the  weeke,  therfore  he  should  haue 
libertie  to  do  what  he  list  on  ye  Sabaoth,  not  considering  that  this  com- 
mandement  bindeth  not  only  ye  master  himselfe  to  honor  God  on  this 
day,  but  to  see  to  his  family  so  much  as  he  can,  that  they  also  do  it.  Nay 
I  would  to  God  y*  masters  in  many  places  were  not  ringleaders  to  their 
owne  &  al  other  mens  people,  to  prophane  this  Sabaoth  of  the  Lord,  and 
that  euen  such  maisters  as  in  respect  of  their  calling,  office  and  credite 
in  the  countrey,  should  farre  otherwise  doe.  When  doeth  a  gentleman 
(to  name  no  higher  estates)  appoint  a  shooting,  a  bowling,  a 
cocking,  or  a  drunken  swearing  ale,  for  the  helpe  as  they  say  L 
of  some  poore  one,  but  vppon  the  Sabaoth  ?  And  if  he  be  at  ye  Church 
in  the  forenoone,  for  the  after  noone  it  is  no  matter,  he  hath  beene  verie 
liberall  to  God  in  giuing  him  so  much.  What  day  in  the  week  vsually 
doeth  he  giue  so  euill  an  example  of  vnmeasurable  sotting  in  bed,  as  on 
the  Sabaoth?  But  O  filthie  sauour  that  ariseth  out  of  this  lothsome 
chanell,  thus  raked  vp  into  the  nostrels  of  the  Lorde  !  I  spare  to  speake, 
I  shame  to  see,  I  rew  to  knowe,  what  I  fully  knowe  against  our  soules  in 
this  respect.  .  .  .  What  should  I  say  of  the  second  end  of  the  institution 
of  the  Sabaoth,  namely  for  the  rest  of  seruant  &  cattell  ?  But  euen  in 
an  word,  woe  to  the  man  whom  God  shall  iudge  according  to  his  guilti- 
nesse  herein.  For  it  is  too  vsual  with  al  estates  to  be  a  meanes  to  robbe 
their  seruauntes  of  the  blessing  due  to  the  keepers  of  this  law,  and  to 
pull  vppon  them  the  plague  for  the  contrarie,  by  making  them  ride  and 
run,  post  and  away,  vpon  euerie  occasion  that  commeth  in  their  heads, 
when  in  truth,  if  they  would  but  euen  look  into  it,  the  matter  may  be  done 
wel  without  such  hast.  .  .  .  Wherein  or  howe  crucifie  we  the  fleshe  more 
on  this  day  than  any  other,  bridle  the  frowarde  desires  of  the  heart, 
restrayne  our  owne  nature,  and  doe  the  will  of  God  more  on  this  day 
than  any  other  ?  Alas,  our  owne  consciences  crie  vnto  us,  we  doe  nothing 
lesse  :  wee  drinke,  wee  eate,  wee  surfet,  wee  sweare,  we  play,  [Sunday 
we  daunce,  we  whore,  we  walke  and  talke  idlely,  vainely,  amusements. .] 
vncleanely  and  vngodlily  :  these  are  our  workes  on  ye  Sabaoth  more 
commonly  than  any  day  in  the  weeke  else ;  and  if  this  bee  to  resemble  a 
spirituall  rest,  then  in  deede  wee  doe  it,  not  otherwise.  ...  A  thousand 
times  &  a  thousand  he  might  with  great  right  haue  destroyed  vs  either 
amongst  our  pottes,  or  in  our  daunces,  or  idle  in  our  beds,  asking  vs  if 
that  were  to  halow  his  Sabaoth,  or  to  honour  his  name  to  swill  [Drinking 
and  to  bibble,  to  leape,  to  walowe  and  tumble  in  bed,  till  it  on  Sundays.] 
bee  noone,  with  such  like." 

"The  Saboth  dayes  and  holy  dayes,  ordayned  for  the  hearing  of  Gods  word 
to  the  reformation  of  our  lyves,  for  the  administration  and  receyving  of  the 
Sacramentes  to  our  comfort,  for  the  seeking  of  all  things  behovefull  for  bodye  or 
soule  at  Gods  hands  by  Prayer,  for  the  mynding  of  his  benefites,  and  to  yeelde 
praise  and  thankes  unto  him  for  the  same,  and,  finally,  for  the  special!  occupying 
of  our  selves  in  all  spirituall  exercizes,  is  spent  full  heathenishly  in  taverning, 
tipling,  gaming,  playing  and  beholding  of  Beare-baytings  and  Stage  playes,  to 
the  utter  dyshonor  of  God,  impeachment  of  all  godlynesse,  and  unnecessarie 
consuming  of  mennes  substances,  which  ought  to  be  better  employed." — Collier's 
Bibl.  Cat.  ii.  315—16. 

82*  Appx.     Bp.  Babington  on  Parents  want  of  Duty. 

Parents  to  blame  for  bringing  up  children  badly. 

p.  221-2.  "  For  too  much  it  is  of  parents  neglected,  &  yet  are  they 
grieued,  if  of  their  children  they  be  not  reuerenced  :  and  howsoeuer 
many  there  bee,  that  in  these  daies  are  carefull  ynough  to  procure  vnto 
their  children  knowledge  of  Artes,  of  Countries,  and  of  any  thing  that  in 
worldely  sort  may  make  them  mightie,  famous,  and  spoken  of :  yet  is 
the  grounde  of  all  verie  fearefully  neglected,  namely,  to  setle  in  them  the 
true  feare  of  the  God  of  Israeli,  deliuered  and  taught  in  his  worde.  Yea, 
it  is  euen  accounted  by  father  and  child  not  so  needefull  or  beseeming 
for  a  gentleman,  to  the  great  exasperating  of  the  Lordes  wrath  against 
them  and  their  seede.  Humilitie  also  and  shamefastnes  are  taken  from 
youth  in  these  daies,  euen  by  their  parents  and  their  teachers ;  and  where 
it  hath  euer  beene  held,  that  blushing  in  measure,  modestie,  and  silence 
haue  been  commendable  tokens  in  young  yeeres,  nowe  is  it  a  shame  to 
be  ashamed  at  any  time,  blushing  is  want  of  countenance  and  bringing 
vp,  silence  is  ignoraunce,  modestie  is  too  much  maidenlinesse ;  and  in 
short,  nowe  vertue  is  vice,  and  vice  very  comely  and  gallant  behauiour. 
So  times  are  changed  to  and  fro,  and  chaunging  times  haue  chaunged 
vs  too.  But  of  this  thus  farre." 

Children's  want  of  Reverence  to  Parents.     Parents'  setting  bad 
Examples  to  their  Children. 

p.  247-251.  "  What  shoulde  I  name,  what  shoulde  I  feare  to  name, 
so  will  it  wring  vs  all,  the  mocking  of  our  Parentes  ?  Where  is  that 
childe  that  hath  carefully  couered  to  his  power,  and  euer  borne  withall  in 
him  selfe,  the  wantes  or  infirmities  whatsoeuer  of  his  Parents  ?  No,  no, 
the  Lord  hath  not  onelie  something  against  vs  in  this  behalfe,  but  euen 
great  and  greeuous  hath  beene  our  fault,  and  still  it  remaineth  in  manie 
of  vs.  Wee  laugh  to  see  our  Parentes  shame,  we  smile  at  their  wants, 
wee  publishe  their  infirmities,  we  disdaine  their  ignoraunce,  wee  loath 
their  age,  and  in  manie  a  thing  to  our  owne  confusion,  if  the  Lorde  giue 
not  an  amending  repentance,  we  bewray  a  robbed  hart  of  that  true  reuer- 
e/zce  which  ought  to  bee  in  children  to  their  parentes.  Alas  if  God  iudge 
vs  for  our  obedience,  where  are  we  ?  what  witles  wil  erecteth  a  kingdome 
in  vs  ?  Howe  cleaue  wee  to  our  selues  in  all  matters,  and  thinke  our 
owne  direction  best  ?  Howe  despise  wee  the  counsell  of  our  friendes, 
and  cast  behinde  vs  their  experience  ?  Euerie  sonne  and  euerie  daughter 
would  rule  their  mariage  wholie  themselues.  And  euen  in  euerie  action, 
alas,  what  disobedience  sheweth  it  selfe  in  vs  vnto  our  parentes.  .  .  . 
Are  we  parents  ?  .  .  .  What  life  haue  wee  ledde  before  our  children  too 
breede  and  continue  these  duties  in  them  ?  Hath  it  beene  holy,  graue, 
and  modest,  and  so  remayneth,  as  neere  as  we  can,  seeking  to  hide  from 
the  eyes  of  their  witlesse  heades,  such  wantes  as  we  knowe  our  selues 
subiect  vnto  ?  No  no,  but  carelesly  and  loosely,  euen  in  euery  place, 
parentes  bewray  neglect  of  religion :  they  will  goe  to  the  Churches  or 
good  exercises  when  they  list,  and  that  verie  rarely;  they  shewe  no 
regarde  of  the  dutie  of  Christians,  they  carie  no  grauitie  in  their  doinges, 
no  modestie  often  in  their  behauiour,  but  Hue  most  dissolutely  and  often 
incontinently;  they  sweare  fearefully  without  regarde,  speake  prophanely, 
not  respecting  the  frailtie  of  the  youth  that  heareth  them ;  father  and 
mother  let  vnkinde  speeches  passe  from  them  one  towardes  an  other  in 
the  presence  of  their  children,  to  the  great  impayring  of  their  credite 

Bp.  Babington  against  Stage-Plays.     83* 

with  them,  carelesse,  God  knowes,  of  their  bringing  vp,  and  too  full  of 
foolish  pitie  when  they  should  correct  them.  .  .  .  The  very  vnnaturall 
and  vnkinde  dealing  of  Parentes  with  their  children  in  their  youth, 
denying  them  releefe,  and  comfortable  helpe,  maketh  them  often  (though 
it  should  not)  when  they  haue  attayned  to  anie  estate,  to  deale  as 
vndutifully  with  their  needie  Parentes  againe." 

Stage-Plays  and  Players.     (See  too  p.  85*.) 

p.  316-318.     "These  prophane  &  wanton  stage  playes  or  interludes: 
what  an  occasion  they  are  of  adulterie  and  vncleanenesse,  by  gesture, 
by   speech,  by   conueyances,    and  deuices   to    attaine  to   so   vngodly 
desires,  the  world  knoweth  with  too  much  hurt  by  long  experience. 
Vanities  they  are   if   we  make  the  best    of  them ;  and 
the  Prophet  prayeth  to  haue  his  eies  turned  away  by  the 
Lorde  from  beholding  such  matter  :  Euill  wordes  corrupt    t.  Cor.  15. 
good  manners,  and  they  haue  abundance.   There  is  in  them    f  Thes 
euer  manie  dangerous  sightes,  and  wee  must  abstaine  from 
al  appearance  of  euill.     They  corrupt  the  eies  with  alluring  gestures : 
the  eyes,  the  heart :  and  the  heart,  the  bodie,  till  al  be  horrible  before 
the  Lord.  Histrionicis  gestibus  inquinantur  omnia  :  (sayth  Chrysostome) 
These  players  behauiour  polluteth  all  thinges.     And  of  their  playes  he 
saith,  they  are  the  feasts  of  Sathan,  the  inuentions  of  the  deuill,  &c 
Councels  haue  decrieed  verie  sharply  against  them,  and  polluted  bodies 
by  these  filthie  occasions  haue  on  their  death  beddes  confessed  the 
daunger  of  them,  lamented  their  owne  foule  and  greeuous  faulles,  and 
left  their  warning  for  euer  with  vs  to  beware  of  them.     But  I  referre 
you  to  them,  that  vpon  good  knowledge  of  the  abominations  of  them, 
haue  written  largely  &  wel  against  them.     If  they  be  dangerous  on  the 
day  time,  more  daimgerous  on  the  night  certainely :  if  on  a  stage,  &  in 
open  courtes,  much  more  in  chambers  and  priuate  houses.     For  there 
are  manie  roumes  beside  that  where  the  play  is,  &  peraduewture  the 
strangenes  of  the  place  &  lacke  of  light  to  guide  them,  causeth  errour  in 
their  way,  more  than  good  Christians  should  in  their  houses  suffer." 

Dancing,  the  Evils  of  it.     (See  too,  p.  85*.) 

p.  318-321.     "  Que.    What  else?  w     . 

"  Ans.    Dancing  againe  is  in  the  number  of  vaine  pastimes, 
and  the  allurements  to  vncleannesse,  as  much  experience  hath  too  wel 
proued.  The  scriptures  checke  it,  the  fathers  mislike  it,  thecou;/cels  haue 
condemned  it,  &  the  proofe  of  Gods  iudgementes  vpon  it  biddeth  vs  be 
ware.  Instrumenta  luxuries  tympana  $y*tripudi&t  sayth  one,  the  inticers  ta 
lust  are  pipinges  and  dancinges.     Laquei  sunt  &  scandala,  non  solum 
saltatoribus,  sed  spectatoribus.     They  are  snares  and  offences  not  onely 
to  the  actors,  but  also  to  ye  beholders.    lob  noteth  it  as  an  olde      , 
practise  of  the  deuil  to  occupy  men  withall,&  as  an  ancient  exer-  *°  ' 
cise  of  the  wicked,  that  they  should  daunce.    Upon  which  wordes  a  godly 
writer  sayeth  :  that  from  the  tabret  and  the  flute,  which  in  Caiu.  semt  80. 
themselues  are  not  vnlawefull,   they  come    to    dauncing,  vponiob. 
which  is  the  chiefest  mischiefe  of  all.     For  there  is  alway  (sayth  he) 
such  vnchast  behauiour  in  dauncing,  that  of  it  selfe,  and  as  they  abuse 
it,  (to  speake  the  trueth  in  the  worde)  it  is  nothing  else,  but  an  intice- 
ment  to  whoredome.    In  the  gospell  the  spirite  of  God  noteth  it 
in  a  wicked  woman  as  an  immodest  thing,  &  of  a  damnable 

84*  Appx.    Bp.  Babington  on  the  Evils  of  Dancing. 

effect  in  her  wicked  father  Herode,  to  dance.  And  such  as  interpret  the 
place  are  not  afraide  of  these  words,  that  it  was  meretricice  lasciuip 
Marior.  ex.  turpis  nota  nubUis  puellcB  saltcitio.  That  is,  that  for  her 
Caiu.  to  dance,  beeing  a  maide  for  yeares  manageable,  was  a  note 

of  whorish  wantonnesse.  For  whosoeuer  (saith  he)  hath  a  care  of 
honest  grauitie,  he  euer  condemneth  dancing,  and  especially  in  a  maide. 
Againe  hee  calleth  it  spectaculum  families  Regies  probrosum.  A  dis 
honorable  sight  in  a  kings  house  :  with  manie  speaches  moe  of  mislike. 
s  Sirac,  a  wise  man,  and  of  great  experience,  biddeth  a  man  not 

4'  to  vse  the  companie  of  a  woman,  that  is  a  singer  and  a  dauncer, 
neither  to  heare  her,  least  hee  bee  taken  with  her  craftinesse.  The 
Ambros.  de.  godlie  Fathers,  as  I  saide,  mislike  it.  For  saltatio  ad 
•virgin,  lib.  3  adulteras,  non  ad  pudicas  pertinet,  saith  one  of  them : 
Dauncing  belongeth  to  adulterous,  and  not  to  honest  women.  A  sharpe 
Ckryst  Math  speeche  :  Yet  was  this  graue  father  not  afraide  to  speake 
kom.  48.  "  it.  Saltatio  barathrum  diaboli,  sayth  an  other  :  dauncing  is 
in  Genes.  the  deuils  hell.  And  we  heare  speeche  of  Jacobs  mariage 
Theophiiact  (saith  he)  in  the  scripture,  but  not  a  worde  of  anie  dauncing 
in  Mar.  6.  that  was  at  it.  Mira  collusio  sayth  another,  saltat  diabolus 
per puellam :  It  is  a  strange  iugling,  when  wee  thinke  the  maide  doth 
daunce,  and  it  is  not  so,  but  the  deuill  in  her,  or  by  her.  The  councels 
haue  condemned  it,  as  others  haue  at  large  shewed.  And  verie  Tullie 
could  say,  an  honest  man  would  not  dance  in  an  open  place  for  a  great 
patrimonie.  For  the  iudgementes  of  God  rpon  this  vaine  pastime,  it  is 
A  strange  which  Pantaleon  noteth  out  of  Crantzius,  that  in  Col- 

*'  I5°5'  becke,  a  towne  in  Germanic,  certaine  light  persons  hopping,  and 
dauncing  in  the  Churchyearde  of  S.  Magnus,  beeing  by  the  minister 
admonished  to  cease,  and  not  ceasing,  did  for  a  long  time  (not  able  to 
stay)  runne  rounde  about,  and  at  last  fell  all  downe  dead.1  But  because 
others  haue  so  largelie  writ  against  this  vanitie,  I  say  no  more  of  it  at 
this  time,  but  wish  vs  to  consider  that  it  is  an  inticement  often  to  adulterie, 
and  therefore  in  this  commaundement  forbidden.  And  as  for  anie 
dauncing  that  wee  reade  of  in  the  scriptures  to  haue  beene  vsed  of  the 
godly,  we  must  vnderstande,  that  their  dancing  was  euer  a  sober  modest 
motion,  with  some  song  vsually  to  Gods  praise,  and  men  by  themselues, 
women  by  themselues.  Which  nothing  will  warrant  our  custome  and 
guise  in  these  daies. 

Qne.     Are  there  yet  anie  moe  allurementes  ? 

Ans.     There  are  yet  many  mo.     But  I  may  not  in  this  sort  stande 

vpon  them.    Gluttonie  &  drunkennesse,  with  houses  of  open 

ze  '  l6'       whoredome,  youre  booke  nameth  and  proofes  for  them.  Idle- 

i.  Cor.  7.  39.  nesse  also  is  an  other  meanes,  the  vowe  of  chastitie,  the 

Deut  22        deniall  of  seconde  marriages,  the  going  of  men  in  womens 

apparell,  and  women  in  mans  apparell,  with  a  number  such." 

Temptations  to  Unchastity :    Wanton  Looks  and  Books,  Dress, 
Plays,  Dancing. 

p.  348-350.  "The  meanes  and  allurementes  either  to  the  actuall 
offence,  or  the  thought  condemned  in  this  commaundement  as  we  haue 

1  Robert  Manning  of  Brunne  cites  this  instance  too,  in  his  Handlyng  Synne, 
A.D.  1303.  See  my  edition,  p.  279-286.  He  makes  the  sacrilegious  Carollers 
or  Dauncers  go  on  hopping  for  ever  after. 

Appx.    Bp.  Babington  against  Stage-Plays,  &c.  85* 

heard  before,  are  many  and  diuerse.  Sometimes  the  eyes  disorderly 
wander,  and  beeing  not  checked  by  a  Christian  conscience  that  feareth 
to  giue  them  libertie  too  long,  they  become  the  occasions  both  of 
thoughtes  and  actes,  wicked  and  damnable.  Sometimes  behauiour 
vnchast  and  unseemely.  Sometimes  speeche  wanton  and  light,  stir  the 
hart  vp  to  conceiue  that  thing,  and  the  wicked  fleshe  to  perfourme  it  fully, 
which  God  and  nature  abhorre  as  filthie.  The  dalying  tattles  of  these 
courting  dayes,  the  lasciuious  songes  made  by  loose  mindes,  and  the 
wanton  greetinges  in  euerie  place  nowe  vsed,  alas  what  thoughtes 
procure  they,  neuer  liked  of  the  Lorde,  that  I  may  say  no  worse  ? 
Bookes  written  by  vnreformed  heartes,  and  continually  redde  to  the 
greefe  of  God,  are  they  no  occasions  to  fraile  flesh,  both  in  thought  and 
deede  to  offende  against  this  law:  God  knoweth,  and  experience 
teacheth  such  soules  as  tast  of  Christ,  that  verie  deadly  poyson  vnder  a 
false  delight,  doth  this  way  creepe  into  vs.  An  vnchast  looke  makes  an 
vnchast  heart,  and  a  rouing  tongue  beyonde  the  listes  of  godlinesse  ere 
euer  we  well  knowe  what  we  doe.  So  subtill  is  the  sinne  that  this  way 
'creepeth  into  our  soules.  Apparell  is  next,  a  most  fearefull  allurement 
to  the  breache  of  this  commaundement  both  in  thought  and  deede,  if  God 
once  in  mercie  would  open  our  eyes.  So  are  these  stage  playes 
and  most  horrible  spectacles,  so  is  our  dauncing,  which  at  **£*"*&*•] 
this  day  is  vsed,  so  is  drunkennesse,  gluttonie  and  idleness?,  with  a 
number  such  like,  as  can  witnesse  eche  one  in  the  world  that  will  weigh 

p.  351-354.     "  Light   behauiour  and  alluring  daliance  is   Behauiour. 
euerie    where    accompted    comelie    bouldnesse,    and    good   speech. 
bringing  vp :  discoursing  speeche  to  a  vaine  ende,  we  count  a  quality 
commendable  in  vs,  and  the  want  of  it  we  esteeme  simplicitie,  whereso- 
euer  we  see  it.     And  therefore  by  bookes  to  such  endes  set  out,  we 
endeuour  to  attaine  vnto  it,  and  hauing  once  polluted  our  speech  (for  I 
will  neuer  call  it  polishing)  we  are  neuer  better  than  when  we  haue 
company  to  bestowe  our  tales  and  greetinges  vppon.     Our  ap-   Apparen 
parell,  in  matter,  to  our  power  we  make  sumptuous,  and  in  forme, 
to  allure  the  eye  asmuch  as  wee  can.     If  this  be  true,  in  the  name  of 
Christ  let  vs  better  thinke  of  it  than  we  haue  done.     These  are  allure- 
mentes  to  sinfull  lust,  and  this  lawe  of  God  forbiddeth  not  onely  both  act 
and  thought,  but  euen  euerie  allurement  to  either  of  them.    What  should 
I  speake  of  stage  plaies  and  dauncing  ?    Can  we  say  in  trueth  before  the 
maiestie  of  God  that  we  carefullie  abstaine  from  these  thinges,  because 
they  tickle  vs  vp  either  more  or  lesse  to  the  breach  of  this  commaunde 
ment  ?  Alas  we  cannot  a  number  of  vs.    But  we  runne  to  the  one 
continually  to  our  cost,  when  we  will  not  be  drawen  to  better       ayes* 
exercises  that  are  offered  freely,  we  sucke  in  the  venom  of  them  with  great 
delight,  and  practise  the  speeches  and  conueyances  of  loue  which  there 
we  see  and  learne.    The  other  wee  vse  with  especiall  pleasure,   Daunct- 
and  God  being  witnesse  to  many  an  one,  they  wish  the  fruite  of 
their  dauncing  to  be  this,  euen  the  fall  of  them  selues  and  others  into 
fhe  breach  of  this  lawe.     What  should  I  say  of  gluttonie  and  idlenesse  ? 
Doe  they  not  make  vs  sinne  ?   Good  Lord,  giue  vs  eyes  to  see,  and  hearts 
to  weigh  the  occasions  of  our  fall.     The  spirite  of  God  hath   Gluttonie  and 
sayde  that  these  pricked  up  the  flesh  of  the  filthy  Sodomites   &*******". 
to  that  height  of  sinne ;  and  yet  we  can  imagine  they  will  cause  no  sinne 
at  all  in  vs  against  this  lawe.     And  therefore  professing  the  gospell  and 
integritie  of  life,  yet  dare  we  so  pamper,  so  stuflfe,  &  cramme  this  rebelling 

86*  Appx.  Bp.  Babington  on  the  Evils  of  Retainers,  &c. 

flesh,  as  if  we  were  gods  that  could  suffer  no  temptation  :  we  dare  gull 
in  wine  and  note  drinkes  continually,  beeing  peraduenture  both  strong 
and  young,  and  euerie  way  needing  rather  pulling  downe,  than  setting 
vp.  We  dare  solace  our  selues  in  soft  beddes  too  long  for  our  consti 
tutions,  and  all  the  day  after  betake  our  selues  to  nothing  whereabout  the 
minde  might  walke,  and  so  escape  impure  conceptes." 

The  giving  of  Liveries  to  Retainers  and  Serving-men,  &c. 

p.  378-9.  «  And  I  wil  yet  adde  one  thing  ouer  vnto  all 
ancuearseof  these,  which  must  needes  be  included  in  this  head  of 
oppression.  oppression,  because  it  is  a  common  and  a  dangerous  cloake 
of  the  same,  to  wit,  lyueries  of  Prince  or  subiectes,  noble  men,  gentle 
men,  or  whosoeuer.  Which  if  they  maintaine  and  beare  out  the  vniust  & 
wrongfull  dealings  of  any  man  with  ye  knowledge  of  the  Lord,  not  only 
the  deede  doer,  but  the  giuer  of  that  cloth  and  cote  whatsoeuer  he  be, 
standeth  giltie  of  that  oppression  before  almighty  God.  The  consider 
ation  whereof  being  so  true  and  sure,  should  iustly  cause  in  al  estats, 
that  deale  their  cloth  to  others,  a  more  vigilant  eye  &  eare  to  see  &  heare 
the  conuersation  of  their  folowers,  &  a  restraining  hand  of  such 
countenance,  credite  or  couer  to  them  (all  worldly  reasons  set  apart) 
when  so  euer  they  shall  vnderstande  the  same  to  be  abused.  For  why 
should  any  earthly  respect  euer  stande  so  great  in  mens  eies,  as  that  for  it 
they  dare  take  vpon  them  the  guilt  of  other  mens  sins,  &  spoyling 
oppression  ?  But  alas  great  is  the  vnfeelingnesse  of  many  mens  harts 
in  this  matter  in  these  dayes.  Either  Pope,  profile,  or  pollicie,  doe  make 
vs  deale  our  cloth  too  liberally,  and  regard  our  mens  behauiour  too 
negligentlie.  But  a  worde  is  ynough." 

p.  428.  "  What  shoulde  I  say  of  that  cloke  and  couer  and  cause  of 
,  .  .  much  oppression,  the  cloth  and  liueries  of  Superiours  ?  Am  I  the 

LtlterieS.         .  i  I-*T/-TI  1  •  IT  1-1 

giuer  or  the  taker  ?  If  I  bee  the  giuer,  haue  I  neuer  boulstred 
my  cognisance  out  to  doe  the  thing  that  God  forbiddeth  ?  Haue  I 
hearkned  about  to  see  and  learne  howe  they  vse  the  credit  that  is  giuen 
them  ?  God  knowes  wee  haue  litle  neede  to  be  charged  with  other 
mens  sinnes,  as  no  doubt  such  a  maister  shall  with  such  a  mans 
offences.  For  we  shall  neuer  be  able  to  beare  in  our  selues  the  burden 
of  our  owne.  Am  I  the  taker  ?  what  then  saith  my  conscience  ?  haue  I 
sought  it  and  sued  for  it  for  affection,  and  true  duetie  in  my  heart  to  him 
that  gaue  it  ?  Doe  I  weare  it,  and  wishe  to  weare  it,  to  haue  my  heart 
knowen  to  him  or  her  the  better,  whom  with  heart  and  hande,  bodie  and 
goods,  power  and  might  till  my  death,  in  right  I  honour  and  serue,  and 
wishe  and  will  doe  euer  ?  Or  rather  a  false  faith  seeketh  a  faire  shewe, 
and  a  powling  hande  of  manie  a  seelie  weake  wretch  seeketh  a  strength 
to  establish  my  wickednesse,  and  a  backer  to  beare  on  my  foule 
oppressions  ?  " 

Neglect  of  honest  Work  in  Youth.     (  The  Grasshopper  and  the  Ant.  ) 

p.  382-385.  "  There  was  a  litle  tittle  tattle,  when  time  was,  they  say, 
betwixt  the  grashopper  and  the  pismire,  and  we  may  laugh  at  it,  &  yet 
looke  better  about  vs  as  admonished  by  it.  The  grashopper  hauing 
passed  the  summer  ouer  merily,  as  her  custome  is,  singing  and  tuning 
the  notes  of  a  thoughtlesse  minde  vnder  euerie  leafe,  at  last  when  winter 
came  on,  beganne  to  shake,  and  to  goe  to  bedde  with  an  emptie  bellie 

Appx.  Bp.  Babington  on  Idleness  in  Youth,  &  Jesting.  87* 

manie  a  night,  to  the  great  weakening  of  her  liuely  limmes,  and  the  quite 
marring  of  all  her  musicke.  To  steale,  shee  refuseth  of  her  honest 
nature ;  and  to  begge,  shee  is  ashamed,  for  feare  to  be  mocked.  Yet  neede 
maketh  the  olde  wife  trotte,  they  say ;  and  modestie  in  this  hungrie 
'creature  must  yeelde  to  necessitie.  To  it  therefore  shee  goeth,  and 
hauing  a  wealthie  neighbour  not  farre  off,  that  had  laboured  sore  all 
summer,  and  layde  vppe  much  good  vitaile,  to  her  she  commeth,  and 
craueth  some  succour  at  her  hande.  Who  by  and  by  demaunded  of  her 
what  shee  did  all  summer  ?  "  Alas  (sayeth  the  grashopper)  I  sung,  and 
litle  remembred  this  change."  "  Did  you  so  (sayth  the  Ant)  in  deede  did 
you  sing  all  summer?  No  we  trust  me,  for  mee,  you  shall  daunce  all 
winter,  for  I  Hue  by  my  labour,  and  I  will  neuer  maintaine  idlenesse 
in  anie."  Thus  receiued  slouth  a  checke,  when  it  looked  for  helpe  ;  and 
wee,  warned  by  it,  may  learne  this  morall,  to  labour  least  we  lacke. 
Optimum  obsonium  senectute  labor,  (sayth  one)  They  are  good  refresh- 
inges  in  our  age,  the  wel-bestowed  trauelles  of  our  youth.  Yeares  passe, 
and  strength  fayles ;  gette  nothing  in  youth,  and  haue  nothing  in  age. 
But  O  carelesse  heartes  of  ours,  and  headie  will,2  who  can  perswade  this, 
or  beate  it  into  the  heades  of  young  men,  and  maydes,  of  seruantes,  and 
such  as  are  comming  on  ?  No,  no,  we  will  hoppe  and  daunce,  tipple 
and  drinke,  banket  and  reuell,  what  connsell  soetier  is  giuen  vs  to  the 
contrarie,  with  that  litle  we  haue,  and  sing  care  away.  And  a  litle  gaie 
apparell  on  the  backe,  is  worth  much  money  in  the  chest.  But  wise  is 
he  whome  other  mens  harmes  can  cause  to  take  heede.  Sicknesse  may 
come,  and  euerie  maister  will  not  keepe  a  sicke  seruant ;  a  mayme  may 
fall  to  vs,  and  wee  then  may  heare  it,  I  haue  no  wages  vnlesse  you 
could  worke,  many  thinges  may  happen,  and  a  mans  owne  is  his  owne, 
and  great  is  gods  blessing  to  faithfull  labour,  as  trulie  his  plagues  are 
not  litle  or  rare  to  idlenesse  and  slouth.  .  .  .  3  Wherefore  it  is  not  ynough 
to  make  vs  guiltlesse  of  this  commaundement  to  say,  we  get  that  we  haue 
by  labour,  but  it  must  be  good  labour  (sayth  Paule)  iust  labour,  and 
lawefull  labour.  The  which  distinction  ouerthroweth  al  maintaynance 
gotten  by  massing,  by  iugling,  by  charming,  by  playing  interludes,  by 
fidling  and  pyping  vppe  and  downe  the  countrey,  by  carying  about  beares 
and  apes,  by  telling  of  fortunes,  and  such  like  trades,  mentioned  in  the 
statute  of  this  lande,  touching  vagabundes.  For  though  they  be  labours, 
and  make  them  sweate  often,  some  of  them,  yet  want  they  warrant  in  the 
worde  to  prooue  them  good,  and  lawefull  labours.  And  therefore  subiect 
to  the  penaltie  of  this  la  we  before  God." 

Idle  Jesting  and  Scoffing. 

P'  396-7.  "  Vnto  this  heade  is  referred  all  vngodlie  counsell,  whatso- 
euer,  and  all  leawde  vanitie,  or  babishe  seruilitie  to  make  men  delight 
more  in  vs,  and  lesse  in  the  feare  of  God.  Is  it  not  lamentable  to  see, 
that  a  popish,  or  an  atheisticall  Spirite  shall  doe  more  hurt  at  a  table,  or 
such  like  place  with  one  peeuish  iest,  and  girding  skoffe  in  the  heartes  of 
the  hearers,  than  twentie  good  men  can  recouer  with  much  good  counsell  ? 
And  yet  what  say  we  ?  O,  hee  is  a  merie  greeke,  a  pleasaunt  companion, 
and  in  faith  a  good  fellowe.4  Hee  cannot  flatter,  his  words  must  be 

1  P-  383-  2  P-  384.  3  P.  385- 

4  '  Good  men*  fighting,  &>c. — "howe  dare  these  sinfull,  brauling,  quarelling, 
disquiet,  hatefull,  and  furious  fighters,  take  vppon  them  to  be  called  good  men. 

88*  Appx.     Bp.  Babingtoa  on  lawful  Amusements. 

borne,  and  soe  foorth.  But  marke  marke  what  effect  this  mirth  hath 
in  us,  and  whereto  it  tendeth.  And  if  it  increase  our  knowledge,  increase 
our  zeale,  and  increase  good  graces  in  vs,  then  like  it,  and  spare  not,  and 
cheerish  such  an  one.  But  if  it  poyson  the  profite  of  the  worde  vnto 
vs,  decay  our  diligence,  and  liking  of  good  exercises,  and  decrease  all 
that  I  haue  named,  then  know  him  for  a  thiefe,  though  his  handes  be 
true,  for  he  stealeth  our  soules  from  the  liuing  God,  &  both  bodie  and 
soule  from  eternall  life." 

Amuseme?its  in  Moderation  are  justifiable.      What  Games  are  allow 
able.     Gaming  for  money  is  not.      The  Evils  of  Gaming. 

P'  399-400.  "  Concerning  then  playing  and  gaming  in  generall,  diuers 
you  shall  finde  both  in  writing  and  speaking  verie  straite,  who  hardlie 
will  bee  perswaded  to  allowe  vnto  Christians  almost  anie  plaie  at  all. 
For,  say  they,  wee  must  giue  accompt  in  the  day  of  iudgement  o  feuerie 
action,  of  euerie  idle  worde,  and  of  euerie  iote  of  time,  howe  wee  haue 
bestowed  it,  and  therefore  we  shoulde  not  play." 

p.  400-408.  "  The  meaning  of  these  our  brethren  no  doubt  is  good, 
and  willingly  would  drawe  vs  to  greater  dutie  to  our  God.  And  these 
reasons  of  theirs  ought  to  haue  this  effect  in  vs,  euen  to  abridge  that 
excesse  which  al  may  see  in  our  playing  and  our  sportes,  and  to  bring 
vs  home  to  a  greater  strictnesse  of  life  in  heeding  what  we  should.  But 
to  cut  vs  off  from  all  recreation  by  any  play  (be  it  without  offence  of 
anie  spoken)  indeede  they  cannot.  For  wee  are  men,  and  no  Angels, 
and  as  men  in  this  worlde  wee  must  walke  our  course,  subiect  to 
dulnesse,  and  wearinesse,  euen  in  good  thinges,  and  wee  must  refreshe 
that  feeble  weakenesse  of  ours  by  lawful  and  allowed  comforts.  Which 
Zach.  85  I  so  tearme,  because  I  am  assured  that  the  worde  of  God 
Exod.  13.  condemneth  not  all  our  play,  and  the  corrupt  constitution 
2  Sam.  18.  Of  our  bodies,  together  with  the  dulnesse  of  our  minds, 

Leutt.  23.  .  i  o          •          •  ^i-    •     ii.  ,      ..         .    . 

The  appoint-  require  some  play.  Sparing  in  truth  is  the  worde  in  giumg, 
ing  of  festival  because  well  knewe  the  Lorde  wee  woulde  not  bee  sparing 
in  taking  libertie  for  to  play.  Yet  is  it  plaine  inough. 
Notwithstanding  fitly  may  it  bee  saide  of  play,  as  he  saide  of  studying 
philosophic,  Philosophandum  paucis :  Wee  must  play  but  litle. 

But  nowe  the  seconde  steppe  is  more  harde  than  this,  namelie  to  knowe 
what  games  wee  maie  vse,  and  at  what  wee  may  play.  Wherein  not 
purposing  anie  set  and  curious  treatise,  I  aunswere  briefely,  that  of  those 
manie  and  differing  kindes  of  sportes,  that  are  deuised  and  vsed  in  euerie 
place,  I  condemne  none,  which  make  for  the  quickening  of  bodie  or 
minde,  which  serue  to  actiuitie,  and  prepare  men  for  better  sendee  an 
other  daye,  vnlesse  they  haue  ioyned  to  them  any  vngodlinesse,  or  are 
by  Lawe  of  that  particular  place  forbidden  :  no,  not  Cardes  or  Tables  in 
all  respectes,  and  to  euerie  person  at  all  times,  and  in  all  places  :  Neuer- 
thelesse  I  am  fullie  assured,  and  doe  willinglie  affirme,  that  they  ought 
not  of  Christians  professing  the  Gospel  to  bee  so  much  vsed  as  they  are. 
.  .  .  Let  vs  therefore  rather  enter  to  consider  an  other  poynt,  which  is 

And    what  witlesse  woodcocks    are  they,    that  cals    them  good  men,  bicause 
Stoute  fighters    they  fight  lustily,  sticke  to  it  stoutely,  and  would  mayme  and  kill 
are  not  good         desptratly  :  neuer  regarding  their  cause  nor  their  quarrel."  1580. 
T.  Lupton.  Sivqilci)  p.  53. 

Appx.  Bp.  Babington  against  Gaming  and  Dicing.  89* 

harder  than  this,  namelie,  whether  wee  shoulde  play  for  monie  or  no. 
And  first  I  reason  thus  :  If  it  bee  lawefull  to  plaie  for  monie,  then  is  it 
lawefull  to  winne  monie  in  this  sort,  and  the  monie  lawefullie  possessed  : 
But  this  seconde  is  false,  therefore  the  former  also.  That  the  seconde  is 
false,  the  ende  and  first  inuention  of  plaie  prooueth,  which,  as  euerie  one 
canne  well  witnesse,  was  neuer  inuented  to  this  ende,  but  onelie  to  refresh 
either  body  or  mind ;  and  corruption  afterward  brought  in  mony,  as  we  see 
dayly  before  our  eyes.  .  .  .  Thirdlie,  I  reason  from  the  multitude  of  miser 
able  creatures,  that  are  the  same  fleshe  that  wee  are,  and  yet  pitifullie  crie 
for  want  of  succour  :  from  the  multitude  of  godlie  and  Christian  vses, 
to  employ  that  which  wee  maie  spare  vppon,  and  euen  from  the  want  of 
manie  necessaries  for  our  selues,  that  it  is  not  lawefull  nor  tollerable  to 
play  for  monie.  For  is  it  not  lamentable,  and  most  fearefull,  that  anie 
Christian  man  shoulde  carie  about  in  his  conscience  daie  and  night  a 
witnesse,  that  this  seuen  yeares  hee  hath  not  giuen  seuen  shillings  to 
the  naked,  needie,  and  comfortlesse  members  of  lesus  Christ,  and  yet  hee 
hath  lost  at  vayne  playe,  in  a  vayne  manner,  twentie  times  as  much  ? 
Can  a  man  bee  so  dull,  as  to  thinke  this  thing  will  neuer  pricke  him,  or 
neuer  haue  a  iust  rewarde  of  punishment  at  Gods  handes  ?  Is  it  not 
lamentable,  that  a  man  can  see  no  Christian  vse  to  giue  of  hys 
abundaunce  to,  but  thinke  all  that  euer  hee  can  get,  litle  inough  to 
consume  in  playe?  Are  wee  exempted  out  of  the  number  of  them  that 
are  bounde  to  workes  of  loue,  and  deedes  of  mercie,  so  that  wee  neede 
to  doe  none  of  these,  and  yet  shall  bee  saued  too  ?  Naie,  is  it  not 
woonderfull,  and  a  thing  that  heauen  and  earth  are  ashamed  of,  and  euen 
all  the  creatures  in  both  of  them  stande  astonished  at>  to  consider,  that  a 
man  shoulde  not  eyther  doe  the  former  dueties,  or  him  selfe  haue 
eyther  anie  good  apparell  to  weare,  anie  bookes  to  benifite  his  soule  by, 
no  not  so  much  as  a  Bible  or  a  prayer  booke,  anie  meate  at  home  for 
his  wife  and  Children,  anie  wages  to  paie  hys  Seruauntes,  or  his  other 
debtes,  or  a  number  moe  such  necessaries,  and  yet  thinke  hys  playing, 
yea  his  costlie  playing,  lawefull,  and  not  to  bee  spoken  agaynst  ?  Is 
it  I  say,  possible,  that  euer  a  Christian  man,  that  thinkes  hee  hath 
Gods  spirite,  shoulde  thus  haue  his  conscience  seared  vp?  Truelie,  for 
myne  owne  part,  I  professe  I  haue  stoode  in  my  hearte  amazed  at  it, 
and  I  beseech  the  Lorde  to  driue  awaie  from  vs  such  grosse  securitie. 
For  else  as  we  Hue,  wee  shall  knowe  wee  haue  deceyued  our  selues,  and 
others  ;  wee  were  neuer  anie  thing  lesse,  than  Christians.  These  dueties 
therefore  due  to  others,  so  manie,  and  great,  and  these  wants  of 
necessaries  for  our  selues,  improoue l  our  playing  for  monie." 

Dicing,  the  Evils  of  it.     Chaucer  and  Sir  T.  Elyot. 

p.  411-417.     "The  Poet  layeth  it  downe  amongest  the  Cankers  that 
consume  men  and  make  them  beggers,  Disc,  Wine,  and  Women.  What 
shoulde  I  say  ?    Take  anie  booke  in  hande  of  an  heathen  man,  and  it  is 
awoonder,  if  youfinde  not  some  thing  against  dysing.    Nowe  come  from 
heathens   to   Christians,   and   see  euen   as   great  misliking.      Austen 
beginneth    and   is    not    afraide    to    say  plainely,  A  learn  pe  c;UJ-t,  Dei. 
inuenit  Dcemon,  The  deuill  first  found  out  the  game  of  M>.  4- 
dising.     Lyra,  detesting  it,  seeketh  to  make  other  men  doe  inpraceptorio. 
as  much  by  diucrse  reasons.     It  coueteth  (sayth  hee)  an  other  mans 

1  Lat.  improbo,  disapprove,  blame,  condemn. 

90*  Appx.  Bp.  Babington,  Chaucer,  &c.,  against  Dicing. 

goods  greatly,  it  is  a  mightie  raeanes  of  deceite,  it  passeth  vsurie,  it 
causeth  lying,  swearing,  brawling,  and  manie  idle  wordes,  it  is  an 
offence  to  the  godly,  it  breaketh  the  lawes,  it  misspendeth  the  time,  and 
what  not  ?  Olde  CHAUCER  so  long  agoe  set  his  sentence  downe  against 
this  exercise,1  and  spares  not  to  display  the  vertues  of  it  in  this  maner  : 

Dising,2  (saith  he)  is  verie  mother  of  leasinges,  [2  Hazard] 

And  of  deceite  and  cursed  forswearings. 
Blasphemie  of  God,  manslaughter,  and  waste  also, 

Of  battaile,  naughtinesse,  and  Other  mo.3  [3  Ofcatel,  and  of  time,  andforthermd\ 

It  is  reproofe  and  contrarie  to  honour, 

For  to  be  hould  a  common  disesour.4  [4  hasardour} 

And  euer  the  higher  he  is  in  estate, 

The  more  he  is  houlden  desolate. 

If  thou  a  Prince  dost  vse5  hazardie  p  if  that  a  Prynce ;  vsetK] 

In  all[e]  gouernance  and  pollicie  600 

He  is,  by  a6  common  opinion  [6asby} 

Houlden  lesse7  in  reputation.  602  [7  Yhoide  ttu  lesse} 

Lordes  might  finde  other  manner  of  8  play,      627      pfynden  other  maner\ 

Honest  inough  to  driue  the  day  away.  628 

But  of  all  other  speeches,  me  thinkes  it  is  a  maruelous  saying  of  Sir 
Thomas  Eliot,  and  ought  verie  greatly  to  moue  vs,  who  affirmeth  that 
if  a  man  heare  one  to  be  a  diser,  and  knoweth  him  not,  by  and  by  he 
iudgeth  him  to  be  a  light  and  vaine  person,  and  of  no  credite  or  accompt. 
.  .  .  Last  of  all,  peruse  the  Statutes  of  this  our  owne  countrie,  and 
I  beseech  you  marke  the  liking  they  haue  showed  of  dising.  In  the 
twelfth  yeare  of  Richarde  the  seconde  all  vnlawefull  games  were  forbidden, 
and  by  name  Dising  generallie.  In  the  21.  yeare  of  Henrie  the  fourth, 
disers  taken  were  imprisoned  sixe  dayes.  And  if  anie  heade  Magistrate, 
as  Maior,  or  Sheriffe,  made  not  diligent  search  for  them,  they  forfeited 
fortie  shillings  :  If  a  Constable  were  negligent,  hee  lost  sixe  shillinges 
and  eight  pence.  In  the  seuenteenth  yere  of  Edward  the  fourth,  they 
that  kept  dicing  houses  were  to  haue  three  yeares  imprisonment  and  20. 
pounds  fine.  Players  at  dice  in  those  houses,  two  yeares  imprisonment 
and  ten  pounds  fine.  In  the  eleuenth  yeare  of  Henrie  the  seuenth, 
Dicers  shoulde  be  openlie  set  in  the  stockes  by  the  space  of  one  whole 
day,  and  the  house  keepers  that  suffered  him  to  play,  forfeit  a  noble,  and 
be  bounde  to  their  good  behauiour.  In  the  33.  yeare  of  Henrie  the 
eight,  Dicing  houses  forfeited  fortie  shillings  euerie  time,  &  disers  vi.  s. 
viii.  d.  and  bound  in  recognisance  neuer  to  play  againe.  And  yet  more 
may  you  see  in  Pultons  abridgement.9  Now  it  is  woonderfull  that  notwith 
standing  all  this,  yet  so  foule  a  thing  shoulde  seeme  so  faire,  and  that  a 
man  should  not  thinke  himselfe  vsed  as  a  gentleman  or  almost  as  a  man, 
vnlesse  hee  may  haue  libertie  in  this  loosenesse,  and  the  large  reine  to  so 
great  an  euill.  And  yet  wee  be  Christians,  and  that  of  the  better  sort 
too,  or  you  doe  vs  wrong.  The  heathen  hated  it,  and  we  hatch  it  vp  in 
euerie  house,  and  yet  we  be  Christians.  The  godly  writ  against  it,  wee 
waite  for  it,  and  yet  we  be  Christians.  The  councels  haue  condemned 
it  in  the  spirite  of  Christ,  and  Christian  lawes  haue  most  sharpely 
punished  it :  wee  day  and  night  vse  it,  and  cannot  be  reaued  of  it,  and 

1  In  the  Pardoners  Tale,  Group  C,  1.  589-628 ;  Six-text,  p.  321-2.     A  few  of 
the  Ellesmere  MS.  readings  are  in  the  margin  above. 
*  Of  the  Statutes. 

Bp.  Babington  on  Oppression  of  the  Weak.  91* 

yet  we  be  Christians.  But  alas,  alas  !  the  day  of  vnderstanding,  or  the 
day  of  damnation  for  our  ignoraunce,  shall  teach  vs  an  other  thing.  We 
sweare,  we  lie,  we  reuile,  and  wee  runne  into  the  fielde  with  murthering 
mindes  (for  such  anger  is  murther)  moued  by  play,  and  yet  we  will  not 
leaue  it.  And  if  I  doe  not  thus  in  shewe,  yet  inwardly  I  frette,  I  chafe, 
I  gnash  with  my  teethe,  and  teare  the  Gardes,  burne  the  Dice,  throw 
away  the  Tables,  and  such  like,  and  yet  I  am  religious.  The  Lorde 
forbiddeth  all  appearaunce  of  euill,  all  occasions  of  sinne,  and  T  ^^ 
yet  wee  are  the  Lordes,  and  doe  neither.  The  Lorde  saith,  *  If 
thy  right  hande  cause  thee  to  offend,  or  thy  right  eye,  cut  it  off,  plucke  it 
out,  and  cast  it  away';  wee  will  bee  the  Lordes,  and  not  restrayne  a  litle 
play,  that,  mine  owne  soule  being  witnesse,  most  greeuouslie  tnaketh  mee 
offende.  Fie,  fie,  what  deadnesse  is  this  ?  Where  is  either  loue  of  God, 
or  feare  in  vs  ?  Loue  makes  vs  burne  with  desire  to  doe  well,  feare 
makes  vs  shake,  to  thinke  of  anie  sinne  :  we  continually  sinne  in  our 
greedie  gaining,  and  yet  we  be  godlie.  But  this  either  makes  vs  see  it, 
or  we  will  neuer  (I  feare)  see  the  mischeefe  of  playing,  and  by  name  of 
Dising.  The  Lorde  for  Christ  his  sake  awake  vs,  and  so  I  end." 

Oppression  of  Servants  and  the  Weak.     Taking  of  Bribes. 

p.  425-428.  "Who  seeth  not,  who  knoweth  not,  that  all  oppression, 
oppression  of  my  brother  in  his  goods  is  contrarie  to  that  loue  that  I  ought 
to  beare  to  him  and  his  goods  ?  And  how  stande  wee  in  this  matter  ? 
Haue  wee  neuer  detained  the  poore  seruauntes  wages,  and  Ofseruantes 
wrecked  our  anger  vppon  him  to  his  harme  further  than  a 
mercifull  heart  shoulde  haue  doone  ?  Haue  wee  not  taken  euen  the  flower 
of  his  youth,  the  strength  of  his  yeares,  and  the  verie  iuice  and  sappe  of 
hys  bodie  to  serue  our  turnes  withall,  and  then  either  turned  him  off  vnre- 
warded,1  or  taken  from  him,  or  diminished  without  cause,  other  than  our 

1  "Nay,  thou  hast  yet  Another  Cruelty  gnawing  in  thy  hosome  ;    Against  want 
for  what  hope  is  there  that  thou  shouldst  haue  pitty  ouer  others,    ofprouision 
when  thou  art  vnmercifull  to  thy  self!  Looke  ouer  thy  walls  into  thy    dye  i^tke 
Orchards  and  Gardens,  and  thou  shalt  see  thy  seruants  and  appren-  fields' 
tises  sent  out  cunningly  by  their  Masters  at  noone  day  vpon  deadly  errands ;  when 
they  perceiue  that  the  Armed  Man  hath  struck  them,  yea,  euen  when  they  see 
they  haue  tokens  deliuered  them  from  heauen  to  hasten  thither,  then  send  they 
them  forth  to  walke  vpon  their  graues,  and  to  gather  the  flowers  themselues  that 
shall  stick  their  own  Herse.     And  this  thy  Inhabitants  do,  because  they  are  loth 
and  ashamed  to  haue  a  writing  ouer  their  dores,  to  tell  that  God  hath  bin  there ; 
they  had  rather  all  their  enemies  in  the  world  put  them  to  trouble,  then  that  he 
should  visit  them. 

"  Looke  againe  ouer  the  walls  into  thy  Fields,  and  thou  shalt  heare  poore  and 
forsaken  wretches  lye  groaning  in  ditches,  and  trauailing  to  seeke  out  Death  vpon 
thy  common  hye  wayes.  Hauing  found  him,  he  there  throwes  downe  their 
infected  carcases,  towards  which,  all  that  passe  by,  looke,  but  (till  common 
shame,  and  common  necessity  compell, )  none  step  in  to  giue  them  buriall.  Thou 
setst  vp  posts  to  whip  them  when  they  are  aliue  :  Set  vp  an  Hospitall  to  comfort 
them  being  sick,  or  purchase  ground  for  them  to  dwell  in  when  they  be  well,  and 
that  is,  when  they  be  dead."  1606.  T.  Decker.  Seuen  Deadly  Sinnes  of  London 
(Arber,  1879),  p.  48. 

92*  Appx.   Bp.  Babington  on  Bribery  and  Covet ousness. 

owne  couetousnesse,  the  reward  that  our  auncestour  gaue  to  his  seruice 
before  ?  If  wee  haue  doone  it,  alas  it  is  a  great  oppression,  a  great 
wrong,  and  it  standeth  not  with  that  loue  that  I  am  charged  withall 
Widow  and  towardes  him  in  this  commaundement.  .  .  .  Haue  wee 
jatherlesse.  not  hurt  the  desolate  Widowe,  the  fatherlesse  childe,  or 
anie  whose  might  was  lesse  than  ours  to  beare  off  the  hardnes  of  our 
handes  ?  Haue  we  not  lift  vp  our  force  against  them  when  we  sawe  wee 
might  haue  helped  them  in  the  gate  ?  If  we  haue,  what  can  we  say  why 
lob  31,  32  we  shuld  not  rot  in  peeces  for  it,  &  our  armes  bee  broken  from 
the  bones,  as  lob  wished  to  him  in  such  a  case  ?  Haue  wee 
neuer  respected  the  person  more  of  one  than  an  other  in  cause  of  iustice, 
a  strong  meanes  to  drawe  vs  to  oppression  ?  Haue  wee  neuer  suffered 
Bribes  t*1656  handes  to  feele  the  weight  of  a  bribers  gift 1  to  drawe  vs  to 
oppression  ?  O  spare  not  to  spie  your  sinne  euen  to  the  full  if 
you  haue  offended,  and  yet  accuse  not  your  selues  if  you  dare  boast  of 
innocencie.  Happie  were  our  countrie,  and  a  thousande  comfortes  were 
it  to  euerie  one  of  vs,  if  the  dulnesse  of  our  heartes  in  these  deadlie 
sinnes  pulled  not  vppon  vs  the  often  offending  in  them,  and  then  such 
sinne,  such  wrath  againe  from  heauen  aboue,  as  is  most  due  vnto  it. 
Alas,  wee  see  not,  neither  euer  will  bee  made  to  see,  what  loue  by  this 
lawe  wee  owe  to  all  men  in  their  goods  ;  but  we  robbe  them,  we  spoyle 
them,  and  wee  take  giftes  to  do  it,  and  yet  we  be  no  theeues." 

Covetousness.     Lawyers.     Giving  Church-livings  to  bad  Parsons. 

p.  431-5.  "  Wee  boldlie  looke  of  euerie  mans  commodities.  As  we  goe 
and  ride,  wee  streight  way  couet,  and  that  which  is  worse,  presentlie  we 
deuise  to  obtain  our  will  to  the  impayring  of  our  brothers  wealth,  and 
the  fearefull  breaking  of  this  commandement.  And  woulde  God  the 
rage  of  our  lust  were  not  sometime  so  vehement,  as  that  missing  to  get 
what  it  greedelie  seeketh,  it  casteth  vs  downe  sicke  in  our  bed,  or  causeth 
vs  to  hurt  him  who  hindereth  our  wishe,  as  wee  see  fell  out  in  Achab  to 
Naboth  for  his  vineyarde.  But  of  this  hereafter  more  againe  in  the  tenth 
By  tongues  commaundement.  For  the  tongue,  alas  what  shoulde  I  saie,  I 
will  neuer  bid  you  enquire  whether  you  bee  guiltie  or  no.  For 
whither  shoulde  a  man  flie  in  these  dayes  from  flatterie,  or  where  may 
we  liue  and  not  light  of  false  forgers  seeking  by  filed  phrase  to  bleere 
the  eyes  of  such  as  least  suspect  them.  ...  Let  them  ioyne  hereunto, 
Lawieres  w^ose  calling  is  such  a  true  viewe  of  the  drift  and  successe  of 
their  pleas,  whether  they  haue  not  often  indeuored  with 
their  tongues,  and  often  also  obtayned  by  their  speach,  the  wrongfull 
alienation  of  mens  right  from  them  to  other  men.  And  is  not  this  a 
theft  ?  Might  not  he  euen  as  well  haue  robbed  him  with  his  handes,  as 
to  be  a  meanes  by  speach  of  wrong  perswasion  that  others  doe  it  ?  But 
alas,  what  wordes  can  I  vse,  or  anie  man  else  this  day  aliue,  to  make  men 
feele,  that  neither  golden  gaine,  nor  anie  regarde  to  be  named  whatso- 
euer,  shoulde  make  them  speake  vntruely  against  the  good  estate  of  their 
brethren  in  anie  causes  ?  Surely,  if  this  will  nothing  moue,  that  it  is  in 
nature  theft  which  in  name  they  so  abbore,  I  will  assay  no  further.  .  .  . 
Are  we  al  cleare  of  that  theft  of  theftes  committed  in  eonueying  of  the 
Church  liuinges  to  our  owne  vse  from  them  that  ought  to  haue  them  and 
doe  the  dutie  for  them,  to  the  dishonour  of  God,  the  ruine  of  the  Church, 
and  the  fearefull  casting  away  of  manic  a  soule  into  the  pitte  of  hell  for 

1  Compare  Bacon's  case,  &c. 

Appx.  Bp.  Babington  on  Unfit  Parsons,  Tittle-Tattle. 93* 

want  of  knowledge  ?  l  .  .  .  Shall  the  Lorde  crie  woe  vppon  woe,  wrath 
vpon  wrath,  vengeance  vppon  vengeance,  to  the  carelesse  shepheardes 
that  feede  themselues,  and  not  the  flocke  ;  and  shall  he  so  quietly  passe 
them  ouer,  that  put  in,  and  place  such  dume  dogges,  and  vnable  drones 
to  doe  anie  duetie  for  their  owne  lucre  ?  Is  it  a  token  of  loue  to  feede 
his  sheepe,  to  feede  his  lambes  ;  and  is  it  not  a  want  of  loue  both  to  God 
and  his  lambes,  to  put  in,  for  my  gaine,  such  a  drie  nurse  as  can  giue  no 
milke  nor  feede  at  all,  except  it  be  with  follie,  and  a  fowle  example  of 
drinking,  swearing,  carding,  tabling,  bowling,  sleeping,  and  such  like  ?  " 

Prittle-prattle  and  Tittle-tattle,  the  Evils  of  em. 

p.  481-2.  "For  the  seconde  which  was  telling  of  tales,  wee  haue 
heard  it  before  shewed,  and  our  owne  knowledge  both  assure  vs  it  is  a 
branch  of  the  breach  of  this  commandement,  which  shall  burne  both 
bodie  and  soule  in  the  fire  of  hell.  And  yet  see,  do  we  feare  it,  or  flie 
it  ?  Alas  we  knowe  I  am  sure  of  it,  we  haue  beene  too  too  secure  in  this 
point,  and  our  securitie  not  seeing  and  weighing  the  wickednesse  of  the 
vice  hath  stayned  both  heart  and  tongue  horriblie.  Looke  about  the 
•worlde  and  veiwe  the  generall  course  of  all.  Feareth  anie  man  to 
discredite  his  neighbour  priuily,  and  to  whisper  vpon  hearesay  or  his 
owne  imagination  what  tendeth  to  the  blemish  of  his  name  whom  he 
speaketh  of?  Feareth  any  woman  when  shee  hath  mette  with  her 
gossippe  to  tittle  tattle,  to  the  slander  of  an  other,  this  thing  and  that 
thing,  which  yet  hath  no  certaintie,  and  which  full  loth  she  would  haue 
saide  of  her  selfe  vpon  like  coniectures  ?  No  no  we  see  too  much  the 
cursed  course  of  lawlesse  tongues  in  euerie  place,  though  the  Lorde  in 
mercie  giueth  some  consciences,  and  a  thousande  times  I  begge  that  we 
woulde  see  our  sinne,  confesse  our  sinne,  and  rippe  vp  our  guilt  in  this 
respect.  Why  shoulde  wee  be  so  dull  and  without  feeling  ?  If  it  be  a 
vertue  thus  to  prittle  and  prattle  of  euerie  bodie,  vncertaine  tales,  but 
most  certaine  discredites,  then  prooue  it  so,  and  vse  it  :  but  if  it  bee  a 
branch  of  false  witnesse,  that  doth  truly  witnesse  gods  wrath  to  hang 
ouer  vs  for  it,  good  Lorde,  shall  we  still  be  polluted  with  it  ?  " 

{Tea  Gowns  in  1878. — See  TJie  World  article,  reprinted  in  The  Royal 
Exchange,  Nov.  9,  1878,  a  number  sent  out  as  an  advertisement.  (I,  of 
course,  see  nothing  of  the  set  of  folk  referrd  to  in  it.) 

"  It  is  not  so  very  long  ago  that  the  appearance  in  the  drawing  room 
or  in  any  other  place  where  she  was  visible  to  the  naked  eye  of  the  male 
sex,  of  a  lady  loosely  wrapped  in  her  dressing  gown,  would  have  been  an 
impossibility.  But  the  world  moves  rapidly  in  this  last  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century ;  and  ladies,  who  a  few  years  ago  would  have  con 
sidered  the  idea  appalling,  calmly  array  themselves  in  the  glorified 
dressing  robe  known  as  a  '  tea  gown,'  and  proceed  to  display  themselves 
to  the  eyes  of  their  admirers.  ...  It  is  absolutely  useless  and  utterly 
ridiculous  ;  but  this  is  not  the  worst  that  may  be  said  about  it.  It  is,  to 

1  See  Harrison,  Part  I.,  p.  21,  26-27. 

94*     Tea  Gowns  in  1878.     Rose  in  a  Fop's  Ear. 

all  intents  and  purposes,  a  dhhabilU ;  and  so  great  is  the  force  of  asso 
ciation,  that  the  conversation  is  exceedingly  apt,  nay  almost  certain,  to 
become  deshabille  as  well.  The  gentlemen,  in  houses  where  tea  gowns 
prevail,  relieve  themselves  of  their  shooting  attire,  and  reappear  very 
frequently  in  gorgeous  smoking  suits  ;  there  is  an  ease  and  sans  facon 
about  the  whole  proceeding  that  favours  laxity  of  discourse,  and  advan 
tage  is  generally  taken  of  the  latitude  afforded.  It  is  easier  to  take  three 
strides  forward  than  half  a  step  backwards ;  consequently,  when  the 
company  reassembles  at  dinner,  the  point  of  departure  for  the  conversa 
tion  is  several  degrees  nearer  to  the  doubtful  borderland  of  hasardt 
allusions  and  double  entendres  than  it  would  have  been  without  the  ante 
cedent  symposium  en  ne'glige'.  .  .  .  Old-fashioned  prudery  has  long  been 
thrown  aside  in  the  eager  desire  for  more  admirers  of  such  becoming 
raiment ;  the  tea  gowns  have  descended  to  the  drawing-room  and  the 
hall,  and  have  become  more  marvellous  and  more  voyant  in  the  transit. 
With  the  graceful  ndglige"  toilet  there  has  come  in  a  habit  of  lounging, 
which  is  certainly  of  most  doubtful  grace.  Hands  are  not  unfrequently 
to  be  seen  clasped  above  or  behind  the  head,  thus  often  liberally  exhibit 
ing  the  arm  by  the  falling  back  of  the  loose  sleeve  ;  feet  and  ankles  are 
lavishly  displayed  as  dainty  slippers  are  rested  on  the  fender;  more 
ardent  spirits  recline  in  ostentatious  repose  on  various  sofas.  It  is  con 
sidered  the  thing  to  suit  the  action  to  the  attire,  and  exhibit  in  it  the 
supremacy  of  ease.  Any  quiet  spirits  in  the  party  generally  disappear  j 
they  feel  themselves  as  out  of  place  among  the  stray  remarks  and 
hasarde  stories,  as  their  quiet  morning  dresses  are  among  the  pink  and 
blue  and  other  rainbow-hued  tea  gowns,  with  their  lavish  cascades  of 
lace,  and  bewitching  caps  to  match.  They  disappear  ;  and  when  they 
again  meet  their  friends  at  dinner-time,  are  apt  to  be  somewhat  aston 
ished  to  find  how  much  ceremony  has  been  thrown  to  the  winds  in  their 
brief  absence,  and  on  how  much  more  familiar  a  footing  their  friends 
are  than  when  they  parted  from  them  two  or  three  hours  before. 

"  .  .  .  It  will  be  doubtless  said,  tea  gowns  are  far  less  objectionable 
than  the  extremely  de'collete'  dresses  of  which  such  grievous  complaint 
has  been  made  during  the  last  two  seasons.  But  two  wrongs  do  not  make 
a  right ;  and  besides,  objectionable  as  too  decollete  dresses  may  be,  they 
are  still,  by  a  fiction  of  society — that  unwritten  law  which  is  of  such 
infinitely  greater  force  than  all  the  statutes  in  the  judicial  archives — 
considered  to  constitute  the  fullest  toilette,  the  greatest  possible  pitch  of 
grande  tenue ;  and  owing  to  this  belief  they  are  by  no  manner  of  means 
so  provocative  of  laxity  of  conversation  as  the  moral  dressing  gown  and 
slippers  of  the  tea-gown."] 

For  the  loan  of  the  following  cut  I  have  to  thank  Captain  Harold 
Dillon.  His  uncle,  at  Ditchley,  Oxfordshire,  has  a  picture  of  one  of  the 
brothers  of  Sir  Henry  Lee,  K.G.,  in  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  with  a  Rose 
in  his  ear,  like  the  fop  on  p.  78*  note,  above :  the  Rose  is  just  stuck  like  a 
pen  is,  between  the  hair  and  the  ear,  showing  the  flower  in  front.  The 
dandies  must  have  carrid  their  heads  very  steadily,  to  have  kept  the 
flower  from  falling  out.  Perchance  it  had  a  woman' s  hair-pin  to  hold 
it  in. 

Irish  Costumes.    The  1584  edition  of  the  Anatomic.  95= 

Irish  Costumes  in  the  Time  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  from  MS. 


Citizen's  wife 

Wilde  Irische 
Wild  Irish 

p.  60*.  The  1584  edition  of  the  Anatomie. — Since  I  wrote  the  Fore 
words,  Mr.  Wallis  has  been  kind  enough  to  lend  me  his  perfect  copy  of 
the  3rd  (or  4th,  or  3rd  and  4th  as  Mr.  Hazlitt  and  I  now  suppose)  edition 
of  the  Anatomie,  of  '12  October  1584.'  I  have  tested  it  in  different 
places  chosen  at  haphazard  with  the  collations  of  the  other  editions 
given  at  the  foot  of  the  original  text  below,  and  have  found  that  all  of 
the  few  important  changes  there  noted  as  due  to  E.  1 585,  had  been  made 
before  in  this  (C-D.)  edition  of  12  Oct.,  1584.  Out  of  58  passages 
tested  (counting  the  sidenotes  singly,  would  make  em  full  70)  only  4 
show  small  differences.  It  is  clear,  then,  that  Stubbes  revisd  the  1 584 
edition  more  largely  than  that  of  1585,  though  not  so  largely  as  the 
second  of  1583  (August  i)  and  his  last  of  1595.  The  results  of  my 
testing  follow : — 

C-D.  has  all  E.'s  readings,  p.  iii. — 2,  3-3,  n-u. 
p.  iv.— 6-6,  7,  9,  12,  13. 

96*  Collation  of  the  1584  edition  of  the  Anatomic. 


viii/6. — 2,  4,  6-6  differs,  having  both  A.  and  B.'s  reading,  and  E.'s  : 
'a  Lamp  of  light  vnto  the  world,  a  mirrour  of:  has  7,  9,  14,  18,  19, 

20,  21-21,  22,  23,  24. 

ix. — i-i  not  in  (as  not  in  E.)  ;  6,  u,  12,  13. 

x.— Preface  left  out ;  as  in  B.,  E.,  F. 

xiv.- — 9.     xvi — Greek  motto,     xvii — 3.     xix — 2. 

30. — 8-8.  36. — 13  differs,  having  both  A.  and  B.  and  E.  :  '  peltes 
felles  &  skins '  (E.  peltes  &  skins). 

38.— 6.     39.— 2,  '  more '  not  in  C.-D.  (as  not  in  E.). 

40. — 7.     41. — 3,  4,  lo-io  not  in  C.-D.  (as  not  in  E.),  12-12.     68. — 7. 

70,   71,  72. —has   E.'s    sidenotes   on    Starche,   A  fearfull   example, 
Women's  lubricious  mindes,  and  2  on  the  Deuil ;  as  well  as  E.'s  head 
line,  72  foot.     But  keeps  A.  and  B.'s  'Eprautna/  p.  71,  against  E.'s 
'  Antwarpe.' 
'  79  note. — has  the  c  Deuil's  bellowes '  sidenote. 

82.— 8.  87.— has  E.'s  '  Handbaskets'  headline,  on  back,  and  'great 
paynes  '  side-note,  &c. 

96.— 17.     97.— 4  §,  9  '  the '  not  in  (as  not  in  E.). 

111-114. — has  all  the  side-notes  and  headlines  markt  E.  F.,  and  the 
top  sidenote  on  113  markt  F. 

117,  notes  1.  2. — has,  like  E.,  '  Lawyers  ruffling  in.' 

129-136.— has  all  the  side-notes  markt  E.  F.,  and  all  B.'s  headlines. 

139. — 6,  10  'very'  not  in  (as  not  in  E.).     152. — 9-9. 

186-190. — has  the  side-notes  of  E.,  F.  ;  but  on  p.  188  'A  materiall 
Hell,'  like  F.,  against  E.'s  'Materiall.'  191. — 4,  5. 

Mr.  Wallis,  too,  thinks  "that  the  other  edition  of  1584  exists  only 
in  imagination."  He  adds:  "It  may  interest  you  to  know  that  my 
'  Stubbes '  has  never  been  '  in  the  market.'  It  came  from  the  library  at 
Brookfield  Hall,  in  this  county,  at  its  dispersal  on  the  death  of  my 
father's  cousin,  Miss  Hannah  Wright,  some  dozen  or  fifteen  years  ago. 
These  Wrights  were  descended  from  the  Dr.  Wright,  M.D.,  F.R.S.,  at 
the  sale  of  whose  books  (in  1787)  the  '  first  folio  '  brought  ^10.'  He  was 
a  Derby  man,  and  closely  related  to  our  family.2  I  was  told  of  a  quan 
tity  (the  word  applies  here)  of  such  books—  Horresco  referens  /—being 
taken  from  a  loft  over  the  stables,  and  used  for  fire-lighting  and  other 
base  purposes  by  the  grooms." 

The  title  and  colophon  are  given  on  the  opposite  leaf.  The  cut  at  the 
back  of  the  colophon  i.s  that  of  the  stooping  robed  man  of  B. 

1  Lot  1960.    Mr.  William  Shakespeare's  Comedies,  Histories  and  Tragedies, 
first  folio  edition,  bound  in  Russia  leather  with  gilt  leaves,     1623.     ;£io. 

1390.  The  Anatomie  of  Abuses,  made  Dialogue-wise  by  Phillip  Stubbes, 
bL  letter.  1583. 

2  From  the  Derby  Mercury,  Oct.  26th,  1786  : — "On  Saturday  the  I4th  inst. 
died  at  his  house  in  Charles  Street,  Grosvenor  Square,  London,  Richard  Wright, 
M.D.,  F.R.S.,  late  one  of  the  physicians  of  St.  George's  Hospital;  only  son  of 
the  late  Mr.  Wright,  surgeon,  of  this  town  (Derby).     His  remains  were  brought 
here  yesterday,  and  interred  in  the  family  vault  in  St.  Michael's  Church." 

Title  to  Edition  of  1584. 


The    Anatomic 

of    Abufes: 


A  Difcouerie,  or  brief  Sum- 
marie  of  fuch  Notable  Vices  and  Corrupti 
ons,  as  nowe  raigne  in  many  Chriftian  Coun- 
treyes  of  the  Worlde:  but  (efpecially)  in  the 
Countrey  of  AILGNA:  Together,  with  moft 
fearefull  Examples  of  Gods  ludgementes,  ex 
ecuted  vpon  the  wicked  for  the  fame,  af- 
well  in  AILGNA  of  late,  as  in 
other  places,  elfe- 

Ferg  gotilg,  to  fte  reati  of  all  true  Cijti- 

Jiians,  euery  where:  but  moji  chiefly,  to  be 
regarded  in  England 

Made  Dialogue-wife  by  PHILLIP  S T v B s . 

Jinfo  nsto  netols  reui0eb  rerojjni^eb,  snb  aug 
mented  the  thirb  time  bg  the  0ame  Author. 

MATH.  3.  Ver.  2. 
Repent,  for  the  kingdome  of  God  is  at  hande. 

LVKE.  13.  Ver.  5. 
I  say  vnto  you,  except  you  repent  you  shall  all  perifti. 

^[  |JrtntC)3  at  London,  ftg  Richard 
lones   12.  October.  1584. 


Colophon  to  the  Anatomic  of  1584. 

Perufed,  au&horifed,  and  al- 

lowed,  according  to  the  order 

appoincted  in  the   Quee- 

nes  Maiesties 



At  London 
Printed  by  Richard  Jones:  dwellyng 

at  tlje  .Stgne  of  tfje  Eose 

and  the  Crowne,  neere 







A.D.   1583. 

of  Abufes.  An  example  of  God's  wrath.  1 13 

[councelled  them  before,  to  go  to1  heare  the  Sermon,  hauyng   fome   ^Thi* page  not 
fparkes  of  faith  in   hym,  was  preferued  from  death,  by  the  greate   [The  mercy  of 

i    ,  .      f  IT  11  •/•      god  in  sailing  of 

mercie  of  God,  and  greatly  repented  his  former  lire,  yeldyng  praiie   Adam  Gibiens. 

vnto  God  for  his  deliuerance.     Thus  haue  I  infempiternam  rei  me- 

2  moriam,  faithfully  recorded  the  Storie  of  thefe  eight  dronkardes,  and   [Meaf67.  B.*] 

of  their  fearfull  ende,  taken  out  of  the3  Dutche  coppie  printed  at 

Amflerdam,  and  at  Straesburche,4  for  a   caueate  to  all  Dronkardes, 

Gluttons,  and  Riotous  perfones  throughout  the  whole  worlde,  that 

thei  offende  not  the  Lorde  in  the  like  kinde  of  offence. 

An  other  like  example  of  Gods  Diuine  Juftice,  (lie wed  vpon  twoo 
blafphemous  Dronkardes  in  Almaine,  in  the  Tonne  of  Nekerfhofewe,   and 

lustice  executed 

chaunced  the  fourth  daie  of  July  1580,  the  truth  whereof  is  as  fol-   aJ?deS2inDrounk~ 

loweth.     Thefe  twoo  Dronken  verlettes,  traiueilyng  by  the  waie,  came  Almaine.  E,  F.] 

into  an  Inne,  and  called  for  bread  and  wine :  The  Hofte  with  fpeede 

brought  them  verie  good;  but  thei  diflikyng  the  Wine,  for  the  new- 

nefle  thereof,  comwaunded  better  Wine  to  bee  brought ;  fo  in  fine 

thei  had  bothe  newe,  and  old,  good  ftore.     Thus  fatte  thei  fwillyng, 

and  caroufyng  one  to  an  other,  till  thei  were  bothe  as  dronke  as  Rattes.5 

Then  one  of  them  powryng  forthe  wine,  caroufed  to  his  fellowe,   [Acaueatto 

the  other  pledging  hym,  afked  to  whom  he  mould  drinke :  quothe   contenders  of 

the  maiestie  of 

this  verlet  "  drinke  to  GOD"  :  he  hearyng  that,  poured  forthe  wyne   God.  E,  F.J 

alfo,6  and  dranke  to  God.     This  dooen,  he  afked  his  companion  of 

whiche  wine  God  mould  pledge  hym,  of  the  newe,  or  of  the  old.     He 

anfwered  "  of  whether  thou  wilte."  Then  he,  takyng  the  newe  wine  in 

his  hande,  filled  the  Cuppe  therewith,  and  reachyng  forthe  his  arme, 

as  high  as  he  7  could,  as  though  God  mould  haue  pledged  hym  in  deede,   V  leaf  67,  back. 

faied  thefe  wordes  :  "  God,  I  would  faine  knowe,  what  wine  thou  loueft 

befle:  this  newe  wine  is  good  inough,  and  too  good  for  thee;  if  thou 

haddefl8  fent  better,  thou  fhouldeft  haue  had  better  -,  but  fuche  as  it  is,   FBehoide  the 

.  blasphemie  of 

take  it,  pledge  me  quickly,  and  caroufe  it  ot   euery  lope,  as  I  haue   this  deuiii,  and 
doen  to  thee,  if  not,  thou  doeft  me  wrong."     Hauyng  thus  ftretched 
forthe  his  arme  with  the  Cup  of  wine,  and  withall  hauyng  vttered 
(brthe  thefe  wordes,  the   Lorde  proceadeth  in  Judgemente  againfte 

1  to  not  in  F. 

*  leaf  67.     No  head-line.  B.     E,  F  have  An  example  of  God's  wrath. 
8  a  in  E,  F.  4  Straesburcht  P'.  6  Swine  F. 

•  also  not  in  E,  F.         f  leaf  67,  back.   No  head-line.  B.         8  hadst.  F. 

Couetoufnes  in  Ailgna. 

The  Anatomic 

\_Thispage,  to  I. 
23,  not  in  A.] 
[The  Lord 
strikes  the 

[Oh  fearefull 
iudgement  of 
God,  yet  most 
iust  punish- 
mente.  E,  F.] 

[5  leaf  68.  B.f] 

[7  sign.  I  7-  A.] 

Ailgna  a  fa 
mous  Yland. 10 

[hym :  caufyng  his  arme  to  flande  ftedfaft  and  vnmoueable,  fo  as  he 
was  not  able  to  pull  it  to  hym,  nor  to  ftere  his  bodie  out  of  the 
place.  And  in  this  agonie  he  remained,1  his  countenaunce  not  changed, 
but  roulyng  his  eyes  to  and  fro,  fearfull  to  beholde.  And  as  for 
breathe,  there  was  none  perceiued  to  corne  forthe  of  hym,  nor  yet  to 
fpeake  one  worde  he  was  2  able :  and  yet  for  all  that,  feemed  to  every 
one  to  be  a  Hue.  After  this  the  people  aflaied  to  remoue  hym  from 
that  place,  but3  could  not  by  any  ftrength.  In  the  ende  thei  tyed 
Horfes  to  hym,  to  drawe  hym  thence,  but  thei  could  not  once  ftere 
hym.  Then  thei  aflaied  to  burne  the  houfe,  and  hym  withall,  but  no 
fire  would  once  take  holde  of  the  houfe  :  wherefore,  when  thei  fawe 
all  their  waies  and  deuifes  to  be  fruftrate,  perfwadyng  themfelues, 
that  God  had  made  hym  a  fpectacle  to  all  dronkards,  thei  furceafed 
*  their  attemptes,4  and  wifliedthe  wil  of  the  s  Lorde  to  bee  doen.  And 
in  this  place,  and  in  the  fame  pitifull  cafe  you  haue  heard, 
ftandeth  this  blafphemous  villain  to  this  daie,  vnremoueable  till  it 
pleafe  the  Lorde,  in  the  bowels  of  his  mercie,  to  releafe  hym.  Whofe 
bleffyd  will  bee  fulfilled  for  euer.  The  other  Dronken  beaft  his  com 
panion,  thei  hanged  vppon  a  Gibbette,  before  the  dore  of  the  fame 
houfe,  as  he  well  deferued !  Thus  hath  the  Lorde  in  all  ages,  and  at 
all  tymes,  punifhed  this  horrible  vice  of  Dronkenneffe,  which  God 
graunte  euery  true  Chriftian6  maie  auoide,  for  feare  of  Gods  ven 
geance.  Added  in  B,  E,  F.] 

7  Spud.  8Shew  mee  I  pray,9  the  ftate  of  that  Cuntrey  a  litle 
further  :  is  it  a  welthie  Countrey  with-in  it-felfe,  or  otherwyfe  poore 
and  bare  ? 

Philo.  It  is  a  moft  famous  Yland,  a11  fertile  Cuntrey,  &12  abound 
ing  with  all  maner  of  ftore,  both13  of  riches,  treafure,  & 14  all  things  els 
whatfoeuerj  but  as  15it  is  a15  welthie  and  riche  Countrey,16  fo  are  the 
inhabitaunts,  from  the  higheft  to  the  loweft,  from  the  prieft  to  the 
populare17  forte,  euen  all  in  generall,  wonderfully  inclyned  to  couet- 

1  a  long  time  after  B,  E,  F.  2  was  not  F.  3  but  they  F. 

4 — 4  their  enterprises  any  further  F.  f  leaf  68.  No  head-line.  B. 

6   man  added  in  E,  F. 

8  In  B,  E,  and  F  this  begins  afresh  chapter,  headed: — Couetousnesse  in  Ailgna. 
9  pray  you  B,  E,  F.  10  This  side-note  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

»  and  E  ;  and  a  F.         12  &  not  in  E,  F.         13  as  well  F.         "  as  of  F. 
is_i5  the  countrey  is  E,  F.         16  Countrey  not  in  E,  F.         17  inferiour  F. 

ofAbufes.  Moderate  care  alowable.  115 

oufnes  and  ambition  ;  which  thing  whileft  they  follow,  they  can  neuer  [Englishmen 

be  fatifried,  for,  crefctt  amor  nummi,  quantum  ipfa  pecunia  crefcit:  The 

loue  of  mony  doth  by  fo  much  the  more  increafe,  by  how  much  more 

the  monie  it  1  felfe  doth  increafe  ;    and  the  nature  of  a  couetous  man  The  nature  of 

a  couetous 

is  fuch  that  tarn  dee/I  quod  habet,  quam  quod  non  halet :  as  well  that   ™an- 

thing  which  he  hath,  as  that  which  he  hath  not,  is  wanting  vnto  him.   B.*J 

A2  couetoufe  man  may3  wel  be  compared  to  Hell,  which  euer  gapeth 

and  yawneth  for  more,  and  is  neuer  content  with  inough :    For  right 

as  Hell  euer  hunteth  after  more,  fo  a  couetous  man,  drowned  in  the   The  insaciabie 

desire  of  a 

4quagmire  or  plafhof  auarice  and4  ambition,  hauing  hisfummam5  vo-   couetouse 

luptatem  repofed  in  momentaine6  riches,  is  neuer  content  with  inough, 

but  ftill  thirfleth  for  more,  much  like  to  a  man  ficke  of  the  ague,  who, 

the  more  he  drinketh,  the  more  he  thurf7teth  j  8the  more  he  thurfteth,    t7  T  7.  back] 

the  more  he  drinketh 8 ;  the9  more  he  drinketh,  the  more  his  difeafe 

increafeth.     Therfore  I  hould  it  true  which  is  writ,  lurfa  auari  os  ejl 

dialoli ;  the  powch  of  a  rich  couetous  Man  is  the  mouth  of  the  deuill,   Th«  pjj[sj;of  a 

which  euer  is  open  to  receiue,  but  alway  (hut  to  giue. 

Spud.  But  they  will  eafily  wipe  away  this  blot, 10  namely  in  faying,10 
are  we  not  bourcd  to  prouyde  for  our  felues,11  our  wyues,  our  children, 
&  famelie  ?  Doth  not  the  Apoille  hold  him  for  an  infidell  and 12  a  dene- 
ger  of  the  faith,  who  prouydeth  not  for  his  Wyfe  and  Family?  13Is  it 
not  good  to  lay  vp  fomthing  againft  a  ftormie  day  ?  wherfore  they 
wil  rather  deeme  the/wfelues  good  hufba/zds,13  than  couetous  or  am- 
bicious  perfons.14 

l5Philo.  Euery  Chriften  Man  is  bound,16  in  co/zfcience  before  God,   t15  leaf  ^  B-t 
to  prouide  for  their17  houfhould  &  Family,  but  yet  fo  as  his  immoderat   How  fan-e 

euery  Man  is 

care  furpafTe  not  the  bands,18  nor  yet19  tranfcend  20the  limits,  of  true   bou»d  to  pro 
uyde  for  his 

Godlynes.     His  chiefeft  truft  &  care  is  to  reft  onely  in  the  Lord,  who    Familie- 

*  leaf  68,  back.  The  nature  of  a  couetous  man.  B. 

2  Therefore  may  a  E,  F.  3  may  not  in  E,  F. 

4 — 4  quauemire  of  auarice  and  plashe  of  B,  E,  F  ;  after  and  F  adds  plunged  in  the. 

6  summum  F.  6  momentary  F.  8 — 8  not  in  E,  F. 

9  and  the  E,  F.     10— 10  for  B,  E,  F.       »  (saie  thei)  added  in  B,  E,  F.       12  or  F. 
13 — 13  And  therefore  herein  we  shew  ourselues  rather  good  housbandes,  care 
ful,  and  obedient  Christians,  B,  E,  F. 

14  This  I  haue  heard  them  pretend  for  themselues  added  in  B,  E,  F ;  E  has 
This  exception  have  I ;  F  has  haue  I,  and  alleadgey^r  pretend. 

f  leaf  69.  Moderate  care  alowable.   B.  16  bound  indeed  B,  E. 

17  his  B,  E,  F.         18  boundes  F.         19  yet  not  in  B,  E,  F.         20  not  the  B,  E. 


Inclofures  in  Align  a. 

The  Anatomic 

care  for  riches 

[3  sign.  I  8.  A.] 


racke  their 


[8  leaf  69,  back. 


Inclosing  of 
from  the 

[I2  I  8,  back] 

[Take  heed  you 
Rich,  who  poll 
and  pill  the 
Poor  !] 

giueth  liberally  to  euery  one  that  afketh  of  him  in  verity  &  truth,  & 
reprocheth  no  man  j  &  withall  he  is  to  vfe  fuch  ordinarie  meanes  as 
God  hath  appointed  Ato  the  performaunce1  of  the  fame.  But  fo  farre 
from  couetoufnes,  &  from  immoderate  care,  wold  the  Lord  haue  vs,2 
that  we  ought  not  this  day  to  'care  for  to  morow,  for  (faith  he)  fuf- 
ficient  to  the  day  is  the  trauail  of  the  fame.  After  all  thefe  3  things 
(with  a  diftruftfull  &  inordinat  care)  do  the  heathen  feek,  who  know 
not  God/  faith  our  Sauiour  chriftj  'but be  you  not  like  to  them.'  And 
yet  I  fay;  as  we  are  not  to  diftrufl  the  prouidence  of  God,  or  defpaire 
for  any  thing,  fo  are  we  not  to  prefume,  nor  yet  to  tempt  the  Lord 
our  God,  but  to  vfe  fuch  4fecundary5  and  inftrumental 4  meanes  as  he 
hath  commaunded  and  appointed,  to  that  end  &  purpofe  to  get  our 
owne  lyuing  &  maintenance  withall.  But  this  people,  leauing  thefe 
Godly  meanes,  do  all  runne  headlong  to  couetoufnes  &  ambition,  at 
tempting  all  waies,  &  atfaying  al  meanes,  poflible  to  6exaggerat  &6  heap 
vp  riches,  Qthat7  thick  clay  of  damnation,  to  therafelues  for  euer.6  So 
(likwife)  La??d8lords  make  marchandife  of  their  pore  tenants,  racking 
their  rents,  railing  their  fines  &  incorames,  &  fetting  them  fo  ftraitely9 
vppon  the  tester  hookes,  as  no  man  can  lyue  on  them.  Befides  that, 
as  though  this  pillage  &  pollage  were  not  rapacious  enough,  they  take 
in  and  inclofe  commons,  moores,  heaths,  and  other  common  paflures, 
wher-outthe  poore  commonaltie  were  wont  to  haue  all  their  forrage10 
and  feeding  for  their  cattell,  &  (which  is  more)  corne  for  them  felues 
to  lyue  vppon  :  all  which  are  now  in  moft  places  taken  from  them  by 
thefe  greedye  Putt.ockes,  to  the  great  impoueriming  and  vtter  begger- 
ing  of11  whole  townes  and  parifhes,  whole  tragicall  cries  and  inceffant 
12 clamors  haue  long  mice  pearced  the  Skyes,  and  prefented  them-felues 
before  the  Maiefly  of  God,  faying,13  how  long,  Lord,  how  long  wilt 
thou  deferre  to  reuenge  this  villanie  of14  thy  poore  Sain&ts  and  vn- 
worthie15  members  vppon  the  earth?  Take  heed,  therfore,  you  riche 
men,  that  poll  and  pill  the  poore,  for  the  bloud  of  as  manye  as  mifcarie 
any  maner  of  way  thorow  your  iniurious  exactions,  finifter16  oppref- 

1 — l  for  the  getting  F.  2  to  be  added  in  F.  4 — 4  ordinary  F. 

6  causes  added  in  E.  6— 6  not  in  F.  7  the  B,  E. 

t  leaf  69,  back.  Inclosures  in  Ailgna.   B. 

9  straight  B,  E,  F.  10  prouision  F.  »  of  many  B,  E,  F. 

13  criyng  B,  E,  F.         u  doen  to  B,  E,  F.  15  seelie  E  ;  silly  F. 

16  biting  F. 

of  Abufes.  Fowling  Lawiers,  in  Ailg[na].  117 

lions,  and  indirect  dealings,  {hall  be  1powred  vppon  your  heads1  at  the 

great  daye  of  the  Lord.     Curfed  is  he  (faith  our  Sauiour  Chrifl)  that 

offendeth  one  of  thefe  litle  ones  :  it  were  better  that  a  milftone  were 

hawged  about  his  neck,  &  he  caft  into  the  middeft  of  the  fea.    Chrift 

2fo  entierely  loueth  his  poore  members  vppon  earth,  that  he  imputeth   JJJH™^? 

the  contumely  which  is  done  to  anie  one  of  them,  to  be  done  to  him-   £f™yetr0s  is 

felfe,  and  will  reuenge  it  as  done  to  himfelfe.    wherfor  GOD  giue  them  ?»£**•      ^ 

grace  to  lay  open  their  inclofures  againe,  to  let  fall  their  rents,  fines, 

incommes,  and  other  impofitions,  wherby  GOD   is  offended,  their8 

poore  Brethren  beggered,  &,  I  feare  mee,  the  whole  realme  will  be 

brought  to  vtter  mine  &  decay,  if  this  mifchiefe  be  not  met  withall,    inciosures 

and  incouwtred  with  verie  mortlie.     For  thefe  inclofures  be  the  caufes 

why  rich  men  eat  vp  poore  men,  as  beafts  doo  eat  graffe  :  Thefe,  I  fay, 

are  the4  Caterpillers  and  deuouring  locuftes  that  maflacre  the  5  poore,    [s  sign.  K  i.  A.] 

&  eat  vp  the  whole  realme  to  the  deftru6tlon  of  the  fame  :    The  Lord 

remooue6  them  / 

Vpon  the  other  fide,  the  Lawyers,  they  7goe  rufling7  in  their  filks, 

veluets,  and  chaines  of  Gold  :  they  build  gorgeous  howfes,  8  fumptuous   A.]  poore  Mens 

riches.  [frufleF.] 

edefices,8  and  flately  turrets  :  they  keep  a  port  like  mightie  pote/ztates  ; 
theyhaue9  bands  andretinewes  of  men  attendant  vppon  them  daylie; 
they  purchafe  cartels  &  towers,  Lands  and  Lordfhips,  and  what  not  ? 
And  all  vppon  the  polling  and  pilling  of  the  poore  commons. 

They  haue  fo  good  confciences  that  all  is  fifh  that  comes  to  the 
net  -,  thei  refufe  nothing  that  is  offred  ;  and  what  they  do  for  it  in  pre 
ferring  their  Poore  clients  caufe,10  the  Lorde  knonweth,  and  one  day   [«  leaf  70,  baoc. 
they  fhall  finde  it.     If  you  haue  argent,  or  rather  rubrum  vnguentum,   oyntment  to 
I  dare  not  fay  Gold,  but  red  oyntment  to  greafe  them  in  the  fift  with- 

all,  than  your  fute  lhall  want  no  furtherance  -,  but  if  this12  be  wanting, 
thaw  farewel  clyent  ;  he  may  go  fhooe  the  goofe  for  any  good  fuccefle 
he  is  like  to  haue  of  his  matter  :  without  this,  fheriffes  &  Officers  wil 
returne  writs  with  a  tarde  venit,  or  with  a  non  ejl  muentus,  finally  to 
the  poore  maws  profit.  13  So  long  as  any  of  this  ointment  is  dropping, 

1  —  J  required  at  your  hands  F. 
*  leaf  70.  Inciosures  vndoe  the  Poore.  B.     E  also  has  Lawyers  ruffling  in. 

3  the  B,  E,  F.  4  the  not  in  F.  6  amende  B,  E,  F. 

7—  7  ruffle  it  out  B,  E,  F.         8—  8  not  in  F.         »  there  bandes  E  ;  (their  F.) 

10  causes  B,  E,  F.  J  leaf  70,  back.  Powlyng  Lawyers,  in  Ailgna.  B. 

12  this  liquor  B,  E,  F.  13  But  so  B,  E,  F. 

[T  K  i,  back] 
The  pretewsed 
excuse  of 
Lawers  when 
their  cliants 
haue  loost 
their  plees. 

The  slaightie 
practises  of 

[7  leaf  71.  B.f] 

The  fraudu 
lent  dealing  of 


P*  sign.  K  2.  A.] 

Great  dearth 
in  plenty  of  all 

1 1 8         What  maketh  things  deere.         The  Anatomic 

they  wil  beare  him  in  hand  his  matter  is  good  and  iult;  &  all  to  keep 
him  in  vre,  till  all  be  gon ;  and  than  will  they  tell  him  his  matter  is 
naught :  and  if  one  alke  them  l  why  they  tould  not  their  clients  fo  in 
the  beginning?  they  will  anfwere,  I  knew  not  fo  much  at  the  firft, 
the  fault  is  in  himfelfe  j  he  tould  me  the  beft,  but  not  the  worft ;  he 
{hewed  mee  not  this  euidence  &  that  euidence,  this  prelident  &  that 
prelident,2  turning  al  the  fault  vpon  the  fuggefter  j  wheras  the  whole 
fault  indeed  is  in  himfelfe,  as  his  own  confcience  can  beare  him  witneffe. 
In  prefence  of  their  clients  they  will  be  fo  earneft  one  with  another,  as 
one  (that  knew  not  their  ilaightes  wold  thinke  they  would  go  together 
by  the  eares3);  this  is4  to  draw  on  their  clients  withal  5  but  immedi- 
atly  after,  their  clients  being5  gon,  they  ^gh  in  their  fleeues  to  fee 
how  pretily  they6  fetch  in  fuch  fom7mes  of  money;  and  that,  vnder 
the  pretence  of  equitie  and  iuftice.  But  though  thei  caw  for  a  time 
(prejligiatorum  in/tor8),  like  cu/zning  deceiuers,  call  a  mill  before  the 
blind  world,  yet  the  Lord,  who  feeth  (9  fuborned  by  none 9)  the  fecrets 
of  all  harts,  mall  make  them  manifeft  to  al  the  world,  and  reward 
them  according  to  their  doings.  The10  marchawt  mew,  by  their  mart- 
ing,  chaffering  and  changing,  by  their  counterfait  balances  &  vntrue 
waights,  and  by  their  furprifing  of  their  wares,  heap  vp  infinit  trea- 
fures.  nThe  Artificer11  &  Occupyers,  euen  all  in  generall,  will  not  fell 
their  wares  for  no 12  reafonable  price,  but  will 13  fweare  &  teare  pittifully, 
that  fuch  a  thing  coll  them  fo  much,  &  fuch  a  thing  fo  much,  wher14as 
they  fwear  as  falfe  as  the  lyuing  Lord  is  true.  But  one  day  let  them 
be  lure  that  the  Lord  (who  faith  f  thou  malt  not  fweare  at  all,  nor 
deceiue  thy  Brother  in  bargaining')  will  reuenge  this  villanie  done  to 
his  Maieftie. 

15  Into  fuch  a15  ruinous  eftat  hath  couetoufnes  now  brought  that 
Land,  that  in  plentie  of  all  things  there  is  great16  fcarlitie  and  dearth  of 
all  thinges.  So  that  that  which  might  haue  been  bought  heretofor, 
within  this  twentie  or  fourtie  Yeers,  for  twentie  millings,  is  now 

2  this  Writing  and  that  Writing  added  in  F.  *  carers  (sic]  F. 

*  instead  of  a  shoyng  home  added  in  E,  F.  6  bee  B,  E,  F. 

6  they  can  E,  F.  f  leaf  71.   What  maketh  thynges  deare.  B. 

8  more  for  instar  B,  E,  F.  9— 9  not  in  F. 

10  Vpon  the  other  side,  for  the  F.  "— X1  Artificers  B,  E,  F. 

12  any  F.  13  will  not  in  E,  F.  15— 15  Yea,  into  such  F. 

16  great  not  in  F. 

ofAbufes.        Greedy  Couetoufnes  in  Ailg[na].         119 

worth  twentie  nobles,  or  xx  pound.1     That  which  thaw  was  worth 

twentie  pound  is  now  2  worth  a  C.  pound,  and  more  :    Wherby  the  [2  leaf  71,  back. 

rich  Men  haue  fo  balaunced  their  chefts  with  Gold  and  filuer,  as  they 

cracke  againe.     And  to  fuch  exceffe  is  this  couetoufnes  growne,  as 

euery  one  that  hath  money  will  not  ftick  to  take  his  neighbors  houfe 

ouer  his  head,  long  before  his  yeers  be  expired :  Wherthorow  3  many  a  Taking  of 

,  .,  ,  -IIP          i-  r  howses  ouer 

poore  man,  with  his  wyre,  children,  &  whole  lamelie,  are  torced  to   Mens  heads. 

begge  their  bread  all  4  their  dayes4  after.   Another  forte,  who  flow  in 

welth,  if  a  poore  man  haue  eyther  houfe  or  Land,  they  will  neuer  reft 

vntill  they  haue  purchafed  it,  giuing  him  not  the  thirde  parte  of  that 

it  is  worth.     Belides  all  this,  fo  defperately  giuen  are  many,  that  for  The  desperat 

the  acquiring5  of  filuer  and  Gold,  they  will  not  s[t]icke  to  imbrew  to  get  money" 

their  hands,  and  both6  their  armes,  in  the  blood  of  their  7owne  Parents  [7  K  2,  back] 

and  Freends  moft  vnnaturally.     Other  fome  will  not  make  any  con- 

fcience  to  fweare  and  forfweare  themfelues  8for  euer,8  to  lye,  diflemble, 

and  deceiue  the  deereft  frends  they  haue  in  the  world.     Therfore  the 

heathen  Poet,  Virgill,  faid  very  well,  Ofacra  auri  fames,  quid  non  mor- 

talia  pe£lora  cogis :    Oh  curfed  defire  of  gold,  what  mifchief  is  it  but 

thou  forceft  Man  to  attempt  it  for  the  loue  of  thee !    This  immoderat 

thirft  of  Gold  &  monie  bringeth  an  infinit  number  to  mamerall  end ;   Many  brought 

9  fome  as  homicides 9  for  murthering  and 10  killing  j  fome  n  as  latrones,11  thorow 

for  robbing  &:12  Healing  :  fome  for  one  thing,  fome  for  another  j  13So  andsiiuer. 

that  furely  I  think  14  maior  ejl  numerus  Hominum^  quos  dira  aucLritiae 

pejlis  alforpjit,  quam  quos  gladius  vel  en/is  perforauit :  15  the  number 

of  thofe15  whom  the  peflilence  of  auarice  hath  fwallowed  vp,  16is 

greatter16  than  the  number  of  thofe  whom  the  fword  hath  deftroid. 

The  Lord  affwage  the  heat17  hereof  with  the  oyle  of  his  grace,18  if 

it  be  his  good  pleafure  and  wil ! 

Spud.  If  I  might  be  fo  bold,  I  wold  requeft  you  to  fhew  me,  out 
of  the  word  of  god,  where  this  fo  deteftable  a  vice  is  reproued. 

1  pounds  F.          *  leaf  71,  back.  Greedie  couetousnesse  in  Ailgna.  B. 
3  Whereby  E  ;  Wherby  F.  4— 4  the  dayes  of  their  Hues  F.          5  getting  F. 

6  bathe  B,  E,  F.  s_s  not  i,t  p. 

9 — 9  as  we  see  dayly,  some  are  hanged  F.          10  some  for  instead  0/and  F. 

11 — 11  not  in  F.  «  some  for  instead  0f&Y. 

f  leaf  72.  Testimonies  against  Couetousnes.  B. 

u — 14  the  number  of  men  is  greater  B,  E,  F  ;  F  has  to  be  for  is. 

I5_i5  not  in  B,  E,  F.         16— 16  not  in  B,  E,  F.         "  raging  heate  F. 

18  gracious  mercy  for  grace  F. 


Punifhment  of  Vfurers. 

The  Anatomic 

Math.  6. 


out  of  the 

word  of  God 

against  coue- 


[2  sign.  K  3.  A.] 

Luc.  6. 
Math,  ix.3 

[Bible  bits 
against  covet 

[5  leaf  72,  back. 

Timo.  vi. 

Psalm  39. 

Prouerb  i. 
Proue.  xxvii. 

K  3,  back] 

Mat.  5. 
Luc.  6. 

Philo.  Our  Sauiour  Chrift  lefus,  the  *  Arch-doctor  *  of  all  truth,  in 
his  Euangely,  the  lixt  of  Mathew,  faith,  '  Be  not  carefull  for  to  morow 
day,  for  the  morow  fhall  care  for  it  felfe.' 

Againe,  'be  not  carfull  for  Apparell,  what  2you  ihall  put  on,  nor 
for  meat  what  you  fhall  eat,  but  feeke  you  the  Kingdome  of  Heauen, 
&  the  righteoufnes  therof,  and  all  thefe  things  fhal  be  giuen  vnto  you.' 
He  charged  his  Difciples  to  be  fo  farre  from  couetoufnes,  as  not  to 
cary  two  coates  with  them  in  their  iorneys,  nor  yet  any  money  in  their 
purfes.  He  tould  his  Difciples  another  time,  ftryuing  which  of  them 
mould  be  the  greatteft,  that  he  who  wold  be  the  greatteft,  muft  con- 
defcend4  to  be  ferua?zt  of  all.  When  the  people  wold  haue  aduauwced 
him  to  haue  beene  King,  he  refufed  it,  and  hid  him  felf.  He  telleth 
vs,  we  ' cannot  ferue  two  Maifters,  God  &  Mammon' :  he  biddeth  vs 
'  not  to  fet  our  minds  vppo?z  couetoufnes ' ;  inferring  that '  wher  5  our 
riches  be6,  there  will  our  harts  be  alfo.  He  faith,  'it  is  harder  for  a 
rich  Man  (that  is,  for  a  Man  whofe  truft  is  in 7  riches,)  to  enter  into 
the  Kingdome  of  God,  than  for  a  Camell  to  go  thorow  the  eye  of  a 
needle.'  The  Apoftle  biddeth  vs, 'if  we  haue  meat  &8  drinke  and 
clothing,  to  be  content,  for  they  that  will  be  rich  (faith  he)  fall  into 
diuerfe  temptations  and  fnares  of  the  Deuill,  which  drowne  Men  in 
perditiow.'  Dauid  faith,  '  Man  difquieteth  him  felfe  in  vaine  heaping  vp 
riches,  &  cannot  tell  who  ihall  polTelfe  them.'  Salom[pn\  corwpareth 
a  couetous  man  to  him  that  murthereth  &  fheadeth  innocent  bloud. 
Againe,  '  Hell  and  deftruction  are  neuer  ful,  fo  the  eyes  of  Men  can 
neuer  be  9fatiffied.'  The  Apoftle  S.  Paule  faith,  'neither  Whor- 
mo?zgers,  Adulterers,  nor  couetous  perfons,  nor  Extortioners  fhal  euer 
enter  into  the  Kingdom  of  Heauen.'  And  faith  further,  Mat  'the  loue 
of  monie  is  the  root  of  al  euil.'  Chrift  biddeth  vs  '  be 10  liberal  &  lend  to 
them  that  haue  need,  not  looking  for  any  reftitutiorc  again  -}  &  neuer 
to  turn  our  face  away  irom  any  poore  maw,  &  thaw  the  face  of  the 
Lord  fhall  not  be  turned  away  from  vs.'  By  thefe  few  places  it  is 
manifeft  how  farre  fro/w  al  couetoufnes  the  lord  wold  haue  al  chriftiarcs 1] 
to  be. 

i — i  teacher  F.  3  E  has  Math.  9  ;  F  has  no  figure. 

4  humble  F.  f  leaf  72,  back.  Punishment  of  Couetousnesse.   B. 

6  is  B,  F.  7  in  his  F.  8  &  not  in  F.  10  to  be  F. 

11  his  children  F. 

of  Abules. 

Plagues  for  couetoufnes. 


Spud.  Be  their  any  examples  in1  fcriptures  2 to3  fhevv  foorth  the 
puniflimentes  of  the  fame,  in4ni6ted  vpon  the  Offenders  therin  r2 

Philo.  The  Scripture  is  full  of  fuch  fearful  examples  of  the  iufl 
Judgements  of  God  powred5  vpon  them  that  haue  offended  herein ; 
Wherof  I  will  recite  three  or  four,  for  the  fatiffying  of  your  Godly6 
mind.  Adam  was  caft  out  of  Paradice  for  coueting  that  fruit  which 
was  inhibited  him  to  eat.  Giefe?  the  Seruant  of  Elizeus  the  Prophet, 
was  fmitten  with  an  incurable  leprolie,  for  that  he,  to  fatiffie  his 
couetous  defire,  exacted  gold,  liluer,  &8  riche  garments,  of  Naaman, 
the  K.  of  Siria  his  feruant.  Balaam  was  reproued  of  his  afle  for  his 
couetoufnes  in  going  to  curfe  the  Children  of  Ifrael  at  the  requeft  of 
K.  Balac,  who  promifed  him  aboundance  of  gold  &  liluer  fo  to  doo. 
Achab,  the  K.,  for  couetoufnes  to  haue  pore  Naloth  his  viniard,  flew 
him,  9and  dyed  after  himfelfe,  with  all  his  progeny,  a  lhameful  death. 
The  SoTznes  of  Samuel  were,  for  their  infaciable  couetoufnes,  deteined10 
from  euer  inioying  their  Fathers  kingdome.  ludas,  for  couetoufnes 
of  mony,  fould  the  Sauiour  of  the  world,  and  betrayed  him  to  the 
lewes,  but  afterward  dyed  a  miferable  death,  his  bellye  burfting,  & 
his  bowels  gufhing  out.  Ananias  and  Saphira  his  wife,  for  couetouf 
nes  in  co/zcealing  part  of  the  price  of  their  ll  lands  from  the  apoftles, 
were  both  ilain,  &  died  a  fearful  death.  Achan  was  ftoned  to  death, 
by  the  lord  his  commandemeTzt,  for  his  couetoufnes  in  flealing 12  gold, 
filuer,  &  lewels  at  the  facking  of  lericho,  &  al  his  goods  were  burned 
prefently.  Thus  you  fee  how  for  couetoufnes  of  mony,  in  all  ages, 
Men  haue  made  ihipwrack  of  their  confciences,  and  in  the  end,  by  the 
iuft  iudgemerat  of  God,  haue  dyed  fearful  deaths ;  whofe  Judgments  I 
leaue  to  the  Lord. 

Spud.  Seeing  that  couetoufnes  is  fo  wicked  a  fin,  &  fo  offenfiue 
both  to  God  &  Man,  &  pernicious  to  the  foule,  I  marueile  what 
raoueth  Men  to  folio  we  the  fame13  as  they  doo. 

Ph.  Two  things  14moue  men  to  affect  mony  fo15  much  as  they 

1  in  the  holie  E,  F.  (holy  F.) 

2 — 2  of  the  Justice  of  God,  inflicted  vpon  them  that  haue  offended  herein  F. 
3  that  E.  *  leaf  73.  Plagues  for  Couetousnesse.  B. 

5  executed  F.  6  Godly  not  in  F. 

7  Gehesie  F.  8  and  other  F.  w  restrained  F. 

f   leaf  73,  back.  Vaine  titles  of  [maister  and  E]  worship  in  Ailgna.  B. 

12  for  F.  13  so  much  added  in  F. 

14  in  my  iudgement,  added  in  B,  E,  F  ;  (F  adds  doe.)  16  so  so  A. 

[«  leaf  73. 

The  punish 
ment  of  coue- 
tousnes  shew 
ed  by  exam 

4  Reg.  5. 

Num.  22. 

[Bible  examples 
of  punishments 

P  sign.  K  4.  A.] 
Sa.  viii. 

Act.  v. 

["  leaf  73,  back 

[God's  judg 
ments  on  covet 
ous  men.] 


Vsurie  in  Ailgna. 

The  Anatomic 

What  make 
Men  to  affect 

j>  K  4,  back] 

Euery  Begger 
almost  is  call 
ed  Maister  at 
euery  word. 

[»  leaf  74-  B. 

[Titivillers,  that 
is,  flattering 
fellows.  E,  F.] 

Refusing  of 
vaine  Titles. 
\tiot  in  E,  F.] 

[«  sign.  K  S.  A.] 

do  :  the  one,  for1  feare  leaft  they  {hold  fal  into  pouertie  &  beggery,  (oh, 
ridiculous2  infidelitie!)  the  other,3  to  be  aduanced  &:  promoted  to  high 
dignities  &  honors  vpow  earth.  And  thei  fee  the  world  is  fuch,  that  he 
who  hath  moni  enough  flialbe  rabbled  &  maiftered  at  euery  word,  and 
withal  faluted  with4  5the  vaine  title  of6  ' worfhipfull,'  7and  'right 
worlhipfull,' 7  though  notwithstanding  he  be  a  dunghill  Gentleman,  or 
a  Gentleman  of  the  firft  head,  as  they  vfe  to  terme  them.  And  to  fuch 
outrage8  is  it  growne,  that  now  adayes  euery  Butcher,  Shooemaker, 
Tailer,  Cobler,9  Huf band-man,  10and  other 10;  yea,  euery  Tinker, 
pedler,  n  and  fwinherd,  euery  Artificer  and  other,  gregarii  ordinis,  of 
the  vileft  forte  of  Men  that  be,  mufl  be  called  by  the  vain  name  of 
'  Maiflers '  at  euery  word.  But  it  is  certen  that  no  wyfe  Man  will  intitle 
them  with  any  of  thefe  names,  'worfhipfull '  and  'maifter,'  (for  they  are 
names  and  titles  of  dignitie,  proper  to  the  Godly  wyfe,  for  fome  fpeciall 
vertue  inherent12,  either  els  13inrefpe6tof13  their  birth,  or  calling,  due 
vnto  them)  but  fuch  Titiuillers,  flattering  Parafits,  and  glofing  Gnatoes 
as  flatter  them,  expecting  fome  pleafure  or  benefit  at  their  hazels ; 
which  thing,  if  they  were  not  blowen  vp  with  the  bellowes  of  pride, 
and  puffed  vp  with  the  wind  of  vainglori,  they  might  eafily  perceiue. 
For  certen  it  is  they  do  but  mocke  and  flatter14  them  with  thefe  titles, 
knowing  that15  they  deferue  nothing16  leife.  17  Wherfore,  like  good18 
Recufants  19  of  that  thing  which  is  euill19,17  they  fliould  refufe  thofe 
vainglorious  Names,  remembring  the  words  of  our  fauiour  Chrifl, 
faying,20  'be  not  called  Maifler,'  in  token  there  is  but  one  onely  true 
Maifler  and  Lord  in  Heauen ;  21  which  only  true  Maifler  &  Lord,  God 
graunt  all  other  may  follows,  lothe  in  life  and  name,  vntil  they  come 
to 22  perfect  men  in  lefus  Chrift. 

Spud.  The  people  beeing  fo  fet  vpon  couetoufnes,  as  I  gather  by 
your  fpeeches  they  be,  is  it  poilible  that  they  wil  lend  morcey  without 

1  9.  for  for  F.  *  distnistfull  B,  E,  F. 

3  other  for  desire  B,  E,  F  ;  (F  has  &for  for)  4  by  for  with  E,  F. 

6  Gentleman  and  added  in  F.  ?— 7  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

8  extreme  madnesse  B,  E,  F.  9  cobler  and  B,  E,  F. 

io_io  not  in  B>  E)  F 

f  leaf  74.  Vsurie  in  Ailgna.  B.  12  in  them  added  in  F. 

13_13  for  B,  E,  F.  u  floute  E,  F.  ,15  that  not  in  E,  F. 

16  no  F.  17 — n  And  therefore  as  wise  men  and  fearing  God  F. 

18  wyse  E.  19~19  not  in  B,  E,  F.  20  saying  not  in  F. 

22  to  be  E,  F. 

of  Abufes. 

Lawes  allowe  no  vfury. 


vfurie,  or  without  fome  hoftage,  guage,  or  pawn?  1for  vfurie  follow- 

eth  couetouf2nes,  as  the  lhadowe  dooth  the  bodie.  g  J«f  74,  back. 

Great  Vfurie  in  Ailgna. 

IT  is  as  impoflible  for  any  to  borrowe  money  there3  (for  the  moll   Vsury. 
part),  without  vfurie4  &  loane,  or  with-out  fome  good  hoftage,  guage,5 
or  pledge,  as  it  is  for  a  dead  man  to  fpeak  with  audible  voice. 

Sbud.  I  haue  heard  fay  that  the  politiue  and  ftatute  lawes  there  The  possitiue 


doo  permit  them  to  take  vfurye,  limitting6  them  how  much  to7  take 
for  euery  pound. 

Philo.  Although  the  ciuile8  lawes  (for  the  auoiding  of  further  in- 
conueniences)  doo  permit  certain  fommes  of  money  to  be  giuen9  ouer- 
plus,  beyond  or 10  abooue  the  principall,  for  the  loane  of  mony  lent,  yet 
are  the  vfurers  no  more  n  difcharged  from  the  gilt  of  vfurie  before  God   [«  K  5,  Lack] 
therby,  then  the  adulterous  lewes  were  from  whordome,  becaufe  Moyfes 
gaue  them  a  permifliue  law,  for  euery  man12  to  put  away  13  their 
wiues 13  that  would,  for  14  euery  light  trifle.14  And  yet  the  15  lawes  there  The  lawes  of 
giue  no  libertie  to  commit  vfurie  -,  but  feeing  how  much16  it  rageth,   novsurie. 
left  it  Ihould  exceed,  rage  further,  and  ouer-flowe  the  banks  of  all 
reafon  and  godlynes, — As  couetoufnes  is  a  raging  lea  and  a  bottowlelfe 
pit,  and17  neuer  fati[f]fied  nor  contented, — they  haue  limited  them18 
with19in  certain  meeres  and  banks20  (to  bridle  the  infadable  delires  of  t19  leaf  75.  B.tJ 
couetous  men),  beyond  the  which  it  is  not  lawful  for  any  to  go.     but 
this  permiflioTz  of  Me  lawes  argueth  not  that  it  is  lawful  to  take  vfury 
no  more  (I  fay)  then  the  permiHion  of  Moyfes  argued  that  whor 
dome  &  adulterie  is  21  lawf ull  &  good,  becaufe  Moyfes  permitted  them 
to  put  away  their  wiues  for  the  auoiding  of  greater  euil  **  :  for,  as  chrift 
faid  to  the  lewes,  'from  Me  beginning  it  was  not  fo,'  fo  fay  I  to  thefe 
vfurers,  from  the  beginning  it  was  not  fo,  nor  yet  ought  23fo  to  be.23 

3  in  England  F. 
appointing  F. 

1  I  thinke  not,  added  in  B,  E,  F. 
*  leaf  74,  back.  Lawes  allowe  no  Vsurie.  B. 
4  interest  added  in  E,  F.          5  pawne  added  in  F. 

7  they  shall  E,  F.  8  Statute  F.  •  &  taken  added  in  F. 

10  and  E,  F.  12  one  F.  "_i3  his  wife  E,  F. 

14— u  any  light  offence  E,  F.         15  positive  lawes  E,  F.         16  farre  F. 

17  and  not  in  E,  F.  "  it  E,  F.        f  leaf  75.  Vsurie  vnlawfull.  B. 

20  boundes  F.         21  was  then  E,  F.         22  euils  F.         23— 23  to  be  so  F. 


Vfury  vnlawful. 

The  Anatomic 

[4  sigu.  K  6.  A.] 

The  lawes 
permit  some 
ouerplus,  but 
commaund  it 
[not].  6 

[8  leaf  75,  back. 

Forbidding  to 
outrage  in 
mischeef§  is 
not  I  permission 
to  comit 
[§  mircheef  A. 
{  no  F.] 

K  6,  back] 

Spud.  If  no  intereft  were  permitted,  then1  no  man  would  lend,  & 
then  how  mould  the  poor  doo  ?  wherfore  the  lawes,  that  permit  fome 
fmall  ouer-plus  therin,  doo  very  wel.2 

Philo.  3  Non  faciendum  eft  malum,  vt  inde  veniat  lonum :  we  mufl 
not  doo  euil,  that  good  may  come  of  it.  yet  the  lawes,  in  permitting 
4 certain  reafonable  gain  to  be  receiued  for  the  loane  of  money  lent,  left 
otherwife  the  poore  mould  quaile  5  (for  without  fome  commoditie  the 
rich  would  not  lend,)  haue  not  doone  much  amifle  -,  but  if  they  had 
quite  cut  it  of,  and  not  yeelded  at  all  to  any  fuch  permiffion,  they 
had  doon  better.  But  heerin  the  intent  of  the  lawe  is  to  be  per 
pended,7  which  was  to  impale  within  the  Forreft,  or  park,  of  reafon 
able  and  confcionable  gain,  men  who  cared  not  how  much  they  could 
extorte  out  of  poore-mens  hands  for  8the  loane  of  their  money  lent, 
and  not  to  authorife  any  man  to  commit  vfurie,  as  though  it  were 
lawful  becaufe  it  is  permitted. 

Therfore  thofe  that  fay  that  the  lawes  there  doo  allow  of  vfury,  & 
licence  men  to  commit  it  freely,  doo  flaunder  the  lawes,  &  are  woorthy 
of  reprehenfion ;  for  though  the  lawes  fay, '  thou  malt  not  take  abooue 
ij.s.  in  the  pound,  in  a  hundred,'  9and  fofo10  foorth,9  Dooth  this 
prooue  that  it  is  lawful  to  take  fo  much,  or  rather  that  thou  malt  not  take 
more  then  that  ?  If  I  n  fay  to  a  man,11 '  thou  malt  not  giue  him  abooue 
one  or  two  blowes,' 12  dooth  this  prooue  that  I  licence  him  to  giue  him 
one  or  two  blowes,  or  rather  that  he  fhal  not  giue  him  any  at  al,  or  if  he 
doo,13  he  fhal  not  exceed  or  paife  the  bands 14  of  refonable  mefure  ? 
fo  this  law  dooth  but  mitigate  the  penalty,  for  it  faith  that  the  party 
that  taketh  but15,  for  the  vie  of  an,  lofeth  bat  the,  not 
his  principal. 

16  Spud.  Then  I  perceiue,  if  Vfurie  be  not  lawful  by  the  lawes  of 
the  Realm,  then  is  it  not  lawful  by  the  lawes  of  God. 

1  then  not  in  E,  F. 

2  in  my  opinion  added  mlL,  F  ;  (F  has  mine  for'  my) 

3  The  Apostle  teacheth  vs  added  in  B  ;  The  Apostle  sayth,  E,  F. 

5  vtterly  be  distressed  F.         6  not  added  in  B,  E,  F.          7  .considered  P\ 

\  leaf  75,  back.  Vsurie  vnlawfull  by  Gods  lawe.   B. 
9— 9  &c.  F.  10  so  for  so  so  B,  E. 

11 — u  see  a  man  will  needes  fight  with  another,  a  (sic)  I  hauing  authority 
ouer  him,  say  vnto  him  F. 

12  at  the  most  added  in  F.  1S  that  added  in  E,  F. 

14  bounds  F.  l5  aboue  B,  E,  F. 

of  Abufes.  Vfury  equall  with  Murder.  1 25 

Philo.  You  may  be  lure  of  that :  For  our  Sauiour  Chrifte  willeth   Math.  5,  5. 

Luc.  6. 

vs  to  be  fo  far  from  couetoufnes  and  vfury,  as  he  faith,  "  giue  to  him 
that  afketh  thee,  and  from  him  that  would  borrow  turn  not  thy  face 
away."  Againe,1  "  Lend  of  thy  goods  to  them  who  are  not  able  to 
pay  thee  again,  and  thy  reward  fhalbe  great  in  heauen."  2If  wee  The  word  of 

K   J  God  against 

inuft  lend  our  goods,  then,  to  them  who  are  not  able  to  pay  vs  again,   vsurie. 

no,  not  fo  much  as  the  bare  thing  lent,  where  is  the  intereft,  the  vfurie, 

the  gaine,  and  ouer-plus  which  we  fifti  for  fo  much  ?     Therfore  our 

Sauiour  Chrifte  faith,  leatlus  eft  dare,  potius3  quarn  accipere  :     It  is 

more  blefled  to  giue,  then  to  receiue.     In  Me  22.  of  Exodus,  Deut.   4  Exodus  20. 

24,  23,  Leiiit.  25,  Nehe.  5,  Eze.  22,  18,  &  many  other  places,  we  are   Leuit.  25. 

forbidden  to  vfe  any  kinde  of  vfury,  or  intereft,  or  to  receiue  again   Ezech.  22, 18.4 

any  ouer-pluss  befides  the  principall,  either  in  money,  come,  wine, 

oyle,  beafts,  cattel,  meat,  drink,  cloth,  or  any  thing  els  what  foeuer. 

Dauid  afketh  a  queftion  of  the  Lord,  faying,  Lord,  whojhall  dwell  in 

thy  Tabernacle,  and5  whojfmll  rejl  in  thy  holy  hil  ?  wherto  he6  giueth    Psalm  is.7 

the  folution  him  felf,8  faying,  '  euen  he  that  leadeth  an  incorrupt  life,  & 

hath  not  giuen  his  mony  vnto  vfurie,  9nor  taken  reward  againft  the   p  sign.  K  7.  A.] 

innocent :  who  fo  dooth  thefe  things  mail  neuer  fall.'     In  the  15  of 

Deut.  the  Lord  willeth  vs  not  to  craue  again  the  thing  we  haue  lent 

to  our  neighbor,  for  it  is  the  Lords  free  yeer.     If  it  be  not  lawful   when  it  is  not 

(then)  to  a(ke  again  that  which  is  lent  (for  it  is  not  the  law  of  good   ag^in  ou?  ab 

confcience  for  thee  to  exact  it,  if  thou  be  abler  to  beare10  it  then  the 

other11  to  pay  it,)  much  leffe  is  it  lawful12  to  demaund  any  vfury  or 

ouer-plus.     And  for  this  caufe  the  Lord  faith,  '  let  there  be  no  begger 

amowgft  you,  nor  poore  perfon  13  amongft  the  Tribes  of  Ifrael.'    Thus,   ps  leaf  76,  back. 

you  fee,  the  woord  of  God  abandowneth  vfurie  euen  to  helj  and  all 

writers,  bothe  diuine  and  prophane,  yea,  the  very  heathen  people, 

moued  onely  by  the  inftin6t  of  nature    and   rules   of  reafon,  haue 

alwaies  abhord  it.    Therfore  Cato,  beeing  demaunded  what  vfurie  was, 

ifked  againe,  ' what  it  was  to  kill  a  man?'  making:  vfurie  equiualent   Het.neni"«n 

against  vsury 

with  murther:  And  good  reafon,  for  he  that  killeth  a14  man,  riddeth 

1  And  againe  F.  *  leaf  76.  The  word  of  God  against  Vsurie.  B. 

3  potius  not  in  F.  4 — 4  not  in  F.  5  or  B,  E,  F. 

6  or  rather  the  holy  Ghost  in  him  added  in  F.         7  Psalm  25  in  A  ;  16  in  F. 
8  him-self  not  in  F.  10  forbear  F.  "  other  is  E,  F. 

12  for  thee  added  in  F. 
t  leaf  76,  back.  Vsurie  equall  with  Murther.  B*  w  a  a  (sic)  A. 

126         Imprifoning  for  debt  cruell.          The  Anatomic 

vsury  equall 
with  murther. 

[4  K  7,  back] 

Sute  com 
against  him 
that  is  not 
able  to  pay 
aswel  the 
Vsury  as  the 
[8  leaf  77.  B.t] 

To  prison  with 
him  that  can 
not  pay  the 

No  mercy  in 
imprisoning  of 
poor-men  for 

[I0  sign.  K  8.  A.] 

No  crueltie  to 
be  shewed,  but 
mercy  and 
ought  to  be 

him  out  of  his  paines  at  oncej  but  he  that  taketh  vfury,  is  long  in 
butchering  his  patient,  fuffering1  him  by  little  &  little  to  languifh,  and 
fucking  out  his  hart2  blood,  neuer  leaueth  him  fo  long  as  he  feeleth 
any  3vitall  blood  (that  is  lucre  and  gaine)  comming  foorth  of3  him. 
The  Vfurer  killeth  not  one  but  many,  bothe  Hufband,  Wife,  Child 
ren,  feruants,  famelie,  and  all,  not  fparing  any.  4And  if  the  poore 
man  haue  not  wherewith  to  pay,  as  wel  the  intereft  as  the  principall, 
when  foeuer  this  greedy  cormorant  dooth  demaund  it,  then  fute 
malbe5  commenced  againft  himj  out  go  butter-flies  and  writs,  as 
thick  as  haile  j  fo  the  poore  man  is  apprehended  and  brought  coram 
nobis,  6and  beeing  once  conuented,  Judgement  condemnatorie  and6 
diffinitiue  fentence  proceedeth  againft  him,  compelling  him  to  pay, 
aswel  the  vfury  &  the7  loane  of  the  money,  as  the  money  lent.  But  if 
he  haue  not  to  fatifrie  aswei  the  one  as  th'  other,  8then  to  Bocardo 
goeth  he  as  round  as  a  ball,  where  he  fhalbe  fure  to  lye  vntil  he  rotte, 
one  peece  from  an  other,  without  fatiffaction  bee  made.  Oh,  curfed 
Caitiue  !  no  man,  but  a  deuil  j  no  Chriftian,  but  a  cruel  Tartarian  and 
mercilefle  Turck  !  dareft  thou  look  vp  toward  heauen,  or  canft  thou 
hope  to  be  faued  by  the  death  of  Chrifte,  that  fuffereft  thine  owne 
flefh  and  blood,  thine  owne  bretheren  &  lifters  in  the  Lord,  and, 
which  is  more,  the  flefh  and  blood  of  Chrift  lefus,  veflels  of  faluation, 
coheirs  with  him  of  his  fuperiall9  kingdom,  adoptiue  fonnes  of  his 
grace,  &  finally  faints  in  heauen,  to  lye  and  rot  in  prifon  for  want  of 
payment  of  a  little  droife,  which  at  the  day  of  dome  fhall  beare  wit- 
nelfe  againft  thee,  gnaw  thy  flelh  like  a  canker,  and  condemn  thee 
for  euer  ?  The  very  ftones  of  the  prifon  10  walles  mall  rife  vp  againft 
thee,  and  condemne  thee  for  thy  crueltie.  Is  this  loue  ?  Is  this 
charitie  ?  is  this  to  doo  to  others  as  thou  wouldeft  wifh  others  to n  doe 
to  thee  ?  or  rather,  as  thou  woz/ldeft  wilh  the  Lord  to  doe  vnto  thee  ? 
Art  thou  a  good  member  of  the  bodie,  which  not  onely  cutteft  of  thy 
felfe  from  the  vine,  as  a  rotten  braunch  and  void  lop,  but  alfo  heweft 
off  other  members  from  the  fame  true  vine,  Chrifte  lefus  ?  No,  no ; 

1  causing  F.  *  vitall  F. 

3— 3  life  in  him  or  any  more  gaines  comming  from  F. 

5  is  B,  E,  F. 

6— 6  then  presently  E,  F.  7  the  not  in  F. 

t  leaf  77.  Imprisonyng  for  debt  cruell.  B.  '  supernall  B,  E,  F. 

11  to  not  in  F. 

of  Abufes.  The  tyranny  of  Vfurers.  127 

thou  art  a  member  of  the  Deuil,  a  limme  of  Sathan,  and  a  Childe  of 

Wee  ought  not  to  handle  our  bretheren1  in  fuch  forte  for  any 
worldly  matter  whatibeuer.  Wee  2  ought  to  mew  mercie  and  not  g  leaf  77,  back, 
crueltie  to  our  bretheren,  to  remit  trefpaffes  and  offences,  rather  then 
to  exact  puniflimentj  referring  all  reuenge  to  him  who  faith,  Mihi 
vindiffiam,  et  ego  retribuam :  Vengeance  is  mine,  and  I  wil  rewarde 
(faith  the  LORD). 

Beleeuemee,  it  greeueth  mee  to  heare  (walking3  in  the  ftreats)  the 
pitiful  cryes,  and  miferable  complaints  of  poore  prifoners  in  durawce   Thepetieful 
for  debt,  and  like  fo  to  continue  all  their  life,  deftitute  of  libertie,    Prisoners  in 

prison  for 

meat,  drink  (though  of  the  meaneft  forte),  and  clothing   to  their   dept. 

backs,  lying  in  filthie  ftrawe,  and  Mothfome  dung,4  wurfle  then  anie 

Dogge,  voide  of  all  charitable  confolation  and  brotherly  comfort  5in    L5  K  8,  back] 

this  World,  wifhing  and  thyrfting  after  death  to  fet  them  at  libertie, 

and  loofe  them  from  their  {hackles,  giues,  and  yron  bands. 

Notwithftanding,  fome6  mercileffe  tygers  are  growen  to  fuch  bar-   A  tygeriicke 
barous  crueltie  that  they  blufh  not  to  fay,  "turn  !  he  mail  either  paye   saying, 
mee  the  whole,  or  els7  lye  there  till  his  heels  rot  frorw  his  buttocks  j 
and  before  I  will  releafe  him,  I  will  make  dice  of  his  bones."     But   Math,  xviii. 
take  heed,  thou  Deuill  (for  I  dare  not  call  thee  a  Man8),  left  the 
Lord  fay  to  thee,  as  he  faid9  to  that  wicked  Seruant   (who  hauing 
great  fommes  forgiuen  him,  wold  not  forgiue  his  Brother  his  fmall 
debte,  but,  catching  him  by  the  throte,  faid,  'pay  that  thou  oweft'), 
bind  him  hands  and  feet,  and  caft  him  into  vtter  Darknes,  wher  mall 
10  be  weeping  and  gnalhing  of  teeth.  [I0  leaf  78.  B.f] 

An  Vfurer  is  worfe  than  a  Thief,  for  the  one  ftealeth  but  for  need,    An  Vsurer 
the  other  for  coueitoufnes  and  exceffe11 :  the  one  ftealeth  but  in  the   Thief.  [***ȣ.] 
night  commonly ;  the  other  daylie  and  hourely,  night  and  daye,  at  all 
limes  indifferently. 

An  Vfurer  is  worfe  than  a  lew,  for  they,  to  this  daye,  will  not   An  Vsurer 
take  anye  vfurie  of  their  Brethren,  according  to  the  lawe  of  GOD.          iew?er[t 

They  are  worfe  than  ludas,  for  he  betraied  Chrift  but  once,  made   An  Vsurer 

worser  §  than 
1  brethen  (sic)  F.  *  leaf  77,  back.  The  tyranny  of  Vsurers.  B.  ludas.  [§  worse 

3  as  I  walk  F.  4— 4  stinking  litter  F.  B'  E'J 

6  these  B,  E,  F.  7  he  shal  added  in  F.  8  Christian  B,  E,  F. 

9  did  F.  t  leaf  78.  Vsurers  worse  then  the  Deuill.  B. 

»  lucre  F. 

[2  sign.  L  i.  A.] 

Vsurers  wursse 
then  Hel. 

An  Vsurer 
wursse  then 

An  vsurer 
vvurse  then  the 

The  sayings  of 
Godly  Fathers 
and  Writers 
against  vsury. 
[4  leaf  78,  back. 

Vsurers  pun 
ished  6  with 
sundry  tor 

Scriuiners  the 

Diuels  agents 

to  set  forward 


[7  L  i,  back] 

128     Scriueners,  Inftrumercts  of  vfurie.    The  Anatomie 

reftitution,  and  repented  1for  it1  (though  his  repentance  fprang  not  of 
faith,  but  of  defpaire),  but  thefe  Vfurers  betray  Chrift  in  his  members 
daylie  and  hourly,  2  without  any  remorfe  or  reftitution  at  all. 

They  are  wurfle  then  hel  it  felf,  for  it  punifheth  but  only  the 
wicked  and  reprobate,  but  the  Vfurer  maketh  no  difference  of  any, 
but  puni(heth  all  alike.  They  are  crueller  then  death,  for  it  deftroy- 
eth  but  the  body  and  goeth  no  further,  but  the  vfurer  deftroyeth  both 
body  &  foule  for  euer.  And,  to  be  breef,  the  Vfurer  is  wurfle  then 
the  Deuil  himfelf,  for  the  Deuill  plagueth  but  onely  thofe  that  are  in 
his  hands,  or  els  thofe  who  me  God  permitteth  him ;  the  Vfurer 
plagueth  not  onely  thofe  that  are  within  his  iurifdiction  alredy,  but 
euen  all  other,  without  permiffion3  of  any.  Therfore,  faith  Amlrofc, 
if  any  man  commit  vfurie,  it  is  extortion,  rauin,  &  pillage,  4and  he 
ought  to  dye.  Alpkonfus  called  vfury  nothing  els  then  a  life  of  death. 
Lycurgus  banimed  all  kind  of  vfury  out  of  his  lands.  Cato  did  the 
fajne.  AgeJJilaus,  Generall  of  the  Lacedemonians,  burned  the  Vfurers 
bookes  in  the  open  market  places.  Claudius  Vafpatiannus,  and  after 
him  Alexander  Seuerus  made  lharpe  lawes  againft  vfury,  and  vtterly 
extirped  the  fame.5  Arijlotle,  Plato,  Pythagoras,  and  generally,  all 
writers,  bothe  holy  and  prophane,  haue  fharply  inueighed  againft  this 
deuouring  canker  of  vfury ;  &  yet  cannot  we,  that  fain  would  be 
called  chriftians,  auoid  it.  And  if  it  be  true  that  I  heare  7fay,  there 
be  no  men  fo  great  doers  in  this  noble  facultie  and  famous  fcience  as 
the  Scriueners  be :  For  it  is  fayd  (and  I  feare  me  too  true)  that  there 
are  fome  to  whome  is  committed  8a  hundred  or  two  ot  poundes,8  of9 
fome  more,  of9  fome  lefle,  they  puttinge  in  good  fureties  to  the 
owners  for  the  repayment10  of  the  fame  againe,  with  certaine  allow 
ance  for  the  loane  thereof ;  then  come  there  poore  men  to  them, 
11defiring  them11  to  lende  them  fuche  a  fom  of  money,  and  they  wil 
recompence  them  at  their  owne  defires,  who  making  refufall  at  the 
nrfte,  as  though  they  had  it  not  (to  acuate12  the  minds  of  the  poore 
petitioners  withall13),  at  laft  they  lend  them  how  much  they  deiire, 

i — i  not  in  E,  F.  3  compassion  B,  E,  F. 

+  leaf  78,  back.  Scriueners  instruments  of  Vsurie.  B. 

5  out  of  their  dominions  added  in  F.  6 — 6  sundry  wayes  F. 

e- — 8  an  hundred  poundes  or  two  F .  9  to  in  B,  E,  F. 

10  payment  F.  n — n  with  request  F. 

12  whette  F.  13  you  must  vnderstande  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

of  Abufes.  Great  fwearyng  in  Ailgna.  129 

receiuing  of  the  poore  men  what  interefl  &1  aflura/zce  they  luft2 

themfelues,  and3  binding  them,  their  lands,  4Goodes,  and  all,  with  [*  leaf  79.  B.»] 

forfaiture  thereof  if  they  fayle  of  payment :  where  note,  by  the  way, 

the  Scriuener  is  the  Inftrament  wherbythe  Diuell  worketh  5the  frame6 

of  this  7  wicked  woorke  of  Vfurie,  hee  beeing  rewarded7  5  with  a  good 

fleece  for  his  labour.     For  firfte,  he  hath  a  certaine  allowance  of  the   The  Scriuiners 

fleece  or  pit- 

Archdiuel8  who  owes  the  money,  for  helping  him  to  Inch9  vent  for  his   taunce  for  his 


coyne:  Secondly,  he  hath  a  greate  deale10  more  vfurie  to  himfelfe,  of 

him  who  boroweth  the  money,  nthan  he  alloweth  the  owner  of  the 

mony11:    And,  thirdly,  he  hath  not  the  leaft  part  for  making  the 

writings  betwene  them.  12  And  thus  the  poore  man  is  fo  implicate13   [I3  sign.  L  a.  A.  1 

and  wrapped  in  on  euerie  fide,  as  it  is  impoflible  for  him  euer14  to  get 

out  of  the  briers15  without  lolTe  of  all  that  euer  hee  hath,  to  the  very 

ikin.     Thus  the  riche  are  inriched,16  the  poore  beggered,  and  Chrift 

lefus  dishonored  euerie  way,  God  be  mercifull  vnto  us !     17  De  his 


[l8 Greate  S weary ng  in  Ailgna.  JT*«  «**//«• 


What  is  the  19qualitie,20  and19  naturall  difpofition21  of  this  people  ? 
Are  thei  not  a  verie  godlie,  religious,  and  faithfull  kind  of  people  :  For 
the  faiynff  is,  that  the  woorde  of  God,  and  good  Religion,  florisheth  in  [Gods  word 

nonsheth  in 

that  lande,  better  then  in  the  greateft  parte  of  the  worlde  befides.   England,  bat  the 

people  are 

And  I  am  f ullie  perfwaded,  that  where  the  woorde  of  God  is  truely  J'jked  still.  E, 
prached  and  his  Sacramentes  duely  miniftered  (all  whiche  thei  22haue)   C32  leaf  79,  back, 
there  muft  all  thynges  needes  profper,  and  goe  forwarde ;  wherefore  I 
defire  to  knowe  your  Judgement,  whether  all  thefe  thinges  be  fo,  or 

1  and  also  E,  F.  2  list  B,  E,  F.  3  both  E,  F. 

*  leaf  79.     Great  swearyng  in  Ailgna.  B. 

6 — 6  this  laudable  worke,  rewarding  his  Vassall  F.  6  effecte  E. 

7 — 7  laudable  woorke,  rewarding  his  vassall,  B,  E.         8  master  deuil  F. 

*  such  not  in  B,  E,  F.         10  deale  not  in  F.         » — "  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

13  intangled  F.  u  hardly  F.  16  againe  added  in  F. 

16  inrinched  (sic)  F.  "— "  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

13  This  chapter,  not  in  A,  is  added  in  B,  E,  &  F.  19 — 19  not  in  F. 

20  Inclination,  added  in  E.  21  dispositistion  (sic)  F. 

t  leaf  79,  back.  Hipocrisie  vnder  the  cloke  of  Christianity.  B.  E  has : 
The  disposition  of  Englishmen. 


130     The  libertie  of  Papifts  in  Ailgna.     The  Anatomic 

{This page  not 
in  A.] 

[The  naturall 
disposition  of 
E,  F.] 

[Great  wicked- 
nesse  committed 
vnder  the  cloke 
of  the  gospell. 
E,  F.] 
[S  leaf  80.  B.f] 

[Papistes  suf 
fered  in  England 
with  too  much 
lenitie.  E,  F.] 

[Papists  lining 
in  prison  lyke 
Princes.  E,  F.] 

[Philo.  The  worde  of  God  is  truely  and  fincerely  preached  there, 
and  his  Sacramentes  duely1  and  purely  adminiftred,  as  in  any  place  in 
all  the  worlde2;  no  man  can  deny  it;  and  all  thynges  are  pretelie3 
reformed,  accordyng  to  the  prefcripte  of  Gods  woorde,  fauyng  that  a 
fewe  remnantes  of  fuperftition  doe  remaine  behinde  vnremoued, 
which  I  hope  in  tyme  will  bee  weeded  out,  by  the  ficcle  of  Gods 
woorde.  And  as  concernyng  the  nature,  propertie,  and  difpolition  of 
the  people,  thei  bee  defirous  of  newfangles,  praifyng  thynges  pafte, 
contemnyng  thinges  prefent,  and  couetyng  after  thynges  to  come. 
Ambicious,  proude,  light,  and  vnftable,  ready  to  bee  caried  awaie  with 
euery  blafte  of  Winde.  And  whereas  you  afke  me,  whether  thei  bee 
religious  :  I  anfwere.  If  Religion  confift  in  wordes  onely,  then  are 
thei  verie  religious  -}  but  otherwife,  plaine  irreligious.  Thei  heare  the 
woorde  of  God  fereouflie,  night  &  daie  (a  blefled  exercife  doubtlerTe) 
flockyng  after  fermons  from  place  to  place,  euerie  hower  almofte  : 
thei  receiue  the  Sacramentes  duely,  and  thei  behaue  themfelues4  in  all 
thinges  verie  orderly,  to  the  worlde.  But  a  greate  forte  plaie  the 
Hipocrites  herein  egregiouflie j  and  vnder  this  cloke  of  Chriftianitie, 
and  profeffion  of  the  Gofpell,  thei  commit  all  kinde  of  De5uilrie, 
purchafing  to  themfelues  the  greater  damnation,  in  that  thei  make  the 
worde  of  God,  a  vizard6  to  couer  their  abhominations  withall.  And 
as  for  Sectes,  Schifmes,7  and  fundrie  factions,  thei  want  none  amongeft 
them.  But  efpecially  Papiftes,  and  profeffors  of  Papifme,  are  fuffred 
with  too  much  lenitie  amongeft  them.  Thefe  fedicious  Vipers,  and 
pithonicall  Hidraes,  either  lurke  fecretely  in  corners,  feducyng  her 
Maiefties  Subie6tes,  and  withdrawyng  their  hartes  from  their  foue- 
raignes  obedience,  or  els  walk  openly,  obferuyng  an  outward  decorum, 
and  an  order  as  others  doe;  and  then  maie  no  man  faie  ' blacke  is  their 
eye,'  but  thei  are  good  Proteftarcts.  And  if  the  worft  fall,  that  thei  be 
efpied,  &  found  rancke  Traitours  (as  all  Papiftes  bee)  yet  mail  thei  be 
but  committed  to  Prifon,  where  thei  liue  like  yong  Princes,  fed  with 
all  delicate  meates,  clothed  in  fumpteous  attire,  and  flowing  in8  gold 
and  filuer.  And  no  maruell,  for  euery  one  is  fuffered  to  come  to 

1  sincerely  F.  2  besides  added  in  E,  F. 

8  well  added  in  E,  F.  *  themselued  (sic)  F. 

f  leaf  80.  The  libertie  of  Papists  in  Ailgna.  B. 

6  or  cloak  added  in  F.  7  Errors,  added  in  E. 

8  aboundance  of  added  in  F. 

of  Abufes.  How  a  man  ought  to  fweare.  131 

[them  that  will,  and  to  bring  them  what1  thei  lift.     Thei  hane  their   [T&is page  ttot 

libertie  at  all  tymes,  to  walke  abroade,  to  fporte,  and  paftyme  them- 

felues,  to  plaie  at  Gardes,  Dice.  Tables,  Bowles,  and  what  thei  will  :   [Exercises  of 

Papists  in 

lb  that  it  were  better  for  them  to  be  in  prifon  then  forth.     Alas,  (hall   Prisons  in  Eng 
land.  E,  F.] 

we  fuffer  thefe  fworne  enemies  of  Gods  glorie,  of  Chriftes  Gofpell, 

and  holy  Religion,  to  haue  this  freedome  amongeft  vs  ?    This  maketh 

them  obftinate,  and  incorrigible2:  this  hardeneth  their  3hartes;  and   g Jjaf 80, back. 

this4  maketh  many  a  Papift  moe  then  would  be,  if  due  correction5  were 

executed.6    But  to  returne  againe  to  my  former  difcourfe.     They  are 

alfo  inconftant,  arrogant,  vainglorious,  hautie  mynded,  and  aboue  all 

thynp-es  inclined  to  fwearyng,  in  fo  muche,  as  if  thei  fpeake  but  three   [Great  swearing 

J     °  in  England. 

or  fower  wordes,  yet  muft  thei  needes  be  interlaced  with  a  bloudie   E>  F-J 
othe  or  two,   to  the  great  dilhonour  of   God,  and  offence  of   the 

Spud.  Why  fir  ?  Is  it  fo  greate  a  matter  to  fweare  ?  Doeth  not 
the  worde  of  God  faie,  thou  malt  honour  me,  and  fweare  by  my  name, 
&  thofe  that  fweare  by  me  mall  bee  commended  ?  Thefe  places  and7 
the  like,  me  thinke,  dooe  fufficiently  proue,  that  it  is  lawfull  to  fweare 
at  all  tymes,  doe  thei  not  fo  ? 

Philo.  Nothyng  lefle  :  For  you  muft  vnderftand  that  there  be  two  [Two  kinds  of 
maner  of  fwearinges8 :  the  one  Godly,  the  other  vngodly:  the  one 
lawfull,  and  the  other  damnable.  The  Godly  fwearyng,  or  lawfull 
othe,  is  when  we  be  called  by  the  Magiftrates,  and  thofe  that  be  of 
authoritie,  in  any  doubtfull  matter,  to  depofe  a  truthe ;  and  is  to  be 
doen  in  this  order.  When  any  matter  of  controuerfie  happeneth 
betwixt  man  and  man,  vpon  any  occafion  whatfoeuer,  and  the  truthe  [When,  and  how 

it  is  lawful  to 

thereof  can  not  by  any  meanes  poflible  be  fifted  out,  otherwife  then  sweare.  E,  F.] 

by  an  othe :  then  thou,  beyng  called  by  the  lawful  Magiftrate,  and 

commaunded  vppon  thy  allegeance  to  corcfefle  what  thou  knoweft, 

9  thou  maieft,  and  oughteft  to  depofe  the  truthe,  by  the  inuocation  and   [9  leafSr.  B.t] 

obteftation  of  the  name  of  God.     And  in  this  doyng,  thou  honoureft 

God.     But  beware  that  thofe  things  which  thou  fweareft  be  true,  or 

els  thou  makeft  God  a  Her  (whofe  name  thou  calleft  to  witneffe) 

1  what  maintenance  F.  *  vnreclaimable  F. 

*  leaf  80,  back.  How  a  man  ought  to  sweare.  B. 

4  this  not  in  E.  5  punishment  F.  6  vppon  them  added  in  F. 

7  with  E,  F.  8  or  othes  added  in  E,  F,  and  p.  140,  142,  144, 

f  leaf  81.   Swearyng  forbidden  by  God.   B. 

132         Swearing  forbidden  by  God.         The  Anatomic 

[This  page  not  in  [thou  defireft  hym  to  powre  his  wrath  vpon  thee,  thou  periureft  thy- 
[The  daunger  of  ^e1^  and  purchafeft  etemall  damnation.  The  other  vngodly  and 
|fah,e  othe.  damnable  kinde  of  fwearyng,  is,  when  wee  take  in  vaine  abufe,  and 
blafpheme,  the  facred  name  of  God  in  our  ordenarie  talke,  for  euery 
[A  wicked  kind  light  trifle.  This  kinde  of  fwearyng:  is  neuer  at  any  tyme  vppon  no 

of  swearing.  .  . 

E.F.]  occation  to  be  vfed;  but  the  counfell  of  our  Sauiour  Chrift  is  herein 

to  be  obeyed,  who  faieth :  "  Sweare  not  at  all,  neither  by  heauen, 
for  it  is  his  Seate  :  neither  by  the  earth,  for  it  is  his  Footeftoole : 
neither  by  Jerufalem,  for  it  is  the  Citie  of  the  great  King :  neither 
{halt  thou  fweare  by  an  heire  of  thy l  head,  becaufe  thou  canft  not 
make  one  heire  white  or  blacke :  But  let  your  communication  be 
yea,  yea  :  nay,  nay,"  that  is :  yea  in  harte,  and  yea  in  mouthe  :  nay 
in  harte,  and  nay  in  mouthe :  "  for  whatfoeuer  is  more  then  this 
cowzmeth  of  euill."  That  is,  of  the  Deuill,  faieth  our  Sauiour  Chrift, 
Spud.  I  perceiue  by  your  reafons,  that  fwearyng  is  a  thyng  more 
daungerous  then  it  is  taken  to  bee  :  and  therefore  not  to  bee  fuffered  in 
a  Chriftian  Commonwealth. 

Btiaf  8l' back>  Phito.  A  true  othe  is  daungerous,  a  falfe  othe  2is  damnable,  and  no 

[Sundry  kinds  of  othe  is  fure.   To  fweare  before  a  lawfull  Judge,  or  otherwife  priuately, 

othes,  with  their 

tffectes.  E,  F.]  for  the  appealing  of  coratrouerfies,  callyng  the  name  of  God  to  witnefle 
in  truthe  and  veritie,  is  an  honour,  and  a  true  feruice  doen  to  the 
Lorde :  for  in  thete  caufes  the  Apoftle  biddeth  that  an  oth  may  make 
an  ende  of  all  controuerfies  and  troubles.  But  the  other  kinde  of 
fwearyng  in  priuate  and  familiar  talke,  is  moft  damnable ;  and  there 
fore  faieth  Salomon  :  "  A  man  that  is  giuen  to  muche  fwearyng  mall 
bee  filled  with  iniquitie,  and  the  plague  of  God  (hall  neuer  goe  from 
his  houfe."  And  yet  notwithftandyng  this,  it  is  vfed  and  taken  there 
[Swearing  taken  for  a  vertue.  So  that  he  that  can  lafhe  out  the  bloudieft  othes,  is 
England  E? if]  coumpted  the  braueft  fellowe:  For  (faie  thei)  it  is  a  figne  of  a 
coragious  harte,  of  a  valiaunt  ftomacke,  &  of  a  generofeous,  heroicall, 
and  puiflant  mynde.  And  who,  either  for  feare  of  Gods  ludgementes 
will  not,  or  for  want  of  practice  cannot,  rappe  out  othes  at  euery 
word,  he  is  counted  a  Daftard,  a  Cowarde,  an  Afle,  a  Pefant,  a 
Clowne,  a  Patche,  an  effeminate  perfon,  and  what  not  that  is  euill. 
By  continuall  vfe  whereof,  it  is  growne  to  this  perfection,  that  at 
euery  other  worde,  you  fhal  heare  either  woundes,  bloud,  fides,  harte., 
1  thine  F.  t  leaf  81,  back.  The  horrible  vice  of  swering  in  Ailg.  B. 

of  Abufes.  Horrible  fwearing  in  Ailgna.  133 

[nailes,  foote,  or  fome  other  parte  of   Chriftes  blefied  bodie,1  yea,  \This page  not 
ibmetymes  no   parte   thereof  ihalbe  left  vntorne   of  thefe  bloudie 
Villaines.     And  to  fweare  by  God  at  euery  worde,  by  the  World,  by 

S.  Jhon,  2by  S.  Marie,  S.  Anne,  by  Bread  and  Salte,  by  the  Fire,  or  [a  leaf  82.  B.»] 

by  any  other  Creature,  thei  thinke  it  nothyng  blame  worthie.     But  I  sweare  by  any 

J         J  creature.  E,  F.] 

giue  all  bloudie  Swearers  (who  crucifie  the  Lorde  of  life  afrem,  as  the 
Apoftle  faieth,  as  muche  as  is  in  their  power,  and  are  as  giltie  of  his 
Death,  Paffion,  and  Bloud-fheddyng,  as  euer  was  ludas  that  betrayed 
hym,  or  the  curfed  lewes  that  crucified  hym)  to  vnderftande,  that  to 
fweare  by  God  at  euery  woorde,  is  the  greateft  othe  that  can  bee. 
For  in  fwearyng  by  God,  thou  fweareft  by  God  the  Father,  by  God 
the  Sonne,  and  by  God  the  holie  Ghoft,  and  by  all  the  whole  diuine 
Nature,  Power,  dieitie,3  and  eflence.  When  thou  fweareft  by  Gods 
harte,  thou  fweareft  by  his  mifticall  wifedome.  When  thou  fweareft 
by  his  bloud,  thou  fweareft  by  his  life.  When  thou  fweareft  by  his  [How  dangerous 

J  ^  ^  it  is  to  sweare  by 

feete,  thou  fweareft  by  his  humanitie.     When  thou  fweareft  by  his   anything.  E,  F.] 

armes,  thou  fweareft  by  his  power.     When    thou  fweareft  by  his 

finger,   or  tung,  thou  fweareft  by  the  holie    Spirite.      When  thou 

fweareft  by  his  nofethrells,  thou  fweareft  by  his  infpirations.     When 

thou  fweareft  by  his  eyes,  thou  fweareft  by  his  prouidewce.    Therfore, 

learne  this,  and  beware  of  fwearyng,  you  bloudie  Butchers,  leaft  God 

deftroye  you  in  his  wrathe.     And  if  you  fweare  by  the  Worlde,  by  S.   tT(>  sweare  by 

any  creature  is 

Ihon,  Marie,  Anne,  Bread,  Salt,  Fire,  or  any  other  Creature  that  euer   idoiatrie.  E  ] 

God  made,  whatfoeuer  it  be,  little  or  muche,  it  is  horrible  Idoiatrie, 

and  damnable  4in  it  felf.     For  if  it  were  lawfull  to  fweare  at  euery5   t4  leaf  82,  back. 


woorde  for  euery  trifle,  yet  it  were  better  to  fweare  by  GOD  in  a 
true  matter,  then  by  any  Creature  whatfoeuer.  Becaufe,  that,  that6  a 
man  fweareth  by,  he  maketh  (as  it  were)  his  God  of  it,  callyng  hym 7 
to  witnefle,  that,  that  thyng  which  he  fpeaketh  is  true.  All  which 
thinges  duely  corcfidered,  I  am  fully  perfwaded,  that  it  were  better 
for  one  to  kill  a  man  (not  that  Murther  is  lawful,  God  forbid !)  the/z 
to  fweare  an  othe.  And  yet  fwearyng  is  of  fuche  fmall  moment  in 
Ailgna,  as  I  heare  fay  (and  I  feare  me  too  true),  there  are  many  that  [False  swearers 

8  in  England  for 

1  sworne  by,  added  in  E,  F.  money*  E,  F.J 

*  leaf  82.  Horrible  swearing  in  Ailgna.  B. 

a  Deity  F.         f  leaf  82,  back.   False  Swearers  for  money  in  Ailg.  B. 

»  each  E,  F.  6  which  in  E,  F.  1  it  E,  F. 

8— 8  for  money  in  England  F. 


Punifhment  of  Swearers. 

The  Anatomic 

[  This  page  not 
in  A.] 

[Swearers  are 
very  Devils.] 

[A  lawe  for 
swearers.  E,  F.] 
[6  leaf  83.  B.f] 

due  for 
swearers.  E,  F.] 

[for  money  will  not  fticke  to  fweare  any  thing,  though  neuer  fo  falfe, 
and  are  wel  enough  knowne,  and  difcerned  from  others  by  the  name 
of  Jurers :  thei  maie  be  called  Libertines,  or  Atheiftes,  naie,  plaine 
Menegers  of1  the  faithe,  and  very  Deuilles  incarnate.  Was2  there  euer 
any  Deuilles  that  would  abdicate3  themfelues  to  eternall  damnation 
for  money,  as  thefe  villaines  dooe  fell  their  bodies  and  foules  to 
eternall  deflru6tion  for  filthy  drofle  and  muck  of  the  world  ?  Shall 
wee  fuffer  this  villanie  to  bee  doen  to  our  God,  and  not4  punifhe  it  ? 
God  graunt  there  maie  fome  Lawe  be  enacted  for  the  fuppreflion  of  the 
fame.  For  now  no  man  by  any  lawe  in  force  may  rebuke  any5 
man  for  fwearyng,  though  he  teare  the  Lordes  bodie,  and  blafpheme 
bothe  Heauen  and  Earth  neuer  fo  much.  The  Magiftrates  can  not 
compell  them  to  keepe  filence,  for  if  thei  doe,  6thei  will  be  readie  to 
laie  their  Daggers  vppon7  their  faces.  So  that  by  this  impunitie,  this 
horrible  vice  of  fwearing  is  fuffered  ftill  to  remaine  without  al  con- 
trolement,  to  the  great  difhonour  of  God,  and  nourimyng  of  vice. 

Spud.  What  kinde  of  punimment  would  you  haue  appointed  for 
thefe  notorious  bloudy  fwearers. 

Philo.  I  would  wifhe  (if  it  pleafed  God)  that  it  were  made  death  : 
For  wee  reade  in  the  Lawe  of  God,  that  whofoeuer  blafphemed  the 
Lord,  was  prefently  (toned  to  deathe,  without  all  remorce,  which  law 
iudiciall  llandeth  in  force  to  the  worldes  ende.  And  ought  not  we 
to  be  as  zealous  for  the  glorie  of  God,  as  the  people  were  then  ?  Or  if 
this  bee  iudged  too  feuere,  I  would  wifhe  they  might  haue  a  peece  of 
their  tongues  cut  of,  or  loofe  fome  ioynt :  If  that  bee  too  extreeme, 
to  be  feared  in  the  fore  head  or  cheeke  with  a  hot  Iron,  ingrauen 
with  fome  pretie8  pozie,  that  thei  might  be  knowne  and  auoyded.  Or 
if  this  be  too  ftrict,  that  thei  might  bee  banimed  their  natiue  Countrie, 
committed  to  perpetuall  prifon,  or  els  to  bee  whipped,  or  at  leaft,  for- 
faite  for  euery  othe,  a  certaine  fomme  of  money,  and  to  bee  com 
mitted  to  Warde,  till  the  money  be  paied.  If  any  of  thefe  Godly 
Inflitutions  were  executed  feuerely,  I  doubt  not,  but  all  curled  fwear 
ing  would  vanifh  away  like9  fmoke.  Then  mould  God  be10  glorified, 

1 — l  reprobates  concerning  F.  2  Were  F. 

3  and  abandone  added  in  E,  F.  *  not  to  E,  F. 

6  a  in  E,  F.  f  leaf  83.   Punishment  of  Swearers.  B. 

7  on  E,  F.  8  pretie  not  in  F.  9  like  a  F. 

10  to  be  F. 

of  Abufes.  Two  Swearers  in  Ailgna.  135 

[and  our  Conferences  made1  cleane  againft  the  2  greate3  fearfull  dale  of   l™ufag*  not 
the  Lorde  appeare.  g  leaf  83,  back. 

Spud.  If  fwearing  and  blafpheming  of  God's  name  be  fo 
hainous  a  fmne,  it  is  likely,  that  God  hath  plagued  the  vfers  therof 
with  fome  notable  punifhment,4  whereof  I  praie  you  Ihew  me  fome 

Philo.  I  could  fhewe  mod  ftraunge  and  fearfull  iudgementes  of  [^°|wsejaurdegr^ents 
God,  executed  vppon  thefe  curfed  kinde  of  Swearers  in  all  ages  :  but 
for  breuite  fake,  one  or  two  mall  fuffice.     There  was  a  certaine  yong 
man  dwellynp-  in  Enlocnillhire5  in  Ailgna,  (whofe  tragicall  difcourfe   [Lincolnshire  in 

.  f          England.] 

I  my  felf  penned  about  two  yeares  agoe,6  referring  you  to  the  faid 
booke  for  the  further  declaration  therof)  who  was  alwaies  a  filthie 
Swearer:  His  common  othe  was  by  '  God's  bloud.'  The  Lorde  will-  [A  most  fearefuii 

example  of  God  t 

ynp-  his  conuerfion,  chaftifed  him  with  fickneife  many  times  to  leaue   wrath  s^f^ed 

*     o  vpon  a  filthy 

the  fame,  and  moued  others  euer  to  admonilh  him  of  his  wickedneife  :   g"^? j  [jTodYiv* 

but  all  chaftifementes  and  louyng  corrections  of  the  Lorde,  al  freendly   F>1 

admonitions,  and  exhortations7  of  others,  he  vtterly  contemned,  ftil  per- 

feuering  in  his  bloudie  kinde  of  fwearyng.     Then  the  Lord,  feing  that 

nothing  would  preuaile  to  winne  him,  arefted  hym  with  his  Sargeant 

Death :  Who,  with  fpeede  laied  holde  on  hym,  and  caft  hym  vppon 

his   Death   bed,  where   he   languifhed   a  great  while,  in   extreeme   [Death,  the 

.  .  Lords  exe- 

mifene,  not  forgettyng  to  fpewe  out  his  olde  vomite  of  Swearyng.   cutioner.  B,  FJ 
At  the  laft,  the  people  perceiuing  his  ende  to  approach,  8caufed  the   [8  leaf  84.  B.t] 
Bell  to  toll.   Who,  hearyng  the  Bell  toll  for  him,  rumed  vp  in  his  bed  f^1™°Jtofr|ad" 
very  vehemently,  faiyng  :  "  Gods  bloud,  he  mall  not  haue  me  yet: "   swcarer-  E>  F-l 
with  that,  his  bloud  gufhed  out,  fome  at  his  toes  endes,  fome  at  his 
fingers  endes,  fome  at  his  wriftes,  fome  at  his  nofe  and  mouth,  fome 
at  one  ioint  of  his  body,  fome  at  an  other,  neuer  ceafing  till  all  the 
bloud  of9  his  bodie  was  stremed  forthe  :  and  thus  ended  this  bloudie 
Swearer  his  mortall10  life,  whofe  Judgement  I  leaue  to  the  Lord. 

There  was  alfo  an  other,  whom  I  knewe  my  felf  for  a  dozen  or 
fixteene  yeres  together,  dwellyng  in  Erichffehcmire,11  in   a   Towne 

1  kepte  E  ;  kept  F.  *  leaf  83,  back.  Examples  against  swearyng.  B. 

8  and  added  in  E,  F.         *  in  all  ages  added  in  F.         5  Lincolneshire  F. 

6  in  verse  added  in  F.  1  exhortation  F. 

I  leaf  84.    Two  Swearers  in  Ailgna.  B.       E  has:  A  most  dreadfull  end  of  a 

9  in  F.  10  cursed  F.  u  Cheshire  E,  F. 

136    The  vfe  of  the  Sabaoth  in  Ailgna.    The  Anatomic 

\_Thispage,  to  i.    called  Notelgnoc,1  whofe  vfuall  and  common  oth  was  euerto  fweare, 

[Congieton  in        by  Gods  Armes  :  But  in  the  ende,  his  arme  being  hurte  by  a  knife, 

could  neuer  be  healed  by  no  kinde  of  meanes,  but  ftill  wranckled2  and 

fettered  from  daie  to  daie,  and  at  the  laft  fo  rotted,  as  it  fell  awaie  by 

[The  fearefuii       peecemeale,  and  he  himfelf  through  anguifti  and  paine  thereof  dyed 

swearer.  E,  F.]     iliortly  after.     Thus  the  Lord   God  plagued  both  the  one  and  the 

other,  in  the  fame  thinges  wherein  thei  had  offended,  that  the  pun- 

ifhment   might   be   like  to  the  offence.     For  as  the  one  offended 

through  fwearyng  by  his  bloud,  fo  the   Lorde  puniihed  hym  with 

bloud.     And  as  the  other  offended  in  fwearyng  by  his  armes,  fo  the 

Lorde  plagued  hym  in  his  arme  alfo.  As  he  punifhed  3  the  riche  Glutton 

in  Hell  by  the  tongue,  for  that  he  had  offended  in  the  fame  by  taftyng 

[*  leaf  84,  back.     of  delicate   4meates.     There  was  alfo    a  woman    in   the   Citie    of 

13. tj 

[London.]  Munidnol 5  in  Ailgna,  who,  commyng  into  a  fhoppe  to  buye  certaine 

of  a  woman  for-     Marchaundize,   forfware    her    felfj    and    the    excrementes   whiche 

seife.  E,  F.]         naturally  mould  evacuate6  downewarde,  came  forthe  at  her  mouthe, 

and  fhe  dyed  miferablie.     With  infinite7  like  exampled8  of  God's 

wrath  and  heauie  iudgementes,  executed  vppon  this  wicked  broode 

of  Swearers,  whiche  if  I  had  tyme  and  leafure,  I  could  rehearfe. 

But  contentyng  my  felf  to  haue  faied  thus  muche,  I  will  proceede  to 

other  matters  no  leffe  needefull  to  be  handled.] 

Spud.  Hauing  (by  the  grace  of  Chrifle)  hytherto  fpoken  of  fundrie 
Abufes  of  that  countrie,  let  vs  proceed  a  little  further,  howe  doe  they 
fan&ifie9  and  keepe  the  Sabbaoth  day?  In  godly  Chriftian  exercifes, 
or  els  in  prophane  paftimes  and  pleafures  ? 

The  Maner  of  fanctifiyng  the  Sabaoth 
in  Ailgna. 


THE  Sabaoth  day,  of  fome  is  well  fanftified,10  namely  in  hearing 
"the11  Word  of  GOD  read,  preached,  and  interpreted  in  priuat  and  pub- 
lique  Prayers)  in  finging  of  Godly  Pfalmes,  in  celebrating  the  facra- 

1  Congieton  F.  2  ranckled  F.  3  puninished  (sic)  F. 

f  leaf  84,  back.  The  vse  of  the  Sabaoth  in  Ailgna.  B. 
5  London  F.  6  hawe  discended  F.  7  the  added  in  E,  F. 

8  examples  in  F.  9  sanctisie  A. 

10  santified  A  j  obserued  E ;  obserued,  as  F.  n  the  blessed  B,  E,  F. 

of  Abufes.        The  prophanation  of  the  Saboth.        137 

mewts,  &  in  colle&ing  for  the  poore  &  indigent  j  1  which  are  the  true   [x  L  2,  back.  A.] 

vfes  and  ends  wherto  the  Sabaoth  was  ordained.     But  other  fome 

fpend  2the  Sabaoth  day  (for  the  moft  part)  in  frequenting  of  baudie   [2  leaf  85.  B.t] 

Stage-playes  and  enterludes,  in  maintaining  Lords  of  mif-rule  (for  fo 

they  call  a  certaine  kinde  of  play  which  they  vfe),  3  May-games, 

Church-ales,  feaits.  and  wakeefles  :  in  pyping,  dauncing,  dicing,  card 

exercises  vpon 

ing,  bowling,  tenniiTe  playing  j  in  Beare-bayting,  cock-fighting,  hawk-   the  Sabaoth 
ing,  hunting,  and  fuch  like;  In  keeping  of  Faires  and  markets  on  the  [Fairs,  footbaii- 

.  playing  and 

fabaoth  :  In  keeping4  Courts  and  Leets  :  In  foot-ball  playing,  and  fuch  other  profanities 

on  the  Sabbath- 

Other  deuiliih  paftimes;  5  reading  of  laciuious  and  wanton  bookes,  day-1 
and  an  infinit  number  of  fuch  like  pradifes  and  prophane  exercifes 
vfed  vppon  that  day,  wherby  the  Lord  God  is  dishonoured,  his  Sabaoth 
violated,  his  woord  neglected,  his  facraments  contemned,  and  his 
People  merueloufly  corrupted  and  caryed  away  from  true  vertue  and 
godlynes.  6  Lord,  remooue  thefe  exercifes  from  thy  Sabaoth  /6 

Spud.  You  wil  be  deemed  too  too  Sioicall,  if  you  mould  reftrain 
men  from  thefe  exercifes  vpon  the  Sabaoth  ;  for  they  fuppofe  that 
that  day7  was  ordained  and  confecrate  to  that  end  and  pwrpofe,  only  to 
vfe  what  kinde  of  exercifes  they  think  good  thewfelues  :  &  was  it  not 

Phi.  After  that  the  Lord  our  God  had  created  the  world,  and  all 
things  therin  contained,  in  8fix  dayes,  in  the  feuenth  day  he  refted   C8  L3-  A-3 
from  all  his  woorks  (that  is,  from  creating  them,  not  from  9gouerning  when  the 
them)  and  therefore  hee  commaunded  thai  the  feuenth  day  mould  be   ordained. 
kept  holy  in  all  ages  to  the  end  of  the  world  :  then,  after  that  in  effecl:  B  t!     5> 
2000  yeeres,  he  iterated  this  Commandement,  when  he  gaue  the  law 
in  mount  Horeb  to  Moyfes,  &  in  him  to  all10  the  Children  of  Ifrael, 
faying,  remember  (forget  it  not)  that  thou  keep  holy  the  feuenth  day, 
&c.     If  we  mull  keep  it  holy,  then  muft  we  not  fpend  it  in  fuch  vain 
exercifes  as  pleafe  ourfelues,  but  in  fuch  godly  exercifes  as  he  in  his 
holy  woord  hath  commaunded.     And  (in  my  Judgement)  the  Lord 
our  God  ordained  the  feuenth  day  to  be  kept  holy  for  foure  caufes 

*  leaf  85.     The  prophanation  of  the  Saboth.  B.  8  hi  added  in  E. 

*  keepyng  of  B,  E,  F.  «  in  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

6—  6  not  in  B,  E,  F. 
7  is  a  day  of  liberty,  and  added  in  F. 

t  leaf  85,  back.     The  Institution  of  the  Sabaoth.  B.  (Sadaoth.  A.) 
10  call  E,  F. 

Wherfore  the 
Sabaoth  was 

[4  L  3,  back.  A.] 
[6  leaf  86.  B.f] 

[The  4th  cause 
for  the  Sabbath.] 

for  violating 
the  sabaoth. 

Violaters  of 
the  saboth. 

['5  L  4.  A.] 

138  Violaters  of  the  Sab[oth]  punifhed.   The  Anatomic- 

efpecially.  Firft,  to  put  vs  in  minde  of  his  wunderful  woorkmanfhip 
&  creation  of  the  world  and1  creatures  betides.  Secondly,  thai  his 
woord  (the  Church  afle/rcbling  togither)  might  be  preached,  inter 
preted,  &  expounded ;  his  facraments  miniftred  finceerly,  according  to 
the  prefcript  of  his  woord,  &  that  fuffrages2  &  praiers,  bothe  priuat  & 
publique,  might  be  offered  to  his  excellent  Maieftie.  Thirdly,  for  that 
euery  chriftiara  man  might  repofe  himfelf  from  corporall  labour,  to 
the  end  they  might  the  better  fuftain  the  trauailes  of  the  week  to  en- 
fue3 ;  and  alfo  to  the  end  that  all  beafts  &  cattel,  which  the  Lord 
hath  made  for  mans  vfe,  as  helps  &  4adiuments5  vnto  him  in  his  daylie 
affaires  &  bulinefle,  might  reft  and  refrefh  them  felues,  the  better  to 
6go  thorow  in  their  traueiles  afterward.  For,  as  the  hethen  Man 
Knew  very  we\,Jine  alter na  requie  non  eft  duralile  qidcquam  :  Without 
fome  reft  or  repofe,  there  is  not  any  thing  durable,  or  able  to  continue 
long.  Fourthly,  to  thend  it  might  be  a  typical  figure  or  fignitor7  to 
point8  (as  it  were)  with  the  finger,  and  to  cypher9  f  oorth  10and  fhadowe10 
vnto  vs  that  bleffed  reft  &  thryfe  happie  ioye  which  the  faithfull  fhaU 
poflelfe  after  the  day  of  iudgement  in  the  Kingdome  of  Heauen. 
Wherfore,  feeing  the  Sabaoth  was  inftituted  for  thefe  caufes,11  it  is 
manifeft  that  it  was  not  appointed  for  the  maintenance  of  wicked 
and  vngodly  paftymes,  and  vaine  pleafures  of  the  flefli ;  which  GOD 
abhorreth,  and  all  good  men  from  their  hartes  do  loth  and  detefte. 

The  Man,  of  whome  we  read  in  the  law,  for  gathering  of  a  few 
fmall  ftickes  vpo/z  the  Sabaoth,  was  ftoned  to  death  by  the  com- 
maundement  of  God  from 12  the  Theater  of  Heauen. 

Than,  if  he  were  ftoned  for  gathering  a  few  fticks  vppon  the 
Sabaoth  day,  which  in  fome  cafes  might  be13  for  neceflities  fake,  and14 
did  it  but  once,  what  mail  they  be,  who  all  the  Sabaoth  dayes  of  their 
lyfe  giue  them-felues  to  nothing  els  but  to  wallow  in  all  kind  of 
wickedneffe  and  finne,  to  the  great  contempt  both  15of  the  Lord  and 
his  Sabaoth  ?  And  though  they  haue  played  the  lazie  lurdens  al  the 

1  and  all  other  his  B,  E,  F.  2  orisons  added  in  E,  F. 

3  following  (for  to  ensue)  E,  F.  5  support es  F. 

f  leaf  86.     Violaters  of  the  Sabaoth  punished.  B. 

7  vnto  vs  added  in  F.  8  poynt  out  F. 

9  discipher  F.  10— 10  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

11  and  to  these  endes  added  in  B,  E,  F.  12  soundyng  from  B,  E,  F. 

w  lawfull  added  in  F.  l4  and  yet  E,  F. 

of  Abufes.         Strict  obferuatiorc  of  the  Saboth.         139 

weke  before,  yet  that  day  of  fet  purpofe  they  wil  toile  1and  labour,  in  ['  leaf  86,  back, 
contempt  of  the  Lord  and  his  Sabaoth.     But  let  them  be  fare,  as  he 
that  gathered  ftickes  vpon  the  Sabaoth  was  ftoned  for  his  contempt  of 
the  fame,  fo  mall  they  be  ftoned,  yea,  grinded  to  peeces,  for  their  con 
tempt  of  the  Lord  in  his  Sabaoth. 

The  lewes  are  verye  ftricl:  in  keeping  their  Sabaoths ;  in  fo  muche  The  lewes 

very  precise  in 

as  they  will  not  dreffe  their  meats  and  drinks  vppon  the  fame  day,  but  keeping8 

let  it  on  the  tables  the  day  befor.     They  go  not  aboue  ij.  miles  vpow 

the  fabaoth  day ;  they3  fuffer  not  the  body  of  any4  Malefactor  to  hang 

vppon  the  gallowes  vppon  the  Sabaoth  day,  with  legions  of  fuch  like 

fuperfticioTZS.      [5And  whiche  is  moft  ftraunge,  if  any  of  them  fall 

into  any  daunger,  thei  will  not  fuffer  any  to  labour  for  their  deliuerie 

vpon  that  daie,  for  violatyng  their  Sabbaoth.     So  it  chaunced  that  a  [The  English 

•        »M  R  i  T        /•     i  •      r  11   •  T.  •    •       Jew  wh°  died 

certame  lewe  beyng  in  Ailgna,"  by  greate '  caiualtie  tell  into  a  rnuie   m  a  privy,  rather 
vppon  one  of  their  Sabbaoth  daies,  and  the  people  endeuouryng  to  helpe   out  on  the 


him  forthe,  he  forbad  them  to  labour  about  hym  vpon  the  Sabbaoth 

daie,  chofing  rather  to  dye  in  that  filthie  ftincking  place,  (as  by  the 

other  morning  he  was  dead  indeed)  then  to  breake  or  violate  the 

Lordes   Sabbaoth.5]      Wherin,  as  I  do  acknowledge,  they  are  but 

too  fcrupelous,8  and  ouermoot  the  marke,  fo  we  are  therin  plaine  con- 

tempteous  and  negligent,  mooting  fhort  of  the  marke  altogether. 

Yet  I  am  not  fo  ftrait  laced,  that  9 1  would  haue  no  kinde  of  worke   p  leaf  87.  B.t] 

done  vppon  that  daye,  if  prefent  neceffitie  of  the  thing  require  it  (for   No  work  to  be 

Chrifte  hath  taught  vs  the  Sabaoth  was  made  for  Man,  not  Man  for   sabaoth  ex- 

the  Sabaoth,)  but  not  for  euery  light  trifle,  which  may  as  well  be  inform  it. 

done  other  dayes  as  vpon  that  day.     And  although  the  day  it  felf,  in 

refpedt  of  the  very 10  nature  and  originall n  therof,  be  no  better  than 

another  12day,  for  there  is  no  difference  of  dayes,  except  we13  become  ["L 4,  back.  A.] 

temporizers,  all 14  beeing  alike  good ;  yet  becaufe  the  Lord  our  God 

hath  commaunded  it  to  be  fan&ified  &  kept  holy  to  him  felf,  let  vs 

(like  obedient  &  obfequious  Children)  fubmit  our  felues  to  fo  loouing 

a  Father ;  for  els  we  fpit  againft  heauen,  we  ftriue  againft  the  ftream, 

*  leaf  86,  back.     Strict  observation  of  the  Sabaoth.   B. 

2  keepyng  of  B,  E  ;  keeping  the  F.  3  the  F. 

*  any  felone  or  B,  E,  F.  6—5  g^gj  in  B>  E>  F> 

6  England  E,  F.  7  greate  not  in  F.  8  supersticious  F. 

t  leaf  87.     The  true  vse  of  the  Sabaoth.   B.  10  very  not  in  E,  F. 

11  originall  not  in  F.  13  we  wil  B,  E,  F.  "  all  times  B,  E,  F. 

140         Stage-play es  and  Enterludes.        The  Anatomic 

Wherin  the 
true  vse  of  the 
Sabaoth  con- 

T  leaf  87.  back. 

and  we  contemn  him  in  his  ordinances.  But  (perchance)  you  wil 
afke  me,  whither  the  true  vfe  of  the  Sabaoth  confift  in  outward  ab- 
ftaining  from  bodilye  labour  and  trauaile  ?  I  anfwere,  no  :  the  true 
vfe  of  the  Sabaoth  (for  Chriftians  are  not  bound  onely  to  the  Cere- 
monie  of  the  day,)  confifteth,  as  I  haue  faid,  in  hearing  the  woord  of 
God  truely  preached,  therby  to  learn  and  to  doo  his  wil,  in  receiuing 
the  facraments  (as  feales  of  his  grace  towards  vs),  rightly  adminiftred, 
in  vfing  publique  and  priuate  prayer,  in  thankfgiuing  to  God  for  all 
his  benefits,  in  finging  of  godly  Pfalmes,  and  other  fpirituall  exercifes 
Mid  meditations,  in  collecting  for  the  poore,  in  dooing  of  good 
woorkes,  1and  breefly,  in  the  true  obedience  of  the  inward  man.  And 
yet,  notwithftanding,  wee  muft  abftain  from  the  one  to  attend  vpon 
the  other :  that  is,  wee  muft  refrain  2  all  bodily  labours,  to  the  end  that 
wee  may  the  better  be  reliant  at3  thefe  fpirituall  exercifes  vppon  the 
Sabaoth  day. 

4  This  is  the  true  vfe  and  end  of  the  Lord  his  Saboth,  who  graurct 
that  we  may  reft  in  him  for  euer ! 

Spud.  Hauing  fhewed  the  true  vfe  of  the  Saboth,  let  vs  go  for 
ward  to  fpeke  of  thofe  Abufes  particularlye,  wherby  the  Saboth  of  the 
Lord  is  prophaned.  And  firft  to  begin  with  ftage  playes  and  enter- 
luds :  What  is  your  opinion  of  them  ?  Are  they  not  good  examples  to 
youth  to  fray  them  from  finne  ? 

Of*  Stage-play  es,  and  Enterluds,  with  their 

[Plays  on  ALL  Stage-playes,  Enterluds,  and  Commedies  are  either  of  diuyne 

religious  subjects  .    . 

are  sacrilegious.]  or  prophane  matter :  If  they  be  of  diume  matter,  than  are  they  moft 
intollerable,  or  rather  Sacrilegious  ;  for  that  the  bleffed  word  of  GOD 
is  to  be  handled  reuerently,  grauely,  and  fagely,  with  veneration  to  the 
glorious  Maieftie  of  God,  which  fhineth  therin,  and  not  fcoffingly, 
flowtingly,  &  iybingly,  as  it  is  vpon  ftages  in  Playes  &  Enterluds,  with- 

p  leaf  83.  B.t]      out  any  reuerence,  6wormip,  or  veneration7  to8  the  fame.  9 the  word  of 

*  leaf  87,  back.     Stage  plaies  and  Enterludes.  B.  z  refrain  from  B,  E. 

3  aboute  B,  E,  F.  6  Of  not  in  E,  F. 

f  leaf  88.     Warnynges  to  Players.  B.  7  honour  F. 

8  at  all  doen  to  B,  E,  F.  9  For  it  is  most  certaine  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

[*  L  5.  A 

[The  abuses 
whereby  the 
Sabbath  is 

of  Abufes.  Warnings  to  Players.  141 

our  Saluation,  the  price  of  Chrift  his  bloud,  &:  the  merits  of  his  paflion, 

were  not  giuen  to  lbe  derided  and  iefted  at,  2as  they  be  in  thefe  filthie  [r  L  5,  back.  A.] 

playes  and  enterluds  on  flakes  &  fcaffolds,2  or  to  be  mixt  and  inter-  of  the  word  of 

God  in  stage 

laced  with  bawdry,3  wanton  fhewes,  &  vncomely  geftures,  as  is  vfed  playes. 

(euery  Man  knoweth)  in  thefe  playes  and  enterludes.4     In  the  firft 

of   Ikon   we  are   taught  that    the   word  is  GOD,  and    God   is   the 

word  :  Wherfore,  who  fo  euer  abufeth  this  word  of  our  God  on  ftages 

in  playes  and  enterluds,  abufeth  the  Maiefty  of  GOD  in  the  fame, 

maketh  a  mocking  flock  of  him,  &  purchafeth  to  himfelfe  eternal 

damnation.     And  no  mameil ;  for  the  facred  word  of  GOD,  and  God 

himfelfe,  is  neuer  to  be  thought  of,  or  once5  named,  but  with  great   Reuerenceto 

feare,  reuerence,  and  obedience  to  the  fame.     All  the  holy  companie  God  due. 

of  Heauen,  Angels,  Archangels,  Cherubins,  Seraphins,  and  all  other6 

powers  whatfoeuer,  yea,  the  Deuills  themfelues  (as7  lames  faith)  doo 

tremble  &  quake  at  the  naming  of  God,  and  at  the  prefence  of  his 

wrath  :  and  doo  thefe  Mockers  and  Flowters  of  his  Maiefty,  thefe  difT 

fembling  Hipocrites,  and  flattering  Gnatoes,  think  to  efcape  vnpun- 

ifhed  ?  beware,  therfore,  you  mafldng  Players,  you  painted  fepulchres,  A  warnings  to 

you  doble  dealing  ambodexters,  be  warned   betymes,  and,  lik  good 

computiftes,  caft  your  accompts  9  before,  what  wil  be  the  reward  therof  P  1  af  88,  back. 

in  the  end,  leaft  God  deftroy  you  in  his  wrath :    abufe  God  no  more, 

corrupt  his  10 people  no  longer  with  your  dregges,  and  intermingle  not  [xo  L6.  A.] 

his  bleffed  word  with  fuch  prophane  vanities.     For  at  no11  hand  it  is   Notlawfullto 

not  lawfull  to  mixt  fcurrilitie  with  diuinitie,  nor  diuinitie  with  fcur-  diuynitie  with 

.  icurrilitie. 


Theopompus  mingled  Moyfes  law  with  his  writinges,  and  therfore 
the  LORD  ftroke  him  madd.  Theodi£ies  began  the  fame  practife,  but 
the  Lorde  ftroke  him  blind  for  it ;  With  many  others,  who,  attempt 
ing12  the  like  deuyfes,  were  al  ouerthrowne,  and  died  miferably :  befids, 
what  is  their  iudgeme/zt  in  the  other  World,  the  Lord  onely  knoweth. 
Vpon  the  other  fide,  if  their  playes  be  of  prophane  matters,  than  tend  What  if  playes 
they  to  the  difhonor  of  God,  and  norifhing  of  vice,  both  which  matter.r°P 

2_2  not  in  B,  E,  F.  3  scurrility  added  in  F. 

4  vpon  stages  and  scaffoldes  made  for  that  purpose,  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

6  to  be  added  in  F.  6  other  Ceraphicall  B,  E,  F. 

7  as  Sainct  B,  E,  F.  8  warming  A. 

t  leaf  88,  back.  Plaies  and  Enterludes  vnlawfull.  B. 

11  any  F.  12  attemptimg  A. 

[4  leafSg.  B.*] 
[5  L  6,  back.  A.] 

The  word  of 
God,  al  Writ 
ers,  counsels 
and  Fathers 
haue  writ7 
against  playes 
and  cnterluds. 

playes  were 

Concilium  3. 
Cartha.  Cap. 
II.     Synode 
Cap.  54. 

["  leaf  89,  back. 

['2  L  7.  A.] 

142      Playes  and  Enterluds  vnlawfull.      The  Anatomic 

are  damnable.  So  that  whither  they  be  the  one  or  the  other,  they 
are  quite  contrarie  to  the  Word  of  grace,  and  fucked  out  of  the 
Deuills  teates  to  nourifh  vs  in  ydolatrie,  hethenrie,  and  finne.  And 
therfore  they,  cariyng  the  note,  or1  brand,  of  2  GOD  his2  curfe  vppon 
their  backs,  which  way  foeuer  they  goe,  are  to  be  hiffed  out  of  all 
Chriftian  Kingdomes,  if  they  wil  haue  Chrift  to  dwell  amongft 

Spud.  Are  you  able  to  fhewe,  that  euer  any  good  Men,  from  the 
beginning,  haue  refilled 3  Playes  and  Enterluds  ? 

*Philo.  Not  onely  the  word  of  GOD  doth  ouerthrow  them,  addiudg- 
ing  them  &  the  main5tainers6  of  them  to  Hell,  but  alib  all  holie 
cou/zfels,  and  finodes,  both  generall,  nationall,  and  prouinciall,  to 
gether  with  all  Writers,  both  diuyne  and  prophane,  euer  fince  the 
beginning,  haue  difalowed  them,  and  writ  (almofl)  whole  volumes 
againfl  them. 

The  learned  Father  Tertullian,  in  his  booke  de  Speculo,  faith  that 
playes  were  confecrat  to  that  falfe  ydoll  Bacchus,  for  that  he  is  faid  to 
haue  found  out  and  inuented  ftroTzg  drinke. 

Auguftinus,  de  emit.  Dei,  faith  that  plaies  were  ordeined  by  the 
Deuill,  and  confecrat  to  heathen  Gods,  to  draw  vs  from  Chriftianitie  to 
ydolatrie,  and  gentilifme.  And  in  an  other  place,  Pecunias  Hiftrioni- 
lus  dare  vitium  eft  innane,8  non  virtus :  To  giue  money  to  Players  is  a 
greeuous  fin.9 

Chrifoftome  calleth  thofe  playes  fefta  Sathani,  feafts  of  the  Deuill. 
LacJantius,  an  ancient  learned  Father,  faith,  Hiftrionum  impudiffimi 
geftus,  nihil  aliud  nijl  Lilidinem  mouent :  The  fhamelefle  geftures  of 
Plaiers  feme  to  nothing  fo  much  as  to  moue  the  flefh  to  luft  and  vn- 
clennefle.  And  therfore  in  the  .30.  Counfell  of  Carthage  &10  Synode 
of  Laodicea,  it  was  decreed  that  no  Chriflen  Man  or  Woman  mould 
reforte  to  playes  and  enterludes,  where  is  nothing  but  blafphemie, 
11  fcurrilitie,  and  whordome  maintained.  Scipio,  feeing  the  Romanies 
bente  12to  erect  Theaters  &  places  for  plaies,  dehorted  them  from  it 

1  and  E,  F.  2—2  Gods  F.  3  disliked  F. 

*  leaf  89.     Stage  playes  condemned.  B. 

6  practisers  E,  F. 
7  haue  writ  not  in  E,  F. 

8  immane  B,  E,  F.  9  and  no  vertue  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

10  in  the  added  in  B,  E,  F.          t  leaf  89,  back.  The  effectes  of  Places.  B. 

ofAbufes.  Theaters,  Venus  Pallaces.  143 

with  the1  nioft  prudent  reafons   and  forcible  arguments.     Valerius  Writers3  both 

diuyne  and 

Maximus  faith,  playes  were  neuer  brought  vpjine  regni  rubore,  with-  JJJ^J1*^  es 
out  fhame  to  the  Cuntrey.     Arijl.  debarreth  youth  accefle  to  Playes  and  Enteriuds. 
&  Enteriuds,  leaft  they,  feeking  to  quench  the  thirft  of  Venus,  doo 
quench  it  with  a  potle  of  fire.     Augujlus  baniihed   Quid  for  making 
Bookes  of  loue,  Enteriuds,  and  fuch  other  amorous  trumperie. 

Conjlantius  ordeined  that  no   Player  (hold  be    admitted  to  the 
table  of  the  Lord.  '  Than,  feeing  that  Playes  were  firft3  inuented  1£eecsnJ;dof 
by  the  Deuil,  pra&ifed  by  the  heathen  gentiles,  and  dedicat4  to  their  Enteriuds. 
falfe  ydols,  Goddes  and  Goddefles,  as  the  howfe,  ftage,  and  apparell  to 
Venus t  the  muficke  to  Appollo,  the  penning  to  Minerua  and  the  Mufes, 
the  action  and  pronuntiation  to  Mercurle  and  the  reft,  it  is  more  than 
manifeft  that  they  are  no  fit  exercyfes  for  a5  Chriften  6Man  to  follow. 
But  if  there  were  no  euill  in  them  faue  this,  namely,  that  the  argu 
ments  of  tragedies  is7  anger,  wrath,  immunitie,  crueltie,  iniurie,  inceft,   The  argu 
ments  of 
murther,  &  fuch  like,  the  Perfons  or  Actors  are  Goddes,  Goddefles,   tragedies. 

Furies,  Fyends,  Hagges,  Kings,  Quee8nes,  or  Potentates.     Of  Com-   t8  leaf  90.  B.t] 
medies  the  matter  and  ground  is  loue,  bavvdrie,  cofenage,  flattery,   The  gro"nd  of 
whordorne,  adulterie  j  the  Per9fons,  or  ageTzts^whores,  queanes,  bawdes,   t9  L  7,  back.  A.] 
fcullions,  Knaues,  Curtezans,  lecherous  old  men,  amorous  yong  men, 
with  fuch  like  of  infinit  varietie.     If,  I  fay,  there  were  nothing  els 
but  this,  it  were  fufficierct  to  withdraw  a  good  chriftian  from  the 
vfing  of  them  -,  For  fo  often  as  they  goe  to  thofe  howfes  where  Players   Theaters  and 
frequent,  thei  go  to  Venus  pallace,  &  fathans  fynagogue,  to  worfhip  nuspaiiaces. 
deuils,  &  betray  Chrift  lefus.^ 

Spud.  But,  notwithftanding,  I  haue  hard10  fome  hold  opinion  that 
they  be  as  good  as  fermons,  and  that  many  a  good  Example  may  be 
learned  out  of  them. 

Philo.  Oh  blafphemie  intolerable  !     Are  filthie  playes  &  bawdy  ^PjjJ^  to 

the  word  of 

1  the  not  in  B,  E,  F.  2  Waiters  F.  God. 

3  first  not  in  E,  F.  4  dedicated  F.  3  a  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

6  men  B,  E,  F.  7  is  not  in  E. 

t  leaf  90.  Theaters,  Venus  Pallaces.  B.  10  heard  F. 

$  'The  Theatre'  (where  Shakspere  probably  first  acted)  was  built  by  James 
Burbage  in  1576  in  the  then  fields  near  the  site  of  the  present  Standard  Theatre 
in  Shoreditch,  and  was  pulld  down  in  1598,  and  rebuilt  as  '  The  Globe*  on  Bank- 
side,  Southwark,  in  1599.  '  The  Curtain '  theatre  was  close  by  The  Theatre,  near 
Curtain  Court,  now  Gloucester  St.  Shoreditch,  and  was  built  by  1577. — F.  J.  F. 


The  fruictes  of  Playes. 

The  Anatomic 

He  is  cursed 

that  saith 

playts  and 

enterluds  are 

comparable  to 


[2  leaf  90,  back. 

[3  L  8.  A.] 

Wherfore  so 
many  flock  to 
see  playes  and 

The  fruits  of 
theathers6  & 

The  Godly  7 
vsed  at  playes 
&  enterluds. 
[8  leaf  91.   B.f] 
[9  L  8,  back.  A.] 

enterluds  comparable  to  the  word  of  God,  the  foode  of  life,  and  life 
it  felfe?  It  is  all  one,  as  if  they  had  faid,  bawdrie,  hethenrie,  pagaflrie, 
fcurrilitie,  and  diuelrie  it  felf,  is  equall  with  the  word  of  God  •  Or  that 
the  Deuill  is  equipolent1  with  the  Lord. 

The  Lord  our  God  hath  ordeined  his  bleffed  word,  and  made  it 
the  ordenarie  mean  of  our  Saluation ;  the  Deuill  hath  inferred  the 
other,  as  the  ordenarie  meane  of  our  definition ;  and  will  they  yet 
compare  the  one  with  the  other  ?  If  he  be  accurfed  t/iat  calleth  light 
darknes,  &  darknes  light,  truth  faliehood,  &  falfhood  2 truth,  fweet 
fowre,  and  fowr  fweete,  than,  a  fortiori,  is  he  accurfed  that  faith  that 
playes  &  enterluds  be  equiualent  with  Sermons.  *~~Be3fides  this, 
there  is  no  mifchief  which  thefe  plaies4  maintain  not.  For  do  they 
not  norim  ydlenes?  and  otia  dantvitia,  ydlenes  5  is  the  Mother  of5  vice. 
Doo  they  not  draw  the  people  from  hering  the  word  of  God,  from 
godly  Lectures  and  fermons?  for  you  mall  haue  them  flocke  thither, 
.thick  &  threefold  d,  whew  the  church  of  God  fhalbe  bare  &  emptiej 
And  thofe  that  will  neuer  come  at  fermons  wil  flow  thither  apace. 
The  reafon  is,  for  that  the  number  of  Chrift  his  ele&  is  but  few,  and 
the  number  of  the  reprobat  is  many  5  the  way  that  leadeth  to  life  is 
narow,  and  few  tread  that  path  ;  the  way  that  leadeth  to  death  is  brod, 
&  many  find  it.  This  fheweth  they  are  not  of  God,  who  refufe  to 
here  his  word  (for  he  that  is  of  God  hereth  God  his  word,  faith  our 
Sauiour  Chrift)  but  of  the  deuill,  whole  exercyfes  they  go  to  vifite.{ 
Do  they  not  maintaine  bawdrie,  infinuat  folery,  &  renue  the  remem 
brance  of  hethen  ydolatrie  ?  Do  they  not  induce  whordom  &  vnclen- 
nes  ?  nay,  are  they  not  rather  plaine  deuourers  of  maydenly  virginitie 
and  chaftitie  ?  For  proofe  wherof,  but  marke  the  flocking  and  running 
to  Theaters  &  curtens,  daylie  and  hourely,  night  and  daye,  tyme  and 
tyde,  to  fee  Playes  and  Enterludes ;  where  fuch  wanton  geftures,  fuch 
8bawdie  fpeaches,  fuch  laughing  and  fleering,  fuch  killing  and 
buffing,  fuch  clipping  and  culling,  Suche  winckinge  and  glancinge 
of  wanton  eyes,  9and  the  like,  is  vfed,  as  is  wonderfull  to  behold. 
Than,  thefe  goodly  pageants  being  done,10  euery  mate  forts  to  his 

1  equiualent  F.  *  leaf  90,  back.  The  fruictes  of  Playes.  B. 

4  Playes  B,  E,  F.  5— 5  doth  minister  F. 

6  Theaters  F.  7  goodly  F. 

t  leaf  91.     What  to  be  learned  at  Playes.  B.  10  ended  E,  F. 

ofAbufes.  Theaters,  Schooles  of  mifcheef.         145 

mate,  euery   one   bringes    another  homeward    of  their   way  verye 

freendly,  and  in  their  fecret  conclaues  (couertly)  they  play  the  Sodom- 

its,  or  worfe.     And  thefe  be  the  fruits  of  Playes  and  Enterluds  for  the 

moft  part.     And  wheras  you  fay  there  are  good  Examples  to  be 

learned  in  them,  Trulie  fo  there  are  :    if  you  will  learne  falmood  j  if  The  goodly 

you  will  learn  cofenasre:    if  you  will  learn  to  deceiuej    if  you  will   Piayesand 


learn  to  play  the  Hipocrit,  to  cogge,  lye,1  and  falfifie  ;  if  you  will  learn 

to  ieft,  laugh,  and  fleer,  to  grin,  to  nodd,  and  mow  ;  if  you  will  learn 

to  playe  the  vice,  to  fwear,  teare,  and  blafpheme2  both  Heauen  and   [2blasplemeA.] 

Earth  :  If  you  will  learn  to  become  a  bawde,  vncleane,  and  to  deuer-  What  things 

ginat  Mayds,  to  deflour  honeft  Wyues  :  if  you  will  learne  to  murther,   lemedat 


ilaie,3  kill,  picke,  fleal,  robbe,  and  roue  :   If  you  will  learn  to  rebel 

againft  Princes,  to  commit  treafons,4  to  confume5  treafurs,  to  pradife 

ydlenes,  to  ling  and  talke  of  bawdie  loue  and  venery  :  if  you  will 

lerne  to  deride,  fcoffe,  mock,  &  flowt,  to  flatter  &  fmooth  :  If  you  will 

learn  to  play  the  whore-maiiler,  the  glutton,  Drunkard,  or  incefluous 

perfon  :  if  you  will  learn  to  become  proude,  haw6tie,  &  arrogant  ;  and,   Theaters 

finally,  if  you  will  learne  to  contemne7  GOD  and  al  his  lawes,  to  care   Seminaries  of 

8  neither  for  heauen  nor  hel,  and  to  commit  al  kinde  of  finne  and  mif- 

cheef,  you  need  to  goe  to  no  other  fchoole,  for  all  thefe  good  Ex-   B.t?a  9Xf  a° 

amples  may  you  fee  painted  before  your  eyes  in  enterludes  and  playes  :   t8  M  *•  A-^ 

wherfore  that  man  who  giueth  money  for  the  maintenance  of  them 

muft  needs  incurre  the  9  damage10  of11  premunire,that  is,9  eternall  dam-  A  dyuine 


nation,  except  they  12  repewt.  For  the  Apoftle  biddeth  vs  beware,  leaft 
wee  communicat  with  other  mens  finnes  ;  &  this  their  dooing  is  not 
only  to  communicat  with  other  mens  finnes,  &  13  maintain  euil  to  the  what  it  is  to 


diltruction  of  them  femes  &  many  others,  but  alfo  a  maintaining14  of  a   with  other 

mens  sinnes. 

great  iorte  of  idle  lubbers,  and  15  buzzing  dronets,  to  15  fuck  vp  and  de- 
uoure  the  good  honie,  wherupon  the  poor  bees  mould  Hue. 

Therfore  I  befeech  all  players  16&  Founders16  of  plaies  and  enter-   An  exhorta- 

tion  to  plaiers. 

ludes,  in  the  bowels  of  lefus  Chrifte,  as  they  tender  the  faluation  of  their 

i  to  lye  B,  E,  F.  *  flay  F.  *  Treason  F.  «  comsume  A. 

f  leaf  91,  back.     Theaters,  schooles  of  mischeefe.  B. 

7  comtemne  A.  9  —  9  ineuitable  sentence  of  F. 

10  daunger  B,  E.  »  of  a  B  ;  of  the  deuine  E. 

12  he  E,  F.  13  and  to  B,  E,  F.  "  supporting  B,  E,  F. 

is  —  is  laizie  Lurdens,  who  F,  buzzing  dronets  who  E. 

16  _ie  founders  and  maintainers  B,  E,  F. 

146        Lords  of  mifrule  in  Ailg[na],        The  Anatomic 

The  ignomy 
due  to  Players. 
['  leaf 92.  B.*] 
[2  M  i,  bade.  A.] 

Players  Hue 
vpon  begging. 

Players  count 
ed  Rogues  by 
the  lawes  of 
the  Realm. 

foules,  and  others,  to  leaue  of  that  curfed  kind  of  life,  and  giue  them 
felues  to  fuch  honeft  exercifes  and  godly  mifteries  as  God  hath  com- 
maunded  them  in  his  woord  to  get  their  liuings  wztAall :  for  who  wil 
call  him  a  wifeman,  that  plaieth  the  part  of  a  foole  and  a  vice  ?  who 
can  call  him  a  Chriftian,  who  playeth  the  part  of  a  deuil,  the  fworne 
enemie  of  Chrifte  ?  who  can  call  him  a  iuft  man,  that  playeth  the 
1part  of  a  diflembling  hipocrite  ?  And,  to  be  breef,  2  who  can  call  him 
a  ftraight  deling  man,  who  playeth  a  Cofoners  trick3?  And  fo  of  all 
the  reft.  Away  therfore  with  this  fo  infamous  an  art !  for  goe  they 
neuer  fo  braue,  yet  are  they  counted  and  taken  but  for  beggers.  And 
is  it  not  true  ?  liue  they  not  vpon  begging  of  euery  one  that  comes  ? 
Are4  they  not  taken  by  the  lawes  of  the  Realm  for  roagues  and  vaca- 
bounds  ?  I  fpeak  of  fuch  as  trauaile  the  Cun tries  with  playes  &  enter- 
ludes,  making  an  occupation  of  it,  and  ought  fo  to  be  punifhed,  if  they 
had  their  deferts.  But  hoping  that  they  will  be  warned  now  at  the 
laft,  I  wil  fay  no  more  of  them,  befeeching  them  to  conlider  what  a 
fearful  thing  it  is  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  God,  &  to  prouoke  his  wrath 
and  heauie  difpleafure  againft  them  felues  and  others  ;  which  the  Lord 
of  his  mercie  turn  from  vs  f 

Spud.  Of  what  forte  be  the  other  kinde  of  playes,  which  you  call 
Lords  of  Mis-rule  ?   for  mee  thinke  the  very  name  it  felf  5  caryeth  a 
of5  fome  notorious6  euil. 

Lords  of  Mif-rule  in  Ailgna. 

Lords  of 
Mis-rule  in 
[7  M  2.  A.] 


THE  name,  indeed,  is  odious  both  to  God  and  good  men,  &  fuch 
as  the  very  heathen  people  would  haue  blufhed  at  once  to  7haue 
named  amongft  them.     And  if  the  name  importeth  fome  euil,8  then, 
[9  leaf  92,  back,     what  may  the  thing  9it  felf  be,  iudge  you  ?    But  becaufe  you  defire  to 
know  the  manner  of  them,  I  wil  fhowe  you  as  I  haue  feen  them 

*  leaf  92.     Lordes  of  Misrule  in  Ailgna.  B. 

3  part  F.  4  And  are  F. 

5 — 6  importeth  B,  E,  F.  6  notorious  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

8  as  you  say  added  in  F. 
t  leaf  92,  back.  The  order  of  the  Lord  of  Misrule.  B. 

of  Abufes. 

The  order  of  the  L.  of  mifrule. 


pra6tifed  my  felf.  Firft,  all  the  wilde-heds  of  the  Parifli,  commenting1 
togither,chufe  them  a  Graund2-Captain  (of  all3  mifcheefe)  whome  they 
innoble  with  the  title  of  ' my  Lord  of  Mis-rule',  and  him  they  crowne 
with  great  folemnitie,  and  adopt  for  their  king.  This  king  anointed 
chufeth  forth  twentie,  fortie,  threefcore  or  a  hundred  luftie  Guttes, 
like  to  him  felf,  to  waighte  vppon  his  lordly  Maieftie,  and  to  guarde 
his  noble  perfon.  Then,  euerie  one  of  thefe  his  men,  he  inuefteth  with 
his  liueries  of  green,  yellow,  or  fome  other  light  wanton  colour  j  And 
as  though  that  were  not  (baudie)  gaudie  enough,  I  mould  fay,  they 
bedecke  them  felues  with  fcarfs,  ribons  &  laces  hanged  all  ouer  with 
golde  rings,  precious  Hones,  &  other  iewels  :  this  doon,  they  tye  about 
either  leg  xx.  or  xl.  bels,  with  rich  handkercheifs4  in  their  hands,  and 
fometimes  laid  a  crofle  ouer  their  moulders  &  necks,  borrowed  for  the 
mofl  parte  of  their  pretie  Moplies  &  loouing  Befles5,  for  burling  them 
in  the  dark.  Thus  al  things  fet  in  order,  then  haue  they  their  Hobby- 
horfes,6  dragons  &  other  Antiques,  togither  with  their  baudie  Pipers 
and  thundering  Drummers  to  ftrike  7vp  the  deuils  daunce  withall. 
then,  marc  he  thefe8  heathen  company  towards  the  Church  9and 
Church-yard,  their  pipers  pipeing,  their  drummers  thundring,  their 
flumps  dauwcing,  their  bels  iyngling,  their  handkerchefs  fwinging10 
about  their  heds  like  madmen,  their  hobbie  horfes  and  other  monitors 
fkirmiming  amongft  the  route11:  &  in  this  forte  they  go  to  the 
Church  12  (I  fay)  &  into  the  Church,12  (though  the  Minifter  be  at  praier 
or  preaching),  dancing  &  fwinging  [t]heir  ha/zdkercheifs13  ouer  their 
heds  in  the  Church,  like  deuils  incarnate,  with  fuch  a  corcfufe14  noife, 
that  no  man  can  hear  his  own  voice.  Then,  the  foolifh  people  they 
looke,  they  flare,  they  laugh,  they  fleer,  &  mount  vpon  fourmes  and 
pewes  to  fee  thefe  goodly  pageants  folem[ni]zed  in  this  fort.  Then, 
after  this,  about  the  Church  they  goe  againe  and  again,  &  fo  foorth 
into  the  church-yard,  where  they  haue  corwmonly  their  Sommer-haules, 
their  bowers,  arbors,  &  banqueting  houfes  let  vp,  wherin  they  feaft, 
banquet  &  daunce  al  that  day  &  (peraduenture)  all  the 15  night  too.  And 
thus  thefe  terreftriall  furies  fpend  the  Sabaoth  dayj 

1  flocking  F.  2  Ground  E.                        3  all  not  in  F. 

4  handkerchiefe  F.  5  Bessies  F.                    «  their  added  in  F. 

8  this  F.  f  leaf  93.  The  order  of  the  Lord  of  Misrule.  B. 

10  fluttering  F.  n  throng  B,  E,  F.              «— «  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

13  handkechiefes  F.  u  confused  B,  E,  F.                  ™  that  F. 

The  manner 
how  Lords  of 
Mis-rule  are 
vsed  to  be 

The  monster- 
ous  attyring  of 
my  Lord  of 
Misrules  Men. 

The  rablement 

of  the  deuils 


[7  M  2,  back.  A.] 

[9  leaf  93. 

The  behauiour 
of  the  Deuills 
band  in  the 
temple  of  God. 

Receptacles  in 
the  Cemiteries 
or  church 
yards  for  the 
deuils  agents. 

148       The  L.  of  mifrules  cognifance.      The  Anatomic 

My  Lord  of 



[5  M  3.  A.] 
[6  leaf  93,  back 

Wearing  my 
Lord  of  mis 
rules  badges. 

brought  to 
this  filthie 
Ydol,  my  L. 
of  mis-rule. 

[21  leaf  94.  B.f] 
[23  M3,  back.  A.] 

1They  haue  alfo  certain  papers,  wherin  is  painted  fome  babblerie 
or  other  of  Imagery  woork,  &  thefe  they  call  'my  Lord  of  mif-rules 
badges2  ' :  thefe  they  giue  to  euery  one  that  wil  giue3  money  for  them 
to  maintairie  them  in4  their  hethenrie,  diuelrie,  whordome,  drunken- 
5nes,  pride,  and  6what  not.7  And  who  will  not  be8  buxom  to  them, 
and  giue  them9  money  for  thefe  10their  deuil  [i](h10  cognizances,  they 
are11  mocked  &  flouted  at12  13not  a  little.13  14  And  fo  aflbted15  are  fome, 
that  they  not  only  giue  them  monie  to  maintain  their  abhomination 
withall,  but  alfo  weare  their  badges  &  cognizances  in  their  hats  or  caps 
openly.  But  let  them  take  heede;  for  thefe  are16  badges,  feales, 
brands,  &  cognizances  of  the  deuil,  whereby  he  knoweth  his  Ser- 
uants  and  Clyents17  from  the  Children  of  God  -}  And  fo  long  as  they 
weare  them,  Sub  vexillo  diaboli  militant  contra  Dominum  et  legemfuam : 
they  fight  vnder  the  banner  and  ftanderd  of  the  deuil  againft  Chrift 
lefus,  and  all  his  lawes.  Another  forte  of  fantaflicall  fooles  bring  to 
thefe  hel-hounds  (the  Lord  of  mif-rule  and  his  complices)  fome  bread, 
fome  good-ale,  fome  new-cheefe,  fome  olde,18  fome  cuftards,  19&  fine 
cakes 19 ;  fome  one  thing,  fome  another ;  but  if  they  knew  that  as 
often  as  they  bring  any  thing20  to  the  maintenance  of  thefe  execrable 
paftimes,  they  offer  facrifice  to  the  deuil  and  fathanas,  they  would 
repent  and  withdraw  their  hands  ;  which  God  graunt  they  may  ! 

Spud.  This  is  a  horrible  prophanation  of  the  fabaoth  (the  Lord 
knoweth),  &  more  peftilent  then  peftilence  it  felf.  but  what  ?  be 
there  any  21abufes  in  their  May-games  like  vnto  thefe? 

22  23  Philo.  As  many  as  in  the  other.     The  order  of  them  is  thus  : 

1  Then  for  the  further  innobling  of  this  honorable  Lurdane  (Lorde  I  should 
saie)  added  in  B,  E,  F.  2  or  Cognizances  added  in  F. 

3  giue  thew  F.  *  in  this  B,  E,  F. 

*  leaf  93,  back.     The  Lord  of  Misrules  cognizance.  B. 
7  els  added  in  F.  8  shewe  hym  self  B,  E,  F.  9  them  not  in  F. 

io__io  the  deuilles  B,  E,  F.  "  shall  be  B,  E,  F.  «  at  not  in  F. 

i3_is  shamefully  B,  E,  F. 

14  Yea,  and  many  times  carried  vpon  a  Cowlstaffe,  and  diued  ouer  head  and 
eares  in  water,  or  otherwise  most  horriblie  abused  added  in.F.  15  assotted  F. 

16  are  the  B,  E,  F.  17  vassals  F.  18  olde  cheese  B,  E,  F. 

19 — 19  Some  cakes,  some  flaunes,  some  Tartes,  some  Creame,  some  meate  B, 
E,  F  (but  F  begins  with  some  Cracknels.)  20  thing  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

f  leaf  94.  The  order  of  Maie  games.   B. 

22  B,  E,  F  make  a  fresh  chapter  here,  with  the  heading : — The  maner  of  Maie- 
games  in  England. 

ofAbufes.  The  fruits  of  may-games.  149 

Againft  May1,  Whitfonday,  or2  other  time,  3 all  the  yung  men  and 

maides,  olde  men  and  wiues,  run  gadding  ouer  night  to  the  woods,   The  order  of 

groues,3  nils,  &  mountains,4  where  they  fpend  all  the  night  in  plefant  games. 

paflimes;  &  in  the  morning  they  return,  bringing  with  them  birch5 

&  branches  of  trees,  to  deck  their  airemblies  withall.     and  no  mer- 

uaile,  for  there  is  a  great   Lord  prefent   amongft  them,  as  fuper- 

intendent  and  Lord  ouer  their  paflimes  and  fportes,  namely,  Sathan,   [*  side-note  here 

in  !$•] 

prince  of  hel.  But  the6  cheifeft  iewel  they  bring  from  thence  is 
their7  May-pole,  which  they  bring  home  with  great  veneration,  as 
thus.  They  haue  twentie  or  fortie  yoke  of  Oxen,  euery  Oxe  hauing  *  A  great  Lord 

present  in  May  8 

a  fweet  nofe-gay  of  flouers  placed9  on  the  tip  of  his  homes  :  and  thefe  games  as 


Oxen  drawe  home  this  May-pole  (this  {linking  Ydol,  rather)  which  is   therof. 
couered  all  ouer  with  floures  and  hearbs,  10  bound  round  about  with   C10  leaf  94,  back. 


firings  from  the  top  to  the  bottome,  and  fometime11  painted  with  vari 
able  colours,  with  two  or  three  hundred  men,  women  and  children,   The  manner 
following  it  with  great  deuotion.     And  thus  beeing  reared  vp  with   homTtheir 
handkercheefs  and  flags  houering12  on  the  top,  they  ftraw  the  ground 
rounde13  about,  binde  green  boughes  about  it,  fet  vp  fommer  haules, 
bowers,  and  arbors  hard  by  it  -,  And  then  fall  they  to14  daunce  about 
it,  like15  as  the  16 heathen  people  did  at  the  dedication  of  the17  Idols,   p«  M  4.  A.] 
wherof  this  is  a  perfect  pattern,  or  rather  the  thing  it  felf.     I  haue   May-poles  a 
heard  it  credibly  reported  (and  that  viua  voce)  by  men  of  great  grauitie18  hethen  Ydois. 
and  reputation,  that  of  fortie,  threefcore,  or  a  hundred  maides  going 
to  the  wood  ouer  night,  there  haue  fcarefly  the  third  part  of  them 
returned  home  againe  vndenled.     Thefe  be  the  frutes  which  thefe   The  frute  of 
curfed  paflimes   bring  foorth.     19 Neither  the20  lewes,  the21  Turcks, 

1  day  added  in  F.  *  or  some  B,  E,  F. 

3 — 3  of  the  yeare,  euery  Parishe,  Towne,  and  Village  assemble  themselues  to 
gether,  bothe  men,  women,  and  children,  olde  and  yong,  euen  all  indifferently : 
and  either  goyng  all  together,  or  deuidyng  themselues  into  companies,  they  goe 
some  to  the  Woodes  and  Groues,  some  to  the  B,  E,  F. 

4  some  to  one  place,  some  to  another,  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

6  bowes  added  in  B,  E,  F.  «  their  B,  E,  F.  1  the  F. 

8  May  not  in  F.  9  tyed  E,  F. 

t  leaf  94,  back.  The  fruictes  of  Male  games.  B. 
11  sometimes  F.  12  streaming  B,  E,  F.  «  round  not  in  B,  E. 

14  banquet  and  feast,  to  leape  and  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

»  like  not  in  B,  E,  F.  *7  their  B,  E,  F.  "  credite  added  in  F. 

19  Assuredly  I  thinke  added  in  B,  E,  F.  *>  the  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

21  nor  B,  E,  F. 

Church-ales  in  Ailgna. 

The  Anatomic 

Sara/ins,  nor  Pagans,  nor  any  other  nations,1  how  wicked  or  barbarous 
foeuer,  haue  euer  vfed  fuch  deuililh  exercifes  as  thefe ;  nay,  they 
would  haue  been  afhamed  once  to  haue  named  them,  much  lelfe  haue2 
vfed  them.  Yet  wee,  that  would  be  Chriftians,  think  them  not  amifle. 
The  Lord  for giue  vs,  and  remooue  them^  from  vs  ! 

Spud.  What  is  the  manner  of  their  church  ales,  which  you  lay 
leaf  95.  B.*]      they  vfe ;  for  they  feem  vn4couth  and  ftraunge  to  mine  eares  ? 

The  Manner  of  Church-ales  in  Ailgna. 

[5  M  4,  back.  A.] 

The  manner 
of  Church -ales 
in  Ailg[na]. 

5  Philoponus. 

THE  manner  of  them  is  thus  :  In  certaine  Townes  where  drunken 
Backus  beares  all6  the  fway,  againft  a7  Chrijlmas,  an8  Eajler,  Whit- 
fonday,  or  fome  other  time,  the  Church-wardens  (for  fo  they  call  them) 
of  euery  parifh,  with  the  confent  of  the  whole  Pariih,  prouide  half  a 
fcore  or  twenty  quarters  of  mault,  wherof  fome  they  buy  of  the 
Church-Hock,  and  fome  is  giuen  them  of  the  Parifhioners  them  felues, 
euery  one  conferring  fomewhat,  according  to  his  abilitie;  which 
mault,  beeing  made  into  very  ftrong  ale  or  beere,  it9  is  fet  to  fale, 
either  in  the  Church,  or10  fome  other  place  affigned  to  that  purpofe. 

Then,  when  the11  Nippitatum,  this  Huf-cap  (as  they  call  it)  and 
this  ne£iar  of  lyfe,  is  fet  abroche,  wel  is  he  that  can  get  the  fooneft  to 
it,  and  fpend  the  molt  at  it  ;  for  he  that  litteth  the  clofeft  to  it,  and 
fpends  the  mofte  at  it,  he  is  counted  the  godlielt  man  of  all  the  reft12; 
but  who  either13  cannot,  14for  pinching  pouertie,14  or  otherwife,15  wil 
not  ftick  to  it,  he  is  cou/zted  onedeftitute  bothe  of  vertue  and  godlynes. 
In  fo  much  as  you  mail  haue  many  poor  men  make  hard  fhift  for 
leaf  95,  back,  money  to  fpend  ther16at,17  for  it18  beeing  put  into  this  Corlan,  they  are 
perfwaded  it  is  meritorious,  &  a  good  feruice  to  God.  In  this  kinde  of 

1  people  B,  E,  F.  2  to  haue  B,  E.  3  them  farre  F. 

*  leaf  95.  Church-ales  in  Ailgna.  B. 

6  all  not  in  B  ;  all  the  not  in  E,  F.  7  a  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

8  and  B,  E,  F.          »  it  not  in  B,  E,  F.          10  or  in  F.         "  this  B,  E,  F. 

12  and  most  in  Gods  fauour,  because  it  is  spent  vpon  his  Church  forsoth  added 
in  B,  E,  F.  13  either  for  want  B,  E,  F.  u—  u  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

15  for  feare  of  God's  wrath  added  in  E,  F. 

f  leaf  95,  back.  Churchale  money  bestowed.  B. 

17  and  good  reason  added  in  B,  E,  F.  18  it  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

The  filthiest 
beast,  the 
godlyest  man. 

of  Abufes.  Churchale  money  beftowed.  151 

practife  they  continue  fix  weeks,  a  quarter  of  a  yeer,  yea,  half  a  yeer 
togither,  fwiPling  and  gulling,  night  and  day,  till  they  be  as  drunke   Lx  M  5.  A.] 
as  Apes,2  and  as  3blockifh  as  beafts.3 

Spud.  Seeing  they  haue  fo  good  vtterance,  it  mould  feeme  they 
haue  good  gaines.  But,  I  pray  you,  how  doe  they  beflowe  that  money 
which  is  got  therby  ? 

Philo.  Oh  !  well,  I  warent  you,  if  all  be  true  which  they  fay  :  For 
they  repaire  their  Churches  and  Chappels  with  it ;  they  buy  bookes 
for  feruice,  cuppes  for  the  celebration  of  the  Sacrament,  furplefTes 
for  Sir  Ihon,  and  fuch  other  neceffaries :  And  they  maintaine  other  How  the 

money  is  spent 

extraordinarie  charges  in  the4  parifhes  befydes.     Thefe  be  their  5ex-   which  is  got  by 


ceptions,  thefe  be  their5  excufes,  and  thefe  be  their  pretended6  allega 
tions,  wherby  they  blind  the  world,  and  conueigh  themfelues  away  in 
uifibly  in  a  clowd.     But  if  they  daunce  thus  in  a  net,  no  doubt  they 
will  be  efpied. 

For  if  it  wer  fo  that  they  beftowed  it  as  they  fay,  do  they  think 
that  the  Lord  will  haue  his  howfe  build7  with  drunkennefle,  gluttony, 
and  fuch  like  abhominatiorc  ?  Muft  we  do  euill  that  good  may  come 
of  it  ?  muft  we  build  this  houfe  of  lyme  and  flone  with  the  defola8tion  wa  the  Lord 

haue  his  house 

and  v.tter  ouerthrow  of  his  fpirituall  howfe,  9clenfed  and  wafhed  in9   bmid  with 


the  precioufe  blood  of  our  Sauiour  lefus  Chrift?     But  who  feeth  not   ofeuiii? 
that  they  beftow  this  money  vpon  nothing  leffe  than  in  building  and   [8ieaf96.  B.t] 
repayring  of  Churches  10and  Oratories  ?     For  in  moft  places  lye  they   I10  M  s,  back. 

A.  J 

not  like  fwyn  coates  ?    their  windowes  rent,  their  dores  broken,  their 

walles  fall n  downe,  the 12  roofe  all  bare,  and  what  not  out  of  order  ? 

Who  feeth  not  the  booke  of  GOD,  rent,  ragged,  and  all  betorn,13  Jhf.rchS7  °f 

couered  in  duft,  fo  as  this  Epitaphe  may  be  writ  with  ones  finger  J^*1^06* 

vppon  it,  ecce  nunc  in  puluere  dormio  ?    (Alas  !)  behold  I  fleep  in  duft  torn- 

and  oblyuion,  not  once  fcarfe  looked  vppon,  much  leife  red  vpon,14 

and  the15  leaft  of  all  preached  vppon.     And,  on  the  other  fide,  who 

feeth  not  (for 16  this  I  fpeak  but  17  in  way  of  par en  the/is17 )  in  the  meane   Suwpteousnes 

of  their  own« 

3  Rattes  B,  E  ;  Swine  F.  »— >  mad  as  March  Hares  F. 

*  their  B,  E,  F.  3— 6  golden  reasons,  these  bee  their  faire  B,  E,  F. 

6  pretensed  B,  E.  7  builded  F. 

t  leaf  96.  The  decay  of  Churches  in  Ailgna.  B.        9 — »  purchased  with  F. 

11  fallen  B.         "  their  B,  E,  F.          »  yea  added  in  F.          "  on  B,  E,  F. 

15  the  not  in  F.  is  for  not  in  B,  E.  F. 

IT — n  to  a  friend,  I  pray  you  say  nothing  F. 

[2  the  A.] 
[Meaf96,  back. 

[7  M  6.  A.] 

Churches  8  are  to 
be  maintained 
by  mutuall 
contribution  of 
euery  one 
after  his 

Our  zeal 
waxen  cold 
and  frosen 
in  respect  of 
the  zeal  of  the 
former  world. 

[»  leaf  97.  B.f] 

L13  M  6,  back. 

i$2       Keeping  of  wakfes  in  Ailg[na].      The  Anatomic 

tyme,  their  owne  howfes  and  manfion  places  are  curioufly  build,  and 
fumpteoufly  adorned :  which  plainly  argueth  that  they  rather  beftow 
this  drunken  got-money  vppon  prophane  vfes  and  their  own  priuat 
affaires,  than  vpon  the  howfe  of  prayer,  or  the  temple  of  God.  And 
yet  this  their  doing  is  wel  liked  of,  and  no  man  may  fay  1  black  is 
their  eye1 :  For  why  ?  Thei  do  all  things  well,  and  according  to  good 
order,  as  they 2  fay  j  And  when  time  commeth,  like  good  accoumpt- 
antes,  they  make  their  accoumptes  as  pleafe  themfelues. 

Sp.  Were  it  not  better,  &  more  confonant  3to  the  truth,  that 
euery  one  contributed4  fomewha.t,  according  to  his  abilitie,  to  the 
maintenance  of  5templaries  &6  oratories,5  thara  thus  to  maintaine  them 
by  drunke/z  churchales,  as  you  fay  thei  do  ? 

7  Philo.  It  weare  muche  better.  And  fo  we  read,  the  Fathers  of 
the  old  Teftament,  euery  one  after  his  abilitie,  did  impart  fome-what 
to  the  building9 and  reftauration9  of  the  Tabernacle  which  Moyfes 
erected  to  the  Lord  j  So  as  in  the  end  there  was  fuch  aboundance  of 
all  things,  as  the  Artificers,  confulting  with  Moyfes,  were  glad  to  re- 
queft  the  People  to  flay  their  liberalitie,  for  they  had  more  than  they 
knew  what  to  do  withall.  Thefe  People  made  no  drunken  Church- 
ales  to  build  their  edefice11  withal,  notwithstanding  their  importable 
charges  and  intolerable  cofles.  But  as  their  zeel  was  feruerct,  and  very 
commendable  in  bringing  to  the  Church,  fo  our  zeal  is  more  than 
frofen  &  blame-worthie  in  detracting  from  the  Church,  and  beftowing 
it  vpon  whordom,  drunkenneffe,  gluttony,  pride,  and  fuch  like  abhomi- 
nations  :  God  amend  it ! 

Spud.  How  do  they  folemnife  their  feaftes  and  wakefles  there  j 
and  what  order  do  they  obferue  in  them  ? 

The  maner  of  keeping  of  Wakefles,  and  feafts 
in  Ailgna. 

12  Philoponus. 
THis  is  their  order  therein :    euery  towne,  parifhe,  and  Village, 

fome  at  one  tyme  of  the  Yeere,  fome  at  another  (but  13fo  that  euery 

1 — l  Domine,  cur  ita  facis  ?  F. 
*  leaf  96,  back.   Keepyng  of  Wakesses  in  Ailgna.   B.  4  contribute  B. 

5— 5  Temples  and  Churches  F.  6  or  B,  E. 

8  Churges  A.        9 — 9  and  instauration  E  ;  not  in  F.       10  this  side-note  not  in  F. 

11  house  of  Prayer  F.  f  leaf  97.  Keepyng  of  Wakes  in  Ailgna.  B. 

of  Abufes.  The  fruicts  of  wakefTes.  153 

Jtowne,  parifh,  &  village1  keep2  his  proper  day  afligned  and  appropriat 
to  it  felf,  (which  they  call  their  Wak  day)  vfe3  to  make  great  prepara 
tion  and  ordenaunce4  for  good  cheer.     To  the  which  all  their  Freends 
and  kyns-folks,  farre  and  neer,  are  inuited,  wher  is  fuch  gluttony,  fuch   Saturitie  in 
drunkenneffe,  fuch  faturitie5  and  impletion  vfed,  as  the  like  was  neuer  wakoncs. 
feen  :  In  fo  muche  as  the  poore  men  that  beare  the  charges  of  thefe 
feafts  and  wakeffes,  are  the  poorer,  and  keep  the  Worfer  howfes  a  long 
tyme6  after.     And  no  marueil,  for  manie  fpend  more  at  one  of  thefe 
wakeffes  than  in  all  the  whole  yeer  befides.     This  makes  many  a  one   The  great 

charges  of 

to  thripple  &  pinch,  to  runne  into  debte  and  daunger,  and  finallie   Wakesses. 
brings  many  a  one  to  vtter  ruine  and  decay. 

Spud.  Wold  you  not  haue  one  freend  to  vilite  another  at  certen 
tymes  of  the  yeer  ? 

Philo.  I  difalowe  it  not,  but  much  commewd  it.     But  why  at  one 
determinat7  day  more  than  at  another  (except  bufines  vrged  it)  j  why 
mould  one  and  the  lame  day  continue  for  euer,  or  be  diflinct  from   Against  wakes 
other  dayes  by  the  name  of  a  wake  day  ?    why  mould  there  be  more 
exceffe  of  meats  and  drinks  at  that  day  than  at  another8?  why  mould 
they  abftaine  from  bodely  labor  9.ij.  or  three  dayes  after,  peraduenture   [9  leaf  97,  back, 
the  whole  week,  fpending  it  in  drunkenneffe,  whordome,  gluttony, 
and  other  filthie  Sodo10miticall  exercyfes.  [I0  M  7] 

Spud.  Seeing  you  allowe  of  one  Freend  to  vilite  another,  would 
you  not  haue  them  to  congratulat  their  comming  with  fome  good 
cheer  ? 

Philo.  Yes,  truely ;   but  I  allowe  not  of  fuch  exceffe  of  ryot  & 
fuperfluitie  as  is  there  vfed.    I  thinke  it  conuenient  for  one  Freend  to 
vilite  another  (at  fometimes)  as  oportunitie  &  occalion  {hall  n  offer  it  Wherto 
felfe n :    but  wherfore  fhuld  the  whole  towne,  parilh,  village,  and   feasts  do  very 

aptly  tend. 

cuntreykeepe  one  and  the  fame  day,  and  make  fuch  gluttonous  feafts 
as  they  doo  ?  Andtherfore,  12to  conclude,12  they  are  to  no  end,  except 
it  be  to  draw  a  great13  frequencie  of  whores,  drabbes,14  theiues,  and 
verlets  together,  to  maintaine  whordome,  bawdrie,  gluttony,  drunken- 

*— »  one  B,  E,  F.  2  keeps  F.  3  vseth  F.  *  prouision  E,  F. 

6  fulnesse  F.  6  yeare  F.  7  prefixed  F.  8  any  other  E,  F. 

t  leaf  97,  back.  The  fruictes  of  Wakesses.  B. 

ii_u  bee  offered  F.  12— 12  in  my  opinion  B,  E,  F. 

18  a  great  not  in  E,  F  ;  frequencie  of  not  in  F.     u  drabbes  not  in  B,  E,  F. 


Dauncing  in  Ailg[na]. 

The  Anatomic 

From  whence 
these  annuall 
feasts  and 
wakesses  had 
their  begin 

[3  leaf  98.  B.t] 
[7  M  7,  back] 

Scholes  of 



nefle,  thiefte,  murther,  fwearing,  and  all  kind  of  mifchief  and  abhom- 
ination ;  For  thefe  be  the  ends  wherto  thefe  feaftes  and  wakeffes  doo 

Spud.  From  whence  fprang  thefe  feafts  and  wakefles  firft  of  all  j 
can  you  tell  1 

Philo.  I  cannot  tell,  except  from  the  Paganes  and  heathen  People, 
who,  whan  they  were  aflembled  together,  and  had  offred  Sacrifices  to 
their  wodden2  Goddes,  and  blockifh  ydols,  made  feafts  and  banquets 
together  before  them,  in  ho3nour  and  reuerence  of  them,  fo4  appointed 
the  fame  yeerly  to  be  obferued  in5  memoriall  of  the  fame6  for  euer. 
But  whence  7foeuer  they  had  their  exordium,8  certera  it  is  the  deuill 
was  the  Father  of  them,  to9  drown  vs  in  perdition,  and  deftruction  of 
body  and  foule  :  which  GOD  forefend10  ! 

Sp.  As  I  remember,  you  fpoke11  of  dauncing  before,  inferring  that 
the  fabaoth  is12  greatly  prophaned  therby:  whereof,  I  pray  you,  mew 
mee  your  iudgement. 

The  horrible  Vice  of  peftiferous  dauncing,  vfed13 
in  Ailgna. 


DAuncing,  as  it  is  vfed  (or  rather  abufed)  in  thefe  daies,  is  an  in 
troduction  to 14  whordom,  a  preparatiue  to  wantonnes,  aprouocatiue  to 
vncleanes,  &  an  introite 15  to  al  kind  of  lewdenes,  rather  than  a  pleafant 
exercyfe  to  the  mind,  or  a  holfome  practife  for  the  body16  :  yet17,  not- 
withftanding,  in  ^4ilg[na\  both  men,  wemen,  &  children,  are  fo  fkilful  in 
this  laudable  fciercce,  as  they  maye  be  thought  nothing  inferiour  to 
Cynoedus,  the18  proftitut  ribauld,  nor  yet  to  Sardanapalus,  that  effemi- 
nat  varlet.  Yea,  thei  are  not  amamed  to  erect  fcholes  of  dau/zcing, 

1  as  farre  as  euer  I  could  iudge  added  in  B,  E,  F,  but  E,  F,  have  lea.i-n.efor 
iudge  :  F  then  adds .— &  the  best  fruits  that  they  bring  foorth. 

2  false  F.  f  leaf  98.  Dauncyng  in  Ailgna.  B. 

4  and  so  B,  E,  F.  5  in  a  F. 

6  ttizmfor  the  same  B,  E,  F.  8  original  F. 

9  seeking  thereby  to  F. 
i»  remoue  farre  from  vs  F.  "  spake  B,  E,  F.  12  was  B,  E,  F. 

13  not  in  F.  u  all  kind  of  added  in  F.  15  entrance  F. 

16  (as  some  list  to  cal  it)  added  in  B,  E  ;  (as  some  would  haue  it).  And  F. 

"  And  yet,  E.  18  that  B,  E,  F. 

of  Abufes.          Dauncing,  an  allurement  to  fin.          155 

thinking  it  an  ornament  to  their  children  to  be  expert  in  this  noble 

fcience  of  heathen  diuelrie :  and  yet  this  people1  glory  of  their  chrif- 

tianitie  &  integritie  of  2life.     Indead,  verlo  tenus  Chriftiani  loni  voci-   [2  leaf  98,  back. 

tentur,  But  vita  et  moribus  Ethnicis  et  paganis  pe lores'3  reperientur*  : 

From  bthe  mouth  outward  they  may  be  faid  to  be  good  Chriftians,  but   [s  sign.  M  8.  A.] 

in  life  &  maners  farre  worfer  than  the  heathen  or  Paganes.     Wherof 

if  they  repent  not  &  amend,  it  fhalbe  eaiier  for  that6  Land  of  Sodoma 

and  Gomorra,  at  the  day  of  Judgement,  then  for  them. 

Spud.  I  haue  heard  it  faid,  tha\  dauncing  is  both  a  recreation  for 
the  minde,  &  alfo  an  exercyfe  for  the  body,  very  holfomej  and  not 
only  that,  but  alfo  a  meane  wherby  loue  is  acquired. 

Ph.  I  will  not  much  denie  but  being  vfed  in  a  meane,  in  tyme  and   Dauncing  a 
place  conueniente.  it  is  a  certerc  folace7  to  the  minds  of  fuch  as  take   them  that 

delight  in 

pleafure  in  fuch  vanities ;    but  it  is  no  good  reafon  to  fay,  fome  me/z   vanities. 

take  pleafur  in  a  thing,  ergo,  it  is  good,  but  the  co/ztrarie  8is  true 

rather8 :  For  this  is  9  (bafisw  veritatis)  a  ground  of11  truth,9  that  whatfo- 

euer  a  carnall  man,  with  vncircumcifed  heart,  either  defireth  or  taketh 

pleafure  in,  is  moft  abhominable  &  wicked  before  god.     As,  on  the 

other  fide,  what  the  fpirituall  man  regenerat,  &  borne  anew  in  Chrift, 

by  the  direction  of  God  his  fpirit,  defireth  or  taketh  delight  in,  is  good, 

and  according  to  the  will  of  God  :  And  feeing  ma/js  nature  is  too  pro-  What  ailure- 

cliue12  of  it  felfe  to  finne,  it  hath  no  need  of  allurements  &  allections13   be  in  daunc- 

to14  fin  (as  dauncing  is)  but  rather  of  reftraints  &  inhibitions15  fro/n  the   [l*  leaf  99.  B.t] 

fame,  which  are  not  there  to  be   found.     For  what  clipping,  what 

culling,  what  kiffing  and  buffing,  what  16fmouching  &  flabbering  one   [^Ms.back.  A.] 

of  another,  what  filthie  groping  and  vncleane  handling  is  not  practifed 

euery  wher  in  thefe  dauncings?    yea,  the  very  deed  and  action   it 

felfe,  which  I  will  not  name  for  offending  chafl  eares,  fhall  be  pur- 

trayed  and  (hewed17  foorth  in  their  bawdye  geftures  of  one  to  another. 

All  which,  whither  they  blow  vp  Venus  cole  or  not,  who  is  fo  blind 

1  forsooth  added  in  F. 

*  leaf  98,  back.  Dauncyng,  an  allurement  to  sinne.  B. 

8  deteriores  F.  *  inueniantur  B,  inuenientur  E.  •  the  B,  E,  F. 

7  or  recreation  added  in  B,  E,  F.  8 — 8  is  rather  true  B,  E,  F. 

9— 9  a  maxime  F.  I0  basis  et  fundamentum  B,  E. 

11  or  foundation  of  B,  E  ;  E  has  and  for  or.  *2  prone  F. 

13  enticementes  F.  t  leaf  99.  Dauncyng,  a  corrosiue.  B. 

18  to  stay  him  added  in  F.  17  shadowed  F. 

Dauncing  no 
recreation,  but] 
a  corrosiue  to 
a  good  Chris 

The  onely 
thing  wherin 
a  good  Chris 
tian  doth 

[4  leaf  99,  back. 
B.f]      ' 

[6  sign.  N  x.  A.] 

Dancing  no 
holsom  exer 
cise  for  the 

What  looue 
dancing  pro- 

156    Dancing  vnholfome  for  the  body.    The  Anatomic 

that  feeth  not  ?  wherfore,  let  them  not  think  that  it  is  any  recreation 
(which  word  is  abufiuely  vfed  to  exprefle  the  ioyes  or  delightes  of  the 
mind,  which  fignifieth  a  making  againe  of  that  which  before  was 
made,)  to  the  mind  of  a  good  Chriftian,  but  rather  a  corroliue1  moll 
{harp  and  nipping.  For  feing  that  it  is  euill  in  it  felf,  it  is  not  a  thing 
wherin  a  Chriftiaw  Mans  heart  may  take  any2  comfort.  The  onely3 
fummum  lonum,  wherin  a  true  Chriftians  heart  is  recreated  and  com 
forted,  is  the  meditation  of  the  paffion  of  lefus  Chrift,  the  effufion  of 
his  blood,  the  remiflion  of  .fins,  and  the  contemplation  of  the  ineffable 
ioyes  and  beatituds  after  this  life,  prepared  for  the  faithfull  in  the 
blood  of  lefus  Chrift.  This  is  the  only  thing  wherin  a  Chriftian  maw 
ought  to  reioyfe  and  take  delight  in,  all  other  pleafures  &  delights  of 
this  lyfe  fet  a  parte  as  amarulent  4and  bitter,  bringing  foorth  fruit  to 
eternall  deftrucYion,  but  the  other  to  eternall  lyfe.  And  wheras  they 
conclude  it5  is  a  hole6fome  exercife  for  the  bodie,  the  contrary  is  mofte 
true;  for  I  haue  knowen  diuers,  by7  the  immoderate  vfe  therof,  haue 
in  fhort  time  become  decrepit  and  lame,  fo  remaining  to  their  dying 
day.  Some  haue  broke  their  legs  with  flapping,  leaping,  turning,  and 
vawting,  and  fome  haue  come  by  one  hurt,  fome  by  another,  but 
neuer  any  came  from  thence  without  fome  parte  of  his  minde  broken 
and  lame  j  fuch  a  wholfome  exercife  it  is !  But,  fay  they,  it  induceth 
looue :  fo  I  fay  alfo  j  but  what  looue  ?  Truely,  a  luftful  loue,  a 
venereous  looue,  a  concupifcencious,  baudie,  &  beaftiall  looue,  fuch  as 
proceedeth  from  the  ftinking  pump  and  lothfome  fink  of  carnall 
affection  and  flefhly  appetite,  and  not  fuch  as  diftilleth  from  the 
bowels  of  the  hart  ingenerat  by  the  fpirit  of  God. 

Wherfore  I  exhort  them,  in  the  bowels  of  lefus  Chrift,  to  efchue 
not  only  from  euil,  but  alfo  from  all  apperance  of  euil,  as  the  Apoftle 
willeth  them,  proceeding  from  one  vertue  to  another;  vntil  they 
growe  to8  perfect  men  in  Chrifte  lefus,  knowing  that  we  muft  giue 
accounts  at  the  day  of9  Judgment  of  euery  minut  and  iote  of  time,10 
from  the  day11  of  our  birth  to  the  time12  of  our  death :  for  there  is 
nothing  more  precious  then  time,  which  is  giuen  vs  to  glorifie  God  in13 

1  corrasiue  F.  a  any  pleasure  or  F.  3  enely  A. 

f  leaf  99,  back.  Dauncyng  vnholsome  for  the  body.  B. 

s  that  it  E,  F.  7  that  by  B,  E,  F. 

8  to  bee  F.         9  of  of  F.         10  that  is  lent  us  in  this  life  added  in  E,  F. 

"  first  day  B,  E,  F.  12  last  houre  B,  E,  F.  13  by  B  ;  in,  by  E,  F. 

of  Abufes.      Teftimonies  in  the  behalf  of  dancing.      157 

good-woorks,  and  not  to  fpend  in  luxurious  exercifes  l  after  our  owne   *  we  must  ren 
der  accounts 

fantanes  and  delights.  for  time  heer 

lent  vs 

Spud.  But  I  haue  heard  them  affirme  that  dau/zcing  is  prouable3  [i  ieaf  100.  B.«] 
by  the  woord  of  God  j  for  (fay  they)  did  not  the  women  come  foorth  [  N  *'  backl 
of  all  the  Cities  of  Ifrael  to  meet  king  Saule  ?  and4  Dauid,  returning  [Bible  examples 

of  dancing.] 

from  the  Slaughter  of  Goliath,  with  pfalteries,  flutes,  tabrets,  Cymbals,   z  Sa.  18. 
and  other  muficall  Inftruments,  dauncing  &  leaping  before  them  ?    Exo.  15. 
Did  not  the  Ifraelites,  hauing  'pafled  ouer  the  red  fea,  bring  foorth 
their  Inftruments,  and  danced  for  ioy  of  their  deliuerance  ?  Exo.  32. 

Againe,  did  they  not  daunce  before  the  golden  Calf,  which  they 
had  made  in  Horel  or  Sinai  ?    Did  not  king  Dauid  daunce  before  the 
Ark  of  the  Lord  ?     Did  not  the  Daughter  of  lephtah  daunce  with   *  Sa.  6. 
tabret  and  harp  at  the  return  of  her  Father  from  the  Feeld  ?    Did  not 
the  women  of  the   Ifraelits  dance  comming  to  vifit  good  Iitdith  ?  ludic.  n. 
Did  not  the  Damfel  dance  before  King  Herod  ?     Did  not   Chrift   Iudic' I5' 
blame  the  people  for  their  not  dancing  when  he  faid,  wee  haue  pyped  Mat.  14. 
vnto  you,  but  you  haue  not  daunced  ?  Luc*  7' 

Saith  not  Salomon, t  there  is  a  time  to  weep,  and  a  time  to  laughe,  a   Eccle.  3. 
time  to  mourne,  and  a  time  to  daunce  ? ' 

And  dooth  not  the  Prophet  Dauid,  in  many  places  of  his  Pfalmes, 
commend  and  commaund  dauncing,  and  playing  vpon  Inftruments  of 
Mufick  ? 

5Wherfore  (for  thus6  they  conclude)  feeing  thefe  holy  Fathers   P  sign.  N  2.  A.] 
(wherof  fome  were  guided  by  the  inftinction7  of  8God  his8  Spi9rit)   [9  leaf  too,  back, 
haue  not  only  taught  it  in  doctrine,  but  alfo  exprefled  it  by 10  their 
Examples  of  life,  who  may  open  his  mouth  once  to  fpeake  againft  it  ? 

Philo.  The  Fathers,  as  they  were  men,  had  their  errors,  and  erred 
as  men,  for  Hominis  eft  errare,  decipi  et  lali :  it  is  naturall  for  man  to   No  ma«  with- 
erre,  to  be  deceiued  &  to  Hide  from  the  trueth.    Therfore  the  Apoftle  bothefnTySfe 
faith,  follow  mee?  in  all  things  as  I  follow  Chrift ;    but  to  the  intent 
that  they,  who  perpend11  the  Examples  of  the  Fathers  and  12  Scripture 
falfly12  wrefted  to  maintaine  their  deuilifh  dauncings  withall,  may  fee 
their  owne  impietie  &  grofle 13  ignorance  difcouered,  I  wil  compendi- 

*  leaf  100.  Testimonies  in  the  behalf  of  dancing.   B. 
3  probable  E,  F.  *  and  also  king  E,  F. 

6  this  E,  F.  7  instinct  F.  s_s  Gods  F. 

"t  leaf  loo,  back.  None  withoute  errours.  B.  lo  in  B,  E,  F. 

11  pretende  E,  F.  12—13  Scriptures  fasly  (sic)  F.  "  not  in  F. 

i  Sa.  18, 

The  first 
pillare  of 

[2  N  2,  back.  A.] 

No  good  cox- 
sequent  to  say 
others  did  so, 
ergo  it  is 
good,  or  wee 
may  doo  the 
[3  leafioi.  B.*] 

The  differewce 
between  the 
dances  of  our 
and  ours. 

[8  sign.  N  3.  A.] 

Their  second 
Pillar  shaken. 

leaf  101, 
:k.  B.f] 

158    Euil  examples  not  to  be  followed.   The  Anato[mie] 

oufly  fet  down  the  true  fence  and  meaning  of  euery  place,  as  they  haue 
cyted  them  perticulerly.  For  the  firft,  wheras  they  fay  that  the 
Women  came  foorth  in  daunces  with  timbrels  and  Inftruments  of  loy 
to  meet  Dauid  and  Saitle,  I  afke  them  for  what  caufe  they  did  fo  ? 
Was  it  for  wantonnes,  or  for  very  ioye  of  hart  for  their  Victorie  gotten 
ouer1  the  Philijlines,  their  fworne  Enemies  ?  Was  it  in  prayfe  of  GOD, 
or  to  ftirre  vp  filthie  lufl  in  them  felues,  or  for  nicenes  onely,  as  our 
daunces  bee?  2Did  men  and  women  daunce  togither,  as  is  now  vied 
to  be  doon  ?  or  rather  was  it  not  doon  amongft  women  only  ?  for  fo 
faith  the  text,  the  women  came  foorth,  &c.  But  admit  it  were  neither 
fo,  nor  fo,  wil  they  conclude  a  general  1  rule  of  a  particuler  example  ?  it 
is  no  good  reafon  to  fay,  fuch  and  3fuch  did  fo,  therfore  it  is  good,  or 
we  may  doo  fo  ;  but  all  things  are  to  be  poyfed  in  th&  balance  of 
holy  fcripture,  and  therby  to  be  allowed  or.difalowed,  according  to  the 
meaning  of  the  holy  Ghoft,  who  is  only  to  be  heard  and  obeyed  in 
his  woord. 

The  Ifraeliti/h  women,  hearing  of  the  fame  of  Dauid,  and  how  he 
had  killed  their  deadly  enemie  Goliath,  came  foorth  to  meet  him, 
playing  vpon  inftrumewts,  dancing,  &  tinging  fongs  of  ioye  and 
thanks-giuing  to  the  Lord,4  who  had  giuen  them  vi6torie,  and  de 
li  uered  them  from  the  deadly  hoftilitie  of  him  who  fought  their 
diftruclion  euery  way.  Now,  what  maketh  this  for  our  leud,  wanton, 
nice  and  vbiquitarie  dauncings, — for  fo  I  may  call  them  becaufe 
they  be  vfed  euery  where, — let  the  godly  iudge.  who  feeth  not 
rather  that  this  example  (let  Cerberus  5  the  dog  of  hel  alatrate  what 
he5  lift  to  the  contrary)  clean  ouerthroweth  them.  Theirs  was  a 
godly  kind  of  dancing  in  praife  of  God;  ours,  a  luftful,  baudie  kinde 
of  deamenour6  in  praife  of  our  felues  :  theirs,  to  mew  their  inward 
ioy  of  minde  for  thejblemngs7  of  8God  beftowed  vpon  them;  ours,  to 
{how  our  actiuitie,  agilitie  and  curious  nicitie,  and  to  procure  luftful 
looue  and  fuch  like  wickednes  infinit.  But  to  their  fecond  allegation  : 
the  Children  (fay  they9)  of  Ifrael  danced,  being  deliuered  out  of  the 
feruitude  of  Pharo,  and  hauing  paf  10fed  ouer  the  red  lea.  I  graunt 

1  against  F.  *  leaf  101.  Euil  examples  not  to  be  followed.  B. 

4  their  God  added  in  F. 

5 — 5  and  all  other  hel-houndes  barke  what  thei  B,  E,  F. 

*  dauncing  F.  7  blessing  F.  9  they  say  F. 

t  leaf  101,  back.  The  Israelites  Daunces.  B. 

of  Abufes.  The  Ifraelits  dances.  159 

they  did  fo,  and  good  caufe  they  had  fo  to  doo  j     For  were  they  not 
emancipate1  and  let  free  from  three  great  calamities  and  2extreame   [Why  the 


miferies2?  Firft,  frow  the  feruile  bondage  of  Egipt ;  from  the  fwoord   danced.] 
of  Pharo,  who  purfued  the  rereward  of  their  hofte  j  and  from  the 
danger3  of  the  red  fea,  their  enemies  beeing  ouer-w helmed  in  the 

For  thefe  great  and  ineftimable  benefits  and  bleflings,  receiued  at 
the  hands  of  God,  they  played  vpon  Inftruments  of  mufick,  leaped, 
daunced,  and  fung4  godly  fongs  vnto  the  Lord,  mewing  by  thefe  out 
ward  geftures  the  inward  ioy  of  their  harts  and  mindes.     Now,  what 
conduceth  this  for5  the  allowance  of  our  luxurious  dauncings  ?     Is  it 
not  dire6tly  againft  them?     They  danced  for  ioy  in  thanks6  to  god,   HOW  the 
wee  for  vainglorie :    they  for  looue  to  God,  wee  for  looue  of  our  danced, 
felues :  they  to  Ihew  the  interior  ioy  of  the  minde  for  7God  his  bleff- 
ing  heaped7  vpon  them  j    we  to  mew  our  concinitie,  dexteritie  and 
vain  curiolitie  in  the  fame ;    they  to  ftir  vp  and  to8  make  them  felues 
the  apter  to  praife  God  5    we  to  ftir  vp  carnall  appetites  9and  fleflilie   p  N  3,  back.  A.] 
motions :    they  to  mewe   their  humilitie    before   God  ;    and  we  to 
mew  our  pride  both  before  God  and  the  world.     But  how  fo  euer  it 
be,  fure  I  am,  their  dauncing  was  not  like  oures,  coTzfifting  in  mea- 
fures,  capers,  quauers,  &   I  cannot  tel  what,  for  thei  had  no  fuch 
leafure  in   E10giptn  to  learne  fuch  vaine  curiolity  in  that  luftfull12  [<°  leaf  102.  B.t] 
bawdie  fchoole,  for  making  of  brick  and  tyles.     And  notwithftand-   The  dancing 

.    -.n  of  our  Forfa- 

ing  it  is  ambiguous  whether  this13  may  be  called  a  dau/zcing  or  not,   thersmainot 
at  left  not  like  oures,  but  rather  a  certew  kind  of  modeft  leaping,  dau«cing,  but 

.  -  rather  a  Godly 

ikippmg  or  moouing  of  the  body  to  exprelle  the  loye  of  the  mind  in   triumphing  & 

reioycing  in 

prayfe  of  God ;    as  the  Man  did,  who,  being  healed  by  the  power  of  heart  for  ioy. 
our  Sauiour   Chrifte,  walked  in  the  Temple,  leapping,  (kipping   & 
prailing  God. 

We  neuer  read  that  they  euer  daunced  but  at14  fome  wonderfull 
15  portent  or  ftraungeiudgment15  of  God16 ;  and  therfore  made17  not  a 
common  pra&ife  of  it,  or  a  daylie  occupation,  as  it  were  j  much  lefie 

1  deliuered  F.          2 — 2  extram  (sic)  miseries  at  once  F.          3  daungers  E,  F. 

4  sang  F.  6  to  E,  F.  6  thanks-geuing  E,  F. 

7 — 7  GO(JS  blessings  bestowed  F.  8  to  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

f  leaf  1 02.  A  confutation  of  dauncing.   B.  12  lustfull  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

13  they  E,  F.  "  when  E,  F.  "— »  great  blessing  F. 

16  was  shewed  added  in  E  ;  was  bestowed  vpon  them  F.          17  they  made  F. 

160  Mens  actions  vnlawful.  The  Anatomic 

fet  vp  fchools  of  it,  and  frequenting1  nothing  els  night  and2  day, 
Their3.  Reason    Sabaoth  day  and3  other,  as  we  do.     But  to  their4  third  Reafon  :  The 


Ifraelits  daurcced  before  the  Calf  in  Horel.  And  what  than  ?  They 
made  a  Golden  Calf  and  adored  it :  maye  we  therfore  do  the  like  ? 
They  committed  ydolatrie  there  j  therfore  is  ydolatrie  good  becaufe 
they  committed  it  ? 

[s  sign.  N  4.  A.]  *  Adam  difob[e]yed  GOD,  and  obeyed  the  deuil :  is  obedience  ther 
fore  to  the  deuil  good,  becaufe  hee  did  fo  ? 

Therfore  wee  muft  not  take  heede  what  man  hath  doon  heertofore, 
but  what  God  hath  commaunded  in  his  woord  to  be  doon,  and  that 
followe,  euen  to  the  death.  But,  to  be  fhort,  as  it  is  a  friuilous  thing6 

[7  leaf  102,  back,  to  fay,  becaufe  they  committed  7Idolatrie,  therfore  may  wee  doo  the 
like,  fo  it  is  no  lefle  ridiculous  to  fay,  becaufe  they  daunced,  therfore 
wee  may  doo  the  fame ;  for  as  it  is  not  lawful  to  commit  Idolatrie 
becaufe  they  did  fo,  fo  is  it  not  lawfull  to  daunce  becaufe  they 

So  that  if  this  place  inferre8  any  thing  for  dauncing,  it  inferreth 
that  wee  muft  neuer  daunce  but  before  a  golden  Calf,  as  they  did : 
but,  I  think,  by  this  time  they  are  afhamed  of  their  dances,  therfore 
of  this  place  I  need  to  fay  no  more,  giuing  them  to  note  that  this  their 
dauncing,  in  refpect  of  the  end  therof,  was  farre  diffonant9  from  ours; 
for  they  daunced  in  honour  of  their  Idol,  wee  clean  contrary,  though 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other  be  at  any  hand  tollerable.10 

Their. 4.  Reason.  Their  fourth  reafon  :  Did  not  Dauid  daunce  before  the  Ark  ?  fay 
they,  very  true ;  and  this  place  (as  the  reft  before)  refelleth  their 
cuftomarie  dauncings  of  men  and  women  togither  mofte  excellentlie  j 

f"  N  4,  back.  A.]  For  n  Dauid  danced  him  felfe  alone,  without  either  woman  or  mulicall 
Inftrument  to  effeminate  the  minde.  And  this  dauncing  of  Dauid 
was  no  vfuall  thing,  nor  frequented  euery  day,  but  that  one  time,  and 
that  in  prayfe  of  God  for  the  deliuerie12  of  the  Ark  of  God  his  tefta- 
ment  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Infidels  and  hethen  people:  the  ioy  ot 
this  holy  Prophet  was  fo  vehement  for  this  great  bleffing  of  GOD  (fuch 

['4  leaf  103.  B.t]   a  ferue?zt  zeale  he  bore13  to  14the  trueth),  that  it15  burft  foorth  into 

1  frequented  E,  F.  2  nor  F.  3  nor  F.  4  the  B,  E. 

6  reason  E,  F.  *  leaf  102,  back.  Dauncyng  reproued.  B. 

8  conferre  E,  F.  9  different  F. 

10  lawfull  F.  12  deliuerance  B,  E,  F.  13  did  beare  F. 

t  leaf  103.  Why  Dauid  daunced.  B.  15  he  B,  E,  F. 

ofAbufes.  lephtha  his  daughters  daunce.  161 

1  exterior  action,1  the  more  to  induce  others  to  prayfe  God  alfo.  Would 
God  we  would  dance,  as  Dauid  daunced,  heer  for  the  deliuerie  of  his 
alfauing  woord  out  of  the  hands  of  that  Italian  Philijlin  &  archenemy 
of  all  trueth,  the  Pope  of  Roome  !  for  in  this  refpect  I  would  make 
one2  to  daunce,  to  leap,  to  fkip,  to  triumph,  and  reioyce  as  Dauid  did  why  Dauid 

daunced  be- 

before  the  Ark.     By  this,  I  truft,  any  indifferent  man  feeth,  that  by  fore  the  Ark. 
this  place  they  gain  as  much  for  the  maintenance  of  their  leude3 
dancings   and  baudie  chorufles,  as  they  did  by  citing4  the  former 
places  j  that  is,  iuft  nothing  at  all,  which  they  may  put  in  their  eies 
and  fee  neuer  the  wurfle. 

Their  fift  reafon:    Did  not  leptath  his  daughter  meet  her  Father,  Their  fift  Re- 

son  examined* 

when  he  came  from  war,  dancing  before  him,  and  playing  vppon  In- 

ftruments  of  loy5?    leptath,  going  foorth  to  warre  againft  the  Amon- 

ites,  promifed  the  6Lord  (making  a  rafhe  vowe)  that  if  it  would  pleafe   p  sign.  N  5.  A.] 

his  Maieftie  to  giue  him  victorie  ouer  his  Ennemies,  he  wold  facrifice 

the  firfl  lyuing  thing  that  fhuld  meet  him  from  his  houfe.     It  pleafed 

GOD  that  his  fole  daughter  and  heire,  hearing  of  her  Fathers  pref- 

perous  return  (as  the  maner  of  the  Cuntrey  was),  ran  foorth  to  meete 

her  Father,  playing  vppon  inftruments  in  praife  of  GOD,  and  daunc- 

ing  before  him  for  ioye.    Now,  what  prooueth  this  for  their  daunces?   t7  leaf  103,  back. 

Truely,  it  ouerthroweth  them,  7if  it  be  well  confidered  :    for  firft  we  Wherfore& 

read  that  me  did  this  but  once,  we  daylie  :    She  in  prayfe  of  God,  we   Daughters  of 

in  prayfes  of  our  felues  :   me  for  ioy  of  her  Fathers  good  fuccefle,  we 

to  Here  vp  filthie  and  vncleane  motions:  She  with  a  virginall  granitic, 

we  with  a  babifh8  leuitie  :  me  in  comly  maner,  we  in  bawdie  gefture. 

And,  moreouer,  this  fheweth  that  women  are  to  daunce  by  themfelues  [Each  sex  must 

(if  they  wil  needs  daunce),  and  men  by  themfelues  j   for  fo  importeth 

the  Text,  making  no  mention  of  any  other  her  collegues  or  Com 

panions  dancing  with  her. 

Their9  .vi.  Reafon  :  Did  not  the  Ifraeliti/h  wemen  daunce  before  Ther  .6.  Reason. 
ludith,  comming  to  vifit  her  ?     I  graunt  they  did  fo  :  the  ftorie  is  [ludith  Ca.  « 
thus:  »•=•!' 

Holofernes,  oppofmg   himfelfe  againft   the  Ifraelits,  the   chofen 

1  —  1  outward  shew  of  the  same  F.  *  my  selfe  added  in  E,  F. 

3  lasciuious  added  in  F.  *  citing  not  in  E,  F.  «  musicke  F. 

f  leaf  103,  back.  Jeptha  his  daughters  daunce.  B.  *  wanton  E   F 

9  The  E,  F. 

1 62          How  daunting  is  vnlawfull.         The  Anatomic 

people  of  GOD,  and  intending  to  ouerthrowe  them,  and  to  blot  out 
L1  N  5,  back.  A.]    !  their  remembrance  for  euer  from  vnder  heauen,  affembled  a  huge 

power,  and  befieged  them  on  euery  fide. 

The    Ifraelits,    feeing    themfelues    circumvalled?   and   in    great 
ludith  cutteth       daunger  on  each  fide,  fuborned  good  ludith,  a  vertfulous,  Godlye 

of  the  head  of 

hoiofemes.  Woman  (for  without  fome  ftratagem  or  polhcie  wrought,  it  was  vn- 

poflible  for  them  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  to  haue  efcaped)  to  repaire 

to  Holofernes,  &,  by  fome  meanes  or  other,  to  work  his  deftruction : 

who,  guided  by  the  hand  of  God,  attempted  the  thing  &  brought  it 

happely  to  paffe.     For  me  cut  of  his  head  with  his  owne  fauchine,3 

[4  leaf  104.  B.*]    wrapping  his  body  in  the  canopie  wherin  he  lay,  fleepingly5  poffeft 

as  he  was  with  the  fpirit  of  drunkenneffe :   this  done,  the  Women 

of  Ifraell  came  together,  and  went  to  vifit  this  worthie  Woman,  and 

to  co/zgratulat  her  profperous  fucceffe  with  inftruments  of  mufick, 

finging  of  Godly  fongs,  and  dauncing  for  ioye  in  honor  and  prayfe  to 

God  for  this  great  vi&orie  obtained.     Now,  who  feeth  not  that  thefe 

women  fang,  dauwced,  and  played  vppon  inftrumentes  in  prayfe  of 

God,  &  not  for  any  other  lewdnes  or  wantonnes,  as  commonly  the 

The  vnlawfull-      world  doth  now  adaies  ?    This  alfo  ouerthroweth  the  dauncinges  of 

?ng of men10         Men  and  Women  together  in  one  companie j    for  though  there  was 

together.  an  infinite  number  of  People  by,  yet  the  Text  faith,  there  daunced 

[6  sign.  N  6.  A.]  6none  but  onely  Women,  which  plainly  argueth  the  vnlawfulneffe  of 

it  in  refpecte  of  Man.7     And  this  being  but.  a  particular  fact,  of  a  fort 

of  imprudent8  Women,  lhall  we  draw  it  into  example  of  lyfe,  and 

thinke  it  lawfull  or  good  becaufe  they  did  practife  it  ? 

It  was  a  cuftome  in  thofe  dayes,  when  God  had  9powred  foorth9 

A  custome  to        any  notable  bleffmg  vpon  his  People,  from  his  Heauenly  Pallace,10  the 

prayse  of  God.      People,  in  honour,  praife,  and  thankefgiuing  to  God  for  them,11  would 

play  vppon  their  inftruments,  fing  Godly  Songs,  daunce,  leape,  Ikip, 

and  triumphe,  mewing  foorth  the  ioye  of  their  mindes,  with  their 

thankefulneffe  to  GOD,  by  all  exteriour  geftures  that  they  could  deuyfe  : 

C12  leaf  104,  back.   *2  Which  kinde  of  thankefull  dauncing,  or  fpirituall  reioycing,  wold 


2  about  added  in  B,  E  ;  compassed  about  F.  3  Faulchone  F. 

*  leaf  104.  How  dauncyng  is  vnlawfull.  B.  6  sleepyng  B,  E,  F. 

7  men  &  women  together  E,  F.  8  simple  F. 

9— 9  bestowed  F.  10  Consistorie  B,  E,  F.  "  it  E,  F. 

t  leaf  104,  back.  Dauncyng  stirreth  vp  lust.  B. 

ofAbufes.  Wicked  dauncing  reprooued.  163 

God  we  did1  follow,  leauing  all  other  wanton  dancing  to  their  Father 
the  Deuill ! 

Their  .vij.  Reafon  :     Did  not  (quothe  they)  the  Damofell  daunce  Ther  .7.  Reason, 
before  Kinge  Herode,  when  the  head  of  lohn  Baptift  was  cut  of?  She 
daunced,  indeed ;    And  herein  they  maye  fee  the  fruite  of  dauncing, 
what  goodnefle  it  bringeth  :   For  was  not  this  the  caufe  of  the  behead 
ing  of  lohn  the  Baptift  ?    See  whether  dauncing  ftyreth  not  vp  luft, 
and  infl ameth  the  mind  j     For  if   Herode  with  feeing  her  daunce  was   Dauncing 
fo  inflamed  in  her  loue,  and  rauifhed  in  her  2behauiour,  that  he   fust"."*11 Vp 
promifed  her  to  giue  her  whatfoeuer  me  wold  defire,  though  it  were   ^  N  6'  hack>  ^ 
half  of  his  Emperie3  or  Kingdome,  what  wold  he  haue  beene  if  he 
had  daunced  with  her  ?    and  what  are  thofe  that  daunce  with  them 
hand  in  hand,  cheek  by  cheek,  with  bufling  and  kiffing,  flabbering 
and  fmearing,  moft  beaftly  to  behold  ?    in  fo  much  as  I  haue  heard 
many  impudently  fay  that  they  haue  chofen  their  Wyues,  and  wyues 
their  Hufbands,  by  dauncing  j    Which  plainely  proueth  the  wicked- 
nefle  of  it. 

Their  .viij.  reafon :     Did  not  Chrift  rebuke  the  People  for  not  Their  .8.  Reason, 
dauncing,  faying,  'we  haue  pyped  vnto  you,  but  you  haue  not  daunced '  ?   LUC 
They  may  as  well  conclude  that  Chrift  in  this  place  was  a  Pyper,  or  a 
Minftrell,  as  that  he  alowed  4of  dauncing,  or  reproued  them  for  not  [4  leaf  105.  B.t] 
exercyfing  the  fame.     This  is  a  Metaphoricall  5or  Allegoricall5  kinde 
of  fpeach,  wherin  our  Sauiour  Chrift  goeth  about  to  reprooue  and  The  more 
checke  the  ftyfneckednes,  the  rebellion  and  pertinacious  contumacy  of  hanSnes  ofthe 
the  Scribes  and  Pharifeis,  who  were  neither  mooued  to  receiue  the 
glad  tydings  of  the  Gofpell  by  the  aufteritie  of  lohn  the  Baptifte,  who 
came  preaching  vnto  them  the  doctrine  of  repewtaunce  in  mourning 
fort,  neither  yet  at  the  preaching  of  our  Sauiour  him  felfe,  breaking 
vnto  them  the6  pure  Amlrojia,  the6  Ccelejlial  Manna,  the  word  of  life, 
in  ioyTull  and  gladfome  maner.  p  sign  N     ^ 

Ikon  the  Baptift  he  piped  vnto  them,  that  is,  he  preached  vnto 
them  aufteritie  of  life,  to  mourn  for  their  finnes,  to  repent,  to  faft, 
pray,  and  fuch  like.  Our  Sauiour  Chrift  he  pyped  (that  is)  preached 
vnto  them  the  glad  &  comfortable  tidyngs  of  the  Gofpell,  yet  at 
neither  of  thefe  8 kinde9  of  concions8  they  were  any  whit  mooued, 

1  would  B,  E,  F.     a  Empire  B,  E,  F.     t  leaf  105.  The  contumacie  of  the  lewes.  B. 
s—5  not  in  F.         6  that  E,  F.         8— »  kinds  of  preachings  F.         »  kindesE. 

164         Salomons  fpiritual  dauncing.        The  Anatomic 

either  to  imbrace  Chrift  or  his  gofpell :  Wherfore  he  fharply  rebuketh l 
them  by  a  fimilitude  of  foolilhe  Children,  fitting  in  the  market  place 
and  piping  vnto  them  that  wold  not  daunce.  This  is  the  true  vn- 
doubted  fence  of  this  place,  which,  whether  it  ouerthrow  not  all  kinde 
of  lewd  dauncing  (at  left  maketh  nothing  for  them)  allowing  a 

[s  leaf  105,  back,  certen  kind  of  fpirituall  dauncing,  2and  reioyling  of  the  heart  vnto 
God  (that  I  may  fufpend  my  owne  Judgement),  let  wyfe  men  deter 

Eccie.  3.  Their  .ix.  Reafon  :    Saith  not  Salomon,  'there  is  a  time  to  weep, 

50n*   &  a  time  to  laugh,  a  time  to  mourn,  and  a  time  to  daunce  '  ?    This  place 

is  directly  againft  their  vfuall  kinde  of  dauncing  j  For  faith  not  the 

Text, ' there  is  a  time',  meaning  fomtime,  now  and  than,  as  the  Ifrael- 

ites  did  in  prayfe  to3  GOD,  when  anie  notable  thing  happened  vnto 

Salomon  them,  and  not  euery  daye  and  howre,  as  we  do,  making  an  occupation 

meaneth  a  .  ... 

certen  kind  of       of  it,  neuer  leauing  it,  vntil  it  leaue  vs.     But  what  and  if  Salomon 

a  spirituall 

dauwting  or         fpeaketh  here  4of  a  certen  kind  of  fpiritual  dauncinp-  and  reioyfinp-  of 

reioy[s]ing  of  ^   r 

the  heart.  fjlQ  heart  in  praife  to5  GOD  ?  This  is  eafily  gathered  by  the  circum- 

ftances  of  the  place,  but  fpecially  by  the  fentence  precedent ;  (vz. 
there  is  f  a  time  to  mourn  &  a  time  to  dawce ',  &c.)  that  is,  a  time  to 
mourn  for  our  mines,  &  a  tyme  to  daurace  or  reioyfe  for  the  vnfpeak- 
able  treafures  purchafed  vnto  vs  by  the  death  &  paffion  of  lefus  chrift. 
How  much  this  place  maketh  for  defence  of  their  nocturnall,  diuturn- 
all,  wanton,  lewde,  and  lafcivious  dauncings  (if  it  be  cenfured  in  the 
imparciall  ballance  of  true  iudgement)  all  the  world  may  fee  and6 

Their  vltimu;«  And  now,  to  draw  to  an  end,  I  will  come  vnto  their  vltimum  re- 

fugium :  That  is,  Doth  not  Dauid  both  commend,  and  alfo  com- 

[7  leaf  106.  B.f]  maunde,  dauncing  and  playing  vpon  inftruments  in  7diuerfe  of  his 
Pfal.  ?  In  all  thofe  places  the  Prophet  fpeaketh  of  a  certew  kind  of 
fpirituall  dauncing  and  reioyfing  of  the  heart  to8  the  Lord,  for  his 
graces  &  benefits  in  mercie  beftowed  vpon  vs.  This  is  the  true  kinde 
of  dauncing,  which  the  word  of  God  doth  allow  of  in  any  place,  and 
not  that  we  fhould  trippe  like  rammes,9  ikip  like  goats,10  &  leap  like 

1  rebuked  F.  *  leaf  105,  back.  Salomons  spirituall  dauncyng.  B. 

3  of  B,  E,  F.  6  of  F.  6  and  A. 

t  leaf  1 06.  Why  our  feete  were  giuen  vs.  B.  8  in  B,  E,  F. 

»  Goates  F.  10  Does  F. 

of  Abufes.  What  danncing  is  condemned.  1 65 

mad  men:     For  to  the  end  our  feet  were  not  giuen  vs,  but  rather  to   why  our  feet 

were  giuew  vs. 

reprefent  the  image  of  God  in  vs,  to  keep  Compame  with  the  Angels, 
&  to  glorifie  our  heuenly  Father  thorow  good  works. 

Spud.  Do  you  condemne  al  kinde  of  daunting2  as  wicked  and  pro-   [*  sign.  N  8.  A.] 
phane  ? 

Ph.  All  lewde,  wanton  &  lafciuious  dauncing  in  publique  aflem- 
blies  &  conuenticles,  without  refpect  either  of  fex,  kind,  time,  place, 
Perfon,  or  any  thing  els,  I,3  by  the  warrant  of  the  word  of  God,  do 
vtterly  condemne  :  But  that  kind  of  dauncing  which  is  vfed  to  praife 

and  laud  the  name  of  God  withall  (as  weare  the  dauwces  of  the  people   What  daunc 
ing  is  con- 

of  the  former  world)  either  priuatly  or  publiquely,  is  at  no  hand  to   demnedbythe 
be  dyfallowed,  but  rather  to  be  greatly  commended.     Or  if  it  be  vfed 
for  mans  comfort,  recreation  and  Godly  pleafure  priuatly  (euery  fex 
diftincted4  by  themfelues),  whether  with  mufick  or  otherwyfe,  it  can 
not  be  but  a  very  tollerable  exercife,  being  vfed  moderatly  and  in  the 
feare  of  God.  And  5thus,  though  I  condewne  all  filthie,  luxurious  and   rs  leaf  106,  back, 
vncleane  dauncing,  yet  I  condemne  not  al  kind  of  dauncing  gener 
ally  ;    For  certen  it  is,  the  exercyfe  it  felf,  in  it  own  nature,  6qualitie 
&  proprietie,6  though  to  fome  it  is  lawfull,  to  otherfome  vnlawfull  in   [Dauncing  how 

lawful,  how 

dyuerfe  refpects,  is  both  ancient  &  general,  hauing  been  vfed  euer  in  vnlawfull,  E,  F.] 
all  ages,  as  wel  of  the  Godly,  as  of  the  wicked,  almoft  from  the  begin 
ning.  Wherfore,  when  I  corcdemne  the  fame  in  fome,  my  meaning 
is  in  refpe£te  of  the  manifold  abufes  therof.  And  in  my  iudgement, 
as  it  is  vfed  now  a  dayes,  an  occupation  being  made  of  it,  and  a  con- 
tinuall  exercyfe,  7  without  any  difference  or  refpect  had  either  to  time,  p  N  8,  back.  A.] 
Perfon,  fex  or  place,  in  publique  affemblies  and  8  frequencies 8  of 
People,  with  fuche  beaftlie  flabberings,  buffings9  &  fmouchings,  and10 
other  filthie  geftures  &  mifdeameanors  therein  accuftomed,  it  is  as  vn- 
poffible  to  be  vfed  without  doing  of  infinit  hurt,  as  it  is  for  a  naked 
Man  to  lye  in  the  middefl  of  a  hote  burning11  fire,  and  not  to  con- 
fume.12  But  thefe  abufes,  with  other  the  like  (as  there  be  legions  moe  [Dauncing 

vnpossible  to  be 

in  it)  being  cut  of  from  the  exercyfe  it  felfe,  the  thing13  remayneth   vsed  without 
14  very  commendable14   in  fome  refpectes.     Or   els,  if  our   daunces 

2  then  added  in  F.  3  I  comes  after  God  in  F.  *  distinct  F. 

t  leaf  106,  back.  What  dauncyng  is  condemned.   B.  6 — 6  and  quality  F. 

8-8  great  meetings  F.  9  kissinges  B,  E,  F.  w  wjth  B,  E,  F. 

11  glowing  F.  l2  burne  B,  E,  F.  "  thing  {t  self  B,  E,  F. 

more  tollerable  B,  E,  F. 

[4  leaf  107.  B.*] 

Why  men  shold 
daunce  by  them- 
selfes  and  women 
by  themselfs. 

[6  sign.  O  i.  A.] 
7  Why  men 
shold  daunce 
by  thewzselues 
and  Women  by 

["leaf  107,  back. 

Testimonies  of 
Fathers,  coun 
cels  and 
Writers  against 

Eccle.  13. 
Mat.  4. 

1 66    Me>z  &  wom[en]  to  dance  afurcder.    The  Anatomic 

tended,  as  I  haue  faid,  to  the  fetting  foorth  of  GOD  his  glorie  (as  the 
daunces  vfed  in  Tpreter  time1  did)  to  draw  others  to  pietie  and  fano 
titie  of  life,  and  to2  praife  and  reioyce  in3  God,  to  recreat  the  minde 
opprefled  with  fome  4 great  toyle  or  labor,  taken  in  true  virtue  and 
godlynes,  I  would  not  (being  don  in  the  feare  of  GOD,  men  by  them 
felues,  and  Wemen  by  them  felues,  for  els  it  is  not  poffible  to  be  with 
out  finne)  much  gainftand  it.  But  I  fee  the  contrarie  is  euery  where 
vfed,  to  the  great  difhonor  of  God  and  corruption  of  good  maners, 
•which  God  amend. 

Spud.  And  wherfore  would  you  haue  Men  to  daunce  by  them 
felues,  and  Women  by  them  felues  ? 

Philo.  Becaufe  5it  is,  without  all  doubte,  a  6prouocation  to  lufl 
and  venery,5  and  the  fire  of  luft  once  concerned  (by  fome  irruption  or 
other)  burfteth  foorthe  into  open  a<5tion  of  whoredome  and  fornication. 
And  therfore  a  certain  godly  Father  faid  wel,  Omnis  faltus  in  chorea, 
eft  faltus  in  profundum  inferni^  Euery  leap,  or  flap  in  dance,  is  a  leap 
toward  hel.  Yet,  notwithstanding,  in  Ailgna  it  is  counted  a  vertue 
and  an  ornament  to  a9  man,  yea,  and  the  onely  way  to  attaine  to  pro 
motion  &  aduancement,  as  experience  teacheth. 

Spud.  Notwithstanding,  for  my  further  inftru6tion,  I  pray  you 
fhowe  mee  what  Fathers  and  Councels  haue  iudged  of  it,  and  what 
they  haue  writ  and  decreed  againft  it. 

Philo.  If  I  mould  10goe  foorth  to10  {hew  all  the  inueftiues  of 
Fathers,  all  the  decrees  of  councels,  and  all  the  places  of  holy  Scrip 
ture  againft  the  fame,  I  mould  neuer  make  an  end :  whernfore  of 
many  I  wil  felect  a  few,  hoping  that  they  wil  fuffice  any  reafonable 
man.  Syrach  faith,  frequent  not  the  company  of  a  woman  that  is  a 
finger  or  a  dauncer,  neither  heare  her,  leaft  thou  be  intrapped  in  her 
craftines.  Chrifojlome,  dylating  vpon  Mathew,  faith,  In  euery  dance 
the  deuil  daunceth  by,  for  companie,  though  not  vifible  to  the  eye,  yet 
palpable12  to  the  minde.  Theophilus,  writing  vpon  Mark,  the  fixt 
Chapter,  faith,  Mira  collufio  faltat  per  puellam13  Dialolus  :  This  is14  a 

1 — *  former  ages  F.  2  to  the  E,  F.  3  rejoycying  in  B,  E,  F. 

*  leaf  107.  Mew  &  women  to  dance  asunder.  B. 

5 — 5  otherwise  it  prouoketh  lust,  and  stirreth  vp  concupiscence  F. 

7  This  repeated  side-note  not  in  B,  E,  F.         8  Cloacae  F.         9  a  not  in  F. 

io._io  not  in  Y,         f  leaf  107,  back.  Testimonies  against  Dancing.  B. 

«  sensible  F.  13  illam  E,  F.  "  There  is  B. 

of  Abufes.  Dancing  the  cheef  mifcheef.  167 

wunMerful  deceit,  for  the  deuil  danceth  amo/zgft  them  for  company,   t1  o  i,  back.  A.] 
Augujline,  writing  vpon  the  32.  Pfalme,  faith,  it  is  better  to  digge  all  Augustine. 
the  Sabaoth  day  then  to  dance.     Erafmus,  in  his  Booke  de  contemptu  Erasmus. 
Mundi,  faith,  Whofe  minde  is  fo  well  difpofed,  fo  ftable,  or  wel  fetled, 
which  thefe  wanton  dances,  with  fwinging  of  armes,  kicking  of  legs, 
playing  vpon  inftruments,  and  fuch  like,  would  not2  ouercome  and 
corrupt  ?     Wherfore,  faith  hee,  as  thou  defirefl  thine  owne  credit  and 
welfare,  efchew  thefe  fcabbed  and  fcuruy  companie  of  dauncers. 

Ludovicus  Vines  faith,  amongft  all  pleafures,  dauncing  and  volup-  Lodouicus 
tuoufnes  is  the  kingdome  of  Venus,  and  the  empire  of  Cupid :  wher- 
fore,  faith  hee,  it  were  better  for  thee  to  ftay  at  3home,  and  to  break  L3  leaf  108.  B.*] 
either  a  leg  or  an  arme  of  thy  body,  then  to  break  the  legges  and 
armes  of  thy4  minde  &  foule,  as  thou  dooft  in  filthie  fcuruy  daunc- 
ings.     And,  as  in  all  Feafts  and  paftimes,  dauncing  is  the  laft,  fo  it  is 
the  extream  of  all  other  vice.     And  again,  there  were  (faith  he)  from  Dauncers 

-  .  .  ..  thought  to  be 

far  cuntnes,  certain  men  brought  into  our  parts  of  the  world,  who,   mad-men. 

when  they  faw  men  daunce,  ran  away  merueloufly  afTraid,  crying  out, 

and  thinking  them  to  haue  been  mad.     And  no  meruaile,  for  who, 

feing  them  5leap,  fkip,5  &  trip  like  Goates  6&  hindes,6  if  hee  neuer 

faw  them7  before,  would  8not  think  them  either  mad,  or  els  poffeft  p  sign,  o  2.  A.] 

with  fome  furie?     Bullinger,  paraphrafting  vpora  Mathew  14, 'faith,   Buliinger. 

After  feafling,  fwilling,  and  gulling,  commeth  dancing,  the  root  of  all 

filthynes  and  vncteannes. 

Maifter  Caluin,  writing  vpon  lob,  Ser.  8,  Cap.  12,  calleth  daunc-   Caluin. 
ing  the  cheefe  mifcheef  of  all  mifcheefs,  faying,  there  be  fuch  vnchaft 
geftures  in  it  as  are  nothing  els  but  inticements  to  whordome. 

Marlorate,  vpon  Mathew,  faith,  whofoeuer  hath  any  care  either  of 
honeftie,  fobrietie,  or  grauitie,  haue  long  lince  bad  adieu  to  all  filthie 

No  man  (faith  a  certaine  heathen  Writer)  if  hee  be  fober,  daunceth, 
except  hee  be  mad. 

9SaluJlius,  commending  Sempronia,  that  renowmed  whore,  for  Saiust 
many  goodly  gifts,  condemneth  her  for  her  ouer  great  fkil  in  daunc-   g J^  Io8>  **<*• 
ing ;  concluding,  that  dauncing  is  the  Inftrument  of  lecherie. 

a  not  be  B.  *  leaf  108.  Dauncyng  the  cheefest  mischeef.  B. 

4  the  E,  F.  5— 5  leap  like  Squirrilles,  skippe  like  hindes  B,  E,  F. 

•-•  as  thei  doe  B,  E,  F.  1  any  B,  E,  F. 

f  leaf  108,  back.  Dauncyng  a  world  of  sinne.  B. 


[x  O  2,  back.  A.] 

All  Writers, 
bothe  holy  and 

Dauncing  a 
World  of  sin. 

[3  leaf  109.  B.t] 

Who  inuented 
dauncing,  and 
from  whome  it 

[8  sign.  O  3.  A.] 

A  Supposall 
who  inuewted 

1 68  Who  inuented  dauncing.  The  Anatomic 

Cicero  faith,  a  good  man  would  not  dance  in  open  affembles, 
though  hee  might  by  it  get  infinite  treafure. 

The  Councel  of  Laodecea  decreed  that  it  mould  not  be  lawful  for 
any  Chriftiara  to  dance  at  manages,  or  at  any  follemne  feaft. 

In  an  other  Councel  it  was  enacted,  that  no  man  fhould  daunce  at 
any  marriage,  nor  yet  at  any  other  time. 

xThe  Emperour  luftinian  decreed,  that  for  no  refpect  in  feafls  or 
aflemblies  there  fhould  be  any  dauncing,  for  feare  of  corrupting  the 
Beholders,  and  inticing  men  to  linne. 

Thus  you  may  fee,  bothe  Scripture,  councels,  and  Fathers,  holy  and 
prophane,  heathen  and  other,  euen  all  in  generall,  haue  detefted  and 
abhorred  this  filthie  dauncing,  as  the  2quauemire  or  plalli2  of  all  ab- 
homination,  and  therfore  it  is  no  exercife  for  any  Chriftians  to  followe ; 
for  it  llirreth  vp  the  motions  of  the  fleih,  it  induceth  luft,  it  inferreth 
baudrie,  arfoordeth  ribaldrie,  maintaineth  wantonnes,  &  miniftreth 
oile  to  the  {linking  lamp  of  deceitful  pride ;  and,  infujnma,  nourifheth 
a  world  of  wickednes  and  finne. 

3  Spud.  Now  that  the  wickednes  of  it  is  fo  manifeflly  mewed,  that 
no  man  can  denie  it,  I  pray  you,4  who  inuented  this  noble  fcience, 
or  from  whence  5fprang  it5  ? 

Philo.  Heereof  there  be  fundry  and  diuers  opinions  3  for  fome 
holde  an  opinion  (and  very  likely)  that  it  fprang  from  the  heathen 
idolatrous  Pagans  and  Infidels,  who,  hauing  offered  vp  their  facrifices, 
6vi£timats,7  and  holocaulles,6  to  their  falfe  Gods,  in  reuerence  of  them, 
and  for  ioy  of  their  fo  dooing  vfed  to  daunce,  leape,  and  ikip  before 

And  this  may  be  prooued  by  the  Ifraelits  thewfelues,  who,  hau 
ing  feen  and  learned  the  fame  8pra6tife  in  Egipt,  feared  not  to  imi 
tate  the  like  in  the  wildernes  of  Horeb.  fome  again  fuppofe  that 
Pyrrhus,  one  of  Sibils  Preifts,  deuifed  it  in  Greet.  Others  holde  that 
the  Priefts  of9  Mars,  who  in  Roome  were  had  in  great  eftimation  for 
their  dexteritie  in  dauracing,  inuented  it.  Others  think  that  one  Hiero, 
a  truculent 10  and  bloody  Tirant  in  Sicilia,  who,  to  fet  vp  his  tyrannic 
the  more,  inhibited  the  people  to  fpeake  one  to  an  other,  for  feare  of 

2 — 2  quagmire  or  puddle  F. 
4  shewe  me,  added  in  B,  E,  F. 
7  victimats  not  in  B. 

f  leaf  109.  Who  inuented  Dauncyng.  B. 

5 — 5  it  sprang  F.         6 — 6  and  oblations  F. 

9  of  of  F.  10  Turculent  F. 

of  Abufes.          Dancing  vnpoffible  to  be  good.          1 69 

infurrections  and  commotions  in  his  kingdome,  was  the  occafio;z  of  the 

inuenting  therof :    for  whew  the  Sicilians  fawe  that  they  might  not, 

vnder  pain  of  death,  one  fpeak  to  another,  they  inuewted  dauncing  to 

exprefTe  the  inward  meaning  and  intentions  of  the  minde  by  outward 

becks  and  exteriour  geftures  of  the  body  -,   which  vfe  afterward  grew  £  !***  I09» back 

1  into  cuftome,  and  now  into  nature.     But  what  foeuer  men  fay  of  it,   Vnpossible 

that  dancing 

or  from  whence  foeuer  it  fprang,  S.  Chrifojlom  faith  plainly  (to  whom   should  be 

1  willingly  fubfcribe),  that  it  fprang  from  the  teates  of  the  Deuils 
breft,  from  whence  all  mifcheef  els  dooth  flow.    Therfore,  to  conclude, 
if  of  the  egges  of  a  Cokatrice  may  be  made  good  meat  for  man  to 
eat,  and  if  of  the  web  of  a  fpider  can  be  made  good  cloth  for  mans 
body,2  then  may  3it  be  prooued  that3  dancing  is4  good,  and  an  exer- 
cife  fitte  for  a  chriftian  man  to  followe,  but  not  before.5     Wherfore 

God  of  his  mercy  take  it  away  6from  vs  !  [6  O  3,  back.  A  ] 

Spud.  What  fay  you  of7  Mufick  ?  is  it  not  a  laudable  fcience  ? 

Of  Mufick  in  Ailgna,  and  how  it  allureth 
to  vanitie. 


I  Say  of  Mufick  as  Plato,  Arijlotle,  Galen,  and  many  others  haue  faid 
of  it ;  that  it  is  very  il  for  yung  heds,  for  a  certaine  kinde  of  nice,8  fmoothe 
fweetnes  in9  alluring  the  auditorie10  nto  nicenes12,11  effeminacie,13 
pufillanimitie,  u&  lothfo;ranes  of  life,14  15fo  as  it  may  not  improperly  A  compa 
be  compared  to  a  fweet  ele£luarie  of  honie,  or  rather  to  honie  it-felf 15  j  ano 
for  as  honie  and  fuch  17like  fweet  things,17  receiued  into  the.  ftomack, 
dooth  delight  at  the  firft,  but  afterward  they  make18  the  ftomack  fo19 
quafie,20  21nice  and  weake,  that  it  is  not  able  to  admit21  meat  of  hard 
digefture  :  So  fweet  Mufick  at  the  firft  delighteth  the  eares,  but  after- 
22  ward  corrupteth  and  depraueth  the  minde,  making  it  weake  and23  [»  leaf  no.  B.t] 

*  leaf  109,  back.  Dauncyng  vnpossible  to  be  good.  B. 

2  body  to  weare  B,  E,  F.  3— 3  not  in  E,  F.  *  be  for  is  in  E,  F. 

5  els  E,  F.  7  to  F.  s  nice  not  fn  B>  E>  F 

9  in  it  B,  E,  F.  10  hearers  F.  »— "  to  a  certaine  kind  of  F. 

12  niceness  not  in  B,  E,  F.  13  and  added  in  F.  "— "  not  in  F. 

is — is  muche  like  vnto  Honey  B,  E,  F.  »•  musicke  B,  E,  F. 

17 — 17  other  sweete  Conserues  B,  E  ;  other  sweete  thinges  F. 
18  maketh^r  they  make  B,  E,  F.  »  so  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

20  queasie  F.  21— 21  and  vnable  to  receiue  B,  E,  F. 

f  leaf  no.   Hurte  by  Musicke.   B.  33  weake  and  not  in  B,  E,  F. 


How  mufick  is  tollerable. 

The  Anatomic 

Wits  dulled 
by  Musick. 
[3  sign.  O  4.  A.] 

Authors  of  the 
bringing  in  of 

Musick  the 
good  gift  of 

[7  O  4,  back.  A.] 
[8  leaf  no,  back. 

Of  musick  in 

jlies  and 

quafie,1  and  inclined  to  all  licencioufnes  of  lyfe  whatfoeuer.  And 
right  as  good  edges  are  not  lharpned  2(but  3obtufed)  by  beeing 
whetted3  vpon  fofte  ftones,  fo  good  wits,  by  hearing  of  foft  mufick, 
are  rather  dulled  then  fharpned,  and  made  apt  to  all  wantonnes  and 
finne.  4And  therfore4  Writers  affirme  Sappho  to  haue  been  expert  in 
mufick,  and  therfore  whorifh. 

Tyrus  Maximius  faith,  the  bringing  in  of  mufick  was  a  cup  of 
poyfon  to  all  the  world. 

Clytomachus,  if  hee  euer  heard  any  talking  of  looue,  or  playing 
vpon5  muficall  Inftruments,  would  run  his  way,  and  bidde  them 

Plutarchus  complaineth  of  Mufick,  and  faith,  that  it  dooth  rather 
femenine  the  minde  as  pricks  vnto  vice,  then  conduce  to  godlines  as 
fpurres  vnto  Vertue. 

Pythagoras  condemnes  them  for  fooles,  and  bequeathes  them  a 
cloke-bag,  that  meafure  Mufick  by  found  and  eare.  Thus  you  heare 
the  iudgement  of  the  wife  concerning  Mufick :  now  iudge  therof  as 
you  lift  your  felf. 

Spud.  I  haue  heard  it  faid  (and  I  thought  it  very  true)  that 
Mufick  dooth  delight  bothe  man  and  beaft,  reuiueth  the  fpirits,  com- 
forteth  the  hart,  and  maketh  it  apter6  to  the  feruice  of  GOD. 

Philo.  I  graunt  Mufick  is  a  good  gift  of  GOD,  and  that  it  de 
light  eth  bothe  man  7and  beaft,  reuiueth  the  fpirits,  comforteth  the 
hart,  and  maketh  8it  "edyer9  to  feme  GOD  ;  and  therfore  did  Dauid 
bothe  vfe  mufick  him  felf,  &  alfo  commend  the  vfe  of  it  to  his  pof- 
teritie  (and  beeing  vfed  to  that  end,  for  mans  priuat  recreation,  mufick 
is  very  laudable). 

But  beeing  vfed  in  publique  affemblies  and  priuate  conuenticles, 
10  as  directories10  to  filthie  dauncing,  thorow  the  fweet  harmonic  & 
fmoothe  melodie  therof,  it  eftraungeth  the  mind,  ftireth  vp  filthie  luft, 
womannifheth  the  minde,  rauifheth  the  hart,  enflameth  concupifence, 
and  bringeth  in  vncleannes.  But  if  mufick  openly  were  vfed11  (as  I 
haue  faid)  to  the  praife12  and  glory  of  God,  as  our  Fathers  vfed  it,  and 

1  queasie  F.          3 — 3  dulled  by  whetting  F.          *— 4  And  hereof  is  it  that  F. 

6  of  B,  E,  F.  6  and  readier  added  in  F. 

f  leaf  no,  back.  How  Musicke  is  tollerable.  B.  9  apter  F. 

10 — 10  as  a  Directorie  B,  E,  F.      n  openly  follows  used  in  B,  E,  F,      l2  prasie  A. 

of  Abufes.  Good  mufitions  fcarce.  171 

as  was  intended  by  it  at  the  firft,  or  priuatly  in  a  mans  fecret  Chamber   How  musicke 

were  tollerable 

or  houfe,  for  his  owne  folace  or l  comfort  to  driuc  away  the  fantafies  &  good. 
of  idle  thoughts,  folicitude,2  care,  forrowe,  and  fuch  other  perturba 
tions  and  moleftations3  of  the  minde,  the  only  ends  wherto  true 
Mulick  tends,  it  were  very  commendable  and  tollerable.4  If  Mufick 
were  thus  vfed  it  would  comfort  man  wunderfully,  and  mooue  his 
hart  to  ferue  God  the  better ;  but  beeing  vfed  as  it  is,  it  corrupteth 
good  minds,  maketh  them  womannifh,  and  inclined  t6  all  kinde  of 
whordome  and  mifcheef.5 

Spud.  What  fay  you,  then,  of  Mufitions  &  Minftrels,  who  liue 
only  vpon  the  fame  art  ? 

6Philo.  I  thinke  that  all  good  minftrelles,  fober  and  chaft  muficions   [« sign.  05.  A.] 
(fpeking  of  fuche  drun7ken  fockets  and  bawdye  paralits  as  range  the  gooV^sit^ns 
Cuntreyes,  ryming  and  finging  of  vncleane,  corrupt,  and  filthie  fongs   streiies. 
in  Tauernes,  Ale-houfes,  Innes,  and  other  publique  afiemblies,)  may 
daurcce  the  wild  Moris  thorow  a  needles  eye.     For  how  mould  thei 
bere  chafte  minds,  feeing  that  their  exercyfe  is  the  pathway  to  all  vn- 
cleanes.8    Their  is  no  mip  fo  9  balanced  with  maflie  matter,9  as  their  Themarcha«- 
heads  are  fraught 10  with  all  kind  of  bawdie  fongs,  filthie  ballads  and   streiies  and 


fcuruie  rymes,  feruing  for  euery  purpofe,  and  for  euery  Cumpame. 

11  Who  be  12more  bawdie12  than  they  ?  who  vncleaner  than  they  ? 
who  more  licentious  and  loofe13  minded14?  who  more  incontinent 
thaw  they  ?  and,  briefely,  who  more  inclyned  to  all  kind  of  infolencie 
and  lewdnes  than  they  ?  wherfore,  if  you  wold  haue  your  fonne  fofte, 
womanniih,  vncleane,  fmoth  mouthed,  affe&ed  to  bawdrie,  fcurrilitie,  The  wickednes 

of  musitions 

filthie  rimes,  and  vnfemely  talking  j  brifly,  if  you  wold  haue  him,  as   and  minstrels. 

it  weare,  tranfnatured  into  a  womaw,  or  worfe,  and  inclyned  to  all 

kind  of  whordome  and  abhomination,  fet  him  to  dauncing  fchool, 

and  to  learn  muficke,  and  than  mail  you  not  faile  of  your  purpofe. 

And  if  you  would  haue  your  daughter  whoorifh,  bawdie,  and  vncleane, 

and  a  filthie  fpeaker,  and  fuch  like,  bring  her  vp  in  15mufick  and   How  to  haue 


dauncing,  and,  my  life  for  youres,  you  haue  wun  the  goale.  lerned  in  all 

1  and  B,  E,  F.  8  to  mitigate  F.  s  passions  F. 

4  lawful  F.  6  vncleannes  F. 

f  leaf  in.  Good  Musitions  scarce.  B.  8  Baudry  &  filthines  F. 

9 — 9  laden  with  merchandize  F.  10  pestred  F. 

11  As  for  example  added  in  B  ;  For  proofs  whereof  added  in  E,  F. 

I2_i2  baudier  F.  "  looser  E,  F.  "  then  they  added  in  F. 


Lycenfes  for  minftrels. 

The  Anatomic 

[l  leaf  1 1 1,  back. 


The  scarcytie 

of  dyuines. 

graunted  to 
musitions  & 
minstrels  to 
exercyse  their 
mistery  or 
facultie  of 

['5  sign.  O  6.  A.] 

No  lycences  to 
do  hurte  withall 
are  to  be 

['8  leaf  112.  B.t] 

A  Caue[a]t  to 



&  all  others 

of  that20  stampe. 

1And  yet,  notwithftanding,  it  weare  better  (in  refpefte  of2  accept 
ation3)  to  be  a  Pyper,  or4  bawdye  minftrell,  than  a  deuyne,  for  the 
one  is  looued  for  his  ribauldrie,  the  other  hated  for  his  grauitie,  wif- 
dome,  and  fobrietie. 

Euery  towne,  Citie,  and  Countrey,  is  full  of  thefe  minftrelles  to 
pype  vp  a  dance  to  the  Deuillj  but  of5  dyuines,  fo  few  there  be  6as 
they7  maye  hardly  be  feene.6 

But  fome  of  them  will  reply,  and  fay,  what,  Sir!  we  haue 
lycenfes  from  iultices  of8  peace  to  pype  &  vfe  our  minftralne  to  our 
bell  commoditie.  Curfed  be  thofe  licences  which  lycenfe  any  man  to 
get  his  lyuing  with  the  de(lru6tion  of  many  thoufands  ! 

But  haue  you  a  lycence  from  the  Arch-iuflice  of  peace,9  Chrifle 
lefus  ?  If  you  haue  fo,  you  may  be  glad ;  if  you  haue  not  (for  the 
Worde  of  GOD  is  againfl  your  vngodly  exercyfes,  and  condemneth 
them  to  Hell,)  than  may  you  as  rogues,  extrauagantes,  and  ftraglers 
10 from  the  Heauenlye  Country,10  be  arrefted  of  the  high  iuftice  of 
peace,11  Chrift  lefus,  12  and  be  puniihed  with  eternall  death,12  notwith- 
flanding  your  pretenfed13  licences  of  earthly  men.  Who14  mail  ftand 
betwixt  you  and  the  luftice  of  GOD  at  the  daye  of  Judgement  ?  Who 
mall  excufe  you  for  draw15ing  fo  manye  thoufandes  to  Hell  ?  mall  the 
luflices  of  peace  ?  (hall  their  licenfes  ?  Oh,  no  :  16  For  neither  ought 
they  to  graunt  an  ye  licences17  to  anie  to  doo  hurt  withall ;  neither  (if 
they  would)  ought  any  to  take  them. 

18  Giue  ouer,  therfore,  your  Occupations,  you  Pypers,  you  Fidlers, 
you  minftrelles,  and  you  mufitions,  you  Drummers,  you  Tabretters,  you 
Fluters,  and  all  other  of  that  wicked  broodej  for  the  blood  of  all  thofe 
whome  you  drawe  to  deftrudion,  thorow  your  prouocations 19  and  in- 
tyfing  allurementes,  fhalbe  powred  vppon  your  heads  at  the  day  of 

*  leaf  in,  back.   Licences  for  Minstrelles.  B. 
2  of  worldly  B,  E.  3  the  accompt  of  the  world  F. 

*  or  a  F.  5  of  good  F. 

6 — 6  that  small  skil  in  Arithmeticke  will  suffice  to  number  them  F. 

7  any  B,  E.  8  of  the  B,  E,  F. 

9  of  peace  not  in  B,  E,  F.  10— 10  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

11  of  peace  not  in  B,  E,  F.  12— 12  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

13  presented  A,  pretensed  B,  E,  F.  14  Then  who  F. 

16  It  wil  not  goe  for  payment  at  that  day  added  in  F.  17  licencens  A. 

t  leaf  112.  A  Caueat  for  Minstrelles.  B.  E  has:  Gardes,  Dice,  vnlawfull  on 
the  Sab.  19  example  F.  20  twat  A. 

of  Abufes.          Gardes  and  dice,  flaighty  theft.  1 73 

Judgement,     but  hereof  enough,  and,  perchaunce,  more  than  will 
like1  their  humour.2 

Spud.  Is  it  not  lawfull  vppon  the  Sabaoth  daye  to  playe  at  Dice, 
Cardes,  Tables,  Bowles,  Tenniffe,  and  fuche  other  pleafaunt  exercyfes, 
wherein  Man  taketh  pleafure  and  delight  ? 

Cards,  Dice,  Tables,  Tennifle,  Bowles,  and  other 
exercyfes  vfed  vnlawfully  in  Ailgna. 

3  PhiloponUS.  p  O  6,  back.  A.] 

THefe  be  no  Sabaothlike4  exercyfes  for  any  Chriftian  man  to  fol 
low  any  day  at  all,  much  leffe  vppon  the  Sabaoth  daye,  which  the 
Lord  wold  haue  to  be  confecrat  to  himfelfe,  and  to  be  fpent  in  holy  Exercises  vn- 

lawfull  vpon 

and  Godly  exercyfes,  according  to  his  will.     As  for  cards,  dice,  tables,   the  Sabaoth 

bowls,  tenniffe,  and  fuch  like,  thei  arefurta  qfficiofa,  a  certen  kind  of  Furta  officiosa. 

fmooth,  deceiptfull,  and  fleightie  thefte,  wherby  many  a  one  is  fpoiled 

of  all  that  euer  he  hath,  fometimes  of  his  life  withall,  yea,  of  body 

and  foul  for  5euer.     And  yet  (more  is  the  pitie)  thefe  be  the  onely  [s  leaf  «a,  back. 

exercyfes  vfed  in  euery  mans  howfe,  al  the  yeer  thorow ;  But  fpecially 

in  Chriftimas  tyme,  there  is  nothing  els  vfed  but  cards,  dice,  tables, 

mafking,  mumming,  bowling,  &  fuch  like  fooleries.     And  the  reafon 

is,  they6  think  they  haue  a  commimon  and  prerogatiue  that  time  to  do  All  wicked 

what  they  lufl,7  and  to  folow  what  vanitie  they  will.     But  (alas  !)  do  Christmas 


they  thinke  that  they  are  priuiledged  at  that  tyme  to  doo  euill  ?  the 

holier  the  time  is  (if  one  time  were  holier  than  another,  as  it  is  not) 

the  holier  ought  their  workes8  to  be.     Can  anie9  time  difpenfe  with  No  tyme 

them,  or  giue  them  libertie  to  fin  ?    No,  no  :  the  foule  which  finneth  San' to  fmne.  * 

mall  dye,  at  what  time  fo  euer  it  ofFewdeth.     But  what  will  thei  fay  ? 

Is  it  not  Chriflmas  ?    muft  we  not  be  mery  ?    truth  it  is,  we  ought, 

both  than  and  at  u  all  tymes  befides,  to  be  merie  in  the  Lord,  but  ["  sign,  o  7.  A.] 

not  otherwyfe;  not  to  fwil  and  gull  12more  that  time  thaw  at  any  other 

time,  nor1312  to  lauifh  foorth  more  at  that  time  than  wat  another14 


1  please  E,  F.  2  daintie  humours  F.  *  not  in  F. 

t  leaf  112,  back.  Al  wicked  Games  vsed  in  Christmas.  B. 

6  for  that  they  F.        *  list  B,  E,  F.        8  exercises  B,  E,  F.         »  anie  not  in  F. 

10  priuiledgeth  E,  F.  12— l2  in  more  then  will  suffice  nature,  nor  F. 

13  not  A.  1*—"  at  any  other  B,  E,  F.  "  times  A,  B,  E,  F. 

The  true 
ceeping  of 

!<5  leaf  1 13.  B.*] 

Wickednes  in 


one  Christian 

to  play  with 

another  to 

win  his 


["  O  7,  back.  A.] 

[Gamyng  worso 
then  open  theft 
E,  F.] 

['5  leaf  113,  back. 

174       Great  wickednes  in  Chriftmas.       The  Anatomic 

But  the  true  celebration  of  the  Feaft  of  chriflmas  is  to  meditat 
(and  as  it  were  to  ruminat1)  vppon  the  incarnation  and  byrthe  of 
lefus  Chrift,2  not  onely3  that  time,  but  all  the  tymes  and  daies  of 
our  life,  and  to  fhewe  our  felues  thankeful  to  his4  Maieftie  for  the 
fame.  Notwithftanding,  who  5is  ignorant5  that  more  mifchiefe  is  that 
time  committed  than  in  all  the  yeere  belides  ?  6  what  mafldng  and 
mumming!  wherby  robberie,  whordome,7  murther,  8and  what  not,8  is9 
committed !  what  dicing  &  carding,  what  eating  and  drinking,  what 
banqueting  and  feafting  is  than  vfed  more  than  in  all  the  yeere  be- 
fydes  !  to  the  great  diihonor  of  GOD,  and  impouerifhing  of  the 

Spud.  Is  it  not  lawfull  for  one  Chriftian  to  play  with  another  at 
anye  kinde  of  game,  or  to  whine  his  monie,  if  he  can  ? 

Philo.  To  play  at  tables,  cards,  dice,  bowls,  or  the  like  (though  a 
good  Chriftian  man  will  not  fo  ydely  and  vainely  fpend  his  golden 
dayes)  one  Chriftian  with  another,  for  their  priuat  recreations,  after 
fome  oppreffion  of  ftudie,  to  driue  awaye  fantafies 10  and  fuche  like,  I 
doubt  not,  but  they  may,  vfing  it  moderatly,  with  interrmfiion  and  in 
the  feare  of  n  GOD  ;  But  to  play  for  lucre  of  gaine,  and  for  delire  onely 
of  his  Brothers  fubftaunce  (rather  than  for  any  other  caufe)  it  is  at  no 12 
hand  lawfull,  or13  to  be  fuffered. 

For  as  it  is  not  lawful  to  robbe,  fteale  and  purloine  by  deceit  or 
flaight,  fo  is  it  not  lawfull  to  get  thy  Brothers  goods  from  him  by 
carding,  dicing,  tabling,  bowling,  or  any  other  kynd  of  thefte  -,  for 
thefe  playes 14  are  no  better  5  nay,  worfer  than  opera  theft  5  for  open 
theft  euery  Man  can  be  ware  of,  but  this  being  a  craftie  pollitick 
theft,  and  commonly  don  vnder  pretence  of  Freendfhip,  few  or  none 
at  all  can  beware  of  15it.  The  commaundement  faith,  thou  malt  not 
couet  nor  defire  any  thing  that  belongeth  to  thy  Neighbour  :  Now,  it 
is  manifeft  that  thofe  that  playe  for  monie,  not  onelye  couet  their 

1  in  the  secrete  cogitations  of  our  myndes  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

*  God  and  man  added  in  B,  E,  F.  3  at  added  in  E,  F. 

*  blessed  added  in  F.  6 — 5  knoweth  not  E,  F  ;  is  so  for  is  B. 

*  leaf  113.  Great  wickenes  in  Christmas.  B. 

*  and  sometimes  added  in  B,  E,  F.  8— 8  not  in  B,  F. 
9  what  no,  tis  A.                             10  or  melancholy  passions  added  in  F. 
12  not  at  any  for  at  no  F.                13  nor  F.                u  games  B,  E,  F. 

t  leaf  1 13,  back.  Gamyng  houses,  B. 

ofAbufes.  Infamy  gotten  by  gaming.  175 

Brothers  monie,  but  alfo  vfe  craft,  falfhood  and  deceit  to  wyne  the 

The  Apojlle  forbiddeth  vs  to  vfe  deceipt  in  bargaining,  in  buying 
or  felling ;  much  leffe  than  ought  we  to  vfe  deceipt  in  gaming. 

Our  Sauiour  Chrift  biddeth  euery  man  do  to  an  other  as  he  would 
another  fhould  do  vnto  him.     Which  rule,  if  it  weare  dulie  obferued, 
weare  fufficient  to  with  [d]  raw  men  both  from  all  kynd  of  gameing, 
and  alfo  from  all  kynd  of  Mndyrect  and1  vniuft  dealing.    For  as  thou   A  rule  to 
woldeft  not  that  another  man  mould  winne  thy  money,  fo   thou   vniawfuii 


oughteft  not  3to  defire  the  winning  of  his,  for  thou  muft  do  as  thou   p  sign.  O8.  A.] 
wouldeft  be  done  by. 

Spud.  If  gameing  for  money  be  fo  vnlawfull,  wherfore  are  there 
howfes4  and  places  appointed  for  maintenance  of  the  fame? 

Philo.  That  excufeth  not  the  fault,  but  aggrauateth  it  rather. 
And  truely  great  pitie  it  is,  that  thefe  brothel  howfes  (for  fo  I  call  all 
garni  ng  howfes)  are  fuffred  as  they  be :  For  are  they  not  the  very  Gaming 

,        .         .  .  houses  with 

feminaries  and  nurferies  of  all  kynd  of  abhomination,  whatfoeuer  heart   their  wicked- 


can  thinke,  or  tongue  exprefie  ? 

And  therfore   I   marueile,  that  thofe  who  keep  and  maintaine 
thefe  gaming  howfes  can  euer5  haue  light  hearts,  or  once  to6  looke 
Tvp  towards  Heauen,  that  not  onely  fuffer  this  manifeft  theft  in  their  t7  leaf  114.  B.t] 
howfes  (for  gaming  is  no  better)  but  alfo  maintaine  and  nourilh8  the 

The  Apojlle  faith,  not  onely  they  that  doo  euill  dignifunt  morte, 
are  worthie  of  death,  but  alfo  <jul  confentiunt  facientibus,  thofe  who 
confent  to  them  that  do  it. 

Call  to  mind,  than,  what  euills  come  of  this  wicked  excercyfe,  I 
befeeche  you. 

For  doth  not  fwearing,  tearing,  and  blafpheminge  of  the  Name 
of  GOD  j  doth  not  ftinkinge  Whordome,  Thefte,  Robberie,  Deceipt, 
Fraude,  Cofenage,  fighting,  Quareling,  and  fometymes  Murder;  9doth  P  O  8,  back.  A.] 
not  pride,  rapine,  drunkn[e]s,  beggerye,  and,  in  fine,  a  mamefull  end 
followe  it,  as  the  fhadowe  doth  follow  the  body  ?  wherfore  I  will  not 
doubte  to  call  thefe  gaming  howfes,  the  daughter  howfes,  the 

l— 1  not  in  F.  2  gamening  A. 

*  gamyng  houses  B,  E,  F.  5  neuer  F.  «  to  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

f  leaf  114.  Infamy  gotten  by  gamyng.  B.  »  vphold  F. 

Lawcs  and 





[2  leaf  114,  back. 

The  infamy 
purchased  by 

[3  sign.  P  i.  A.] 

5  Laws  against 

[«  leaf  115.  B.f] 


Lawes  againft  gaming. 

The  Anatomic 

ftiambles,  or  blockhowfes  of  the  Deuill,  wherin  he  butchereth 
Chriften  mews  foules  infinit  waies,  God  knoweth  :  the  Lord  fupprefle 
them ! 

Spud.  Weare  there  euer  anie  lawes  made  againft  the  inordinat 
abufe  hereof?  or  haue  the  Godly  in  any  age  mifliked  it  ? 

Philo.  In  all  ages  and  times  both  the  godly  fober  Chriftians  haue 
detefted  it,  and  holfome  lawes  haue  been  promulgat1  againft  it. 

O&auius  Augujlus  was  greatly  reproched  of  the  Writers  of  his 
time  for  his  great  delight  in  gaining,  notwithftanding  his  manifold 
vertues  betides. 

2  Cicero  obie6ted  to  Marcus  Antonius  his  often  gaming,  as  a  note  of 
infamie  vnto  him. 

The  noble  Lacedemonians  fent  their  AmbafTadours  to  Corinth  to 
cowclud  a  peace,  who  coming  thither,  and  finding  the  People  playing 
at  dice  and  cards  and  vnthriftie  games,  returned  back  again  (infe£ia 
pace)  their  peace  vnconcluded,  faying  it  mould  neuer  be  reported  that 
they  wold  ioyne  in  league  with  Dice-players  and  gamefters. 

The  fame  Lacedemonians  fent  to  Demetrius,  in  derifion  of  his 
diceplaying,  a  paire  of  3 dice  of  gold.  Sir  Thomas  Eliot  (that  worthie 
Knight)  in  his  'Book  of  gouernance '  afketh,  who  will  not  think  him  a 
light  man  of  fmall  credit,  diflblut,  remife,  and  vaine,  that  is  a  Dice- 
player4  or  gamefter  ? 

Publius  faith,  Quanta  peritior  eft  aleator  infua  arte,  tanto  nequior 
eft,  &  vita,  &:  morilus  :  How  much  cowninger  a  marc  is  in  gaming  and 
diceplaying,  fo  much  corrupter  he  is  both  in  life  and  maners.  luftinian 
made  a  lawe  that  none  ihould  play  at  dice,  nor  cards,  for  no  caufe, 
neither  priuately  nor  openly. 

Alexander  Seuerus  banimed  all  gamefters  out  of  his  dominions ; 
And  if  anie  were  found  playing,  their  goods  were  confifcat,  and  they 
counted  as  mad  men  euer  after,  neuer  trufted  nor  efteemed  of  anie. 

6  Ludouicus  ordeined  that  ai  gamefters  mold  depart 7  his  larcd,  for 
feare  of  corrupting  of  others. 

K.  Richard  the  fecond  forbad  all  kynd  of  gaming,  and  namely 

1  published  F.  *  leaf  1 14,  back.  Lawes  against  Gamyng.  B. 

4  Dici-player  A.  5  this  side-note  not  in  E,  F. 

f  leaf  115.  Punishment  for  Gamyng.  B.  7  out  of  added  in  F. 

of  Abufes.  Beare  bayting.  177 

K.  Henrie  the  fourth  ordeined  that  euery  Dice-player  mould  be   Punishment 
imprifoned  fix  daies  for  euery  feuerall  time  he  offended  in  gaming. 

K.  Edward  the  fourth  ordeined,  who  fo  kept  gaming  howfes 
mould  furfer  imprifonment  three  yeeres,  and  forfait  xx.  li.1  &  the 
Players  to  be  imprifoned  two  yeers  &  forfait  .x.  pound.  The  penalty 

K.  Henri  the  feuenth  ordeined  that  euery  Dice-player  mould  be  keep  gaming 
imprifoned  all  a  day,  and  the  2  Keeper  of  the  dicing  howfe  to  forfait   p  p  T,  back.  A.] 
for  euery  offence  vi.  (hil.  viij.d.,  and  to  be  bouwd  by  recognizance  to 
good  behauiour. 

K.  Henrie  the  eight  ordeined  that  euery  one  that  kept  dicing 
houfes  mould  forfait  xl.  (liil.,  and  the  Players  to  forfait  vi.  mil.  viij.d., 
with  many3  good  lawes  and  fanctiows4  fet  foorth  againft  this  raging 
Abufe  of  gaming;  which,  5to  auoid  tedioufnes6  I  omit,  befeching 
the  Lord  to  root  vp  and  fupplant  thefe,  and  all  other  ftumbling  blocks 
in  his  church  6what  fo  euer.6 

Sp.  As  I  remember,  in  the  Catalogue  of  abufes  before,  you  faid, 
the  fabaoth  day  was  prophaned  by  bearbaiting,  cockfighting,  7hauk-  p  leaf  n5,  back, 
ing,  hunting,  keeping  of  faires,  courts,  &  markets,  vpon  the  faid  day. 
Is  it  not  lawful,  thaw,  to  follow  thefe  exercifes  vpon  the  fabaoth  day 
neither  ? 

Beare  baiting  and  other  exercyfes,  vfed 
vnlawfully8  in  AILGNA. 


THefe   Hethnicall9  exercyfes  vpon  the  Sabaoth  day,  which  the   [Bearbaitins 
Lord  10  hath  cowfecrat 10  to  n  holy  vfes,11  for  the  glory  of  his  Name,  and   °n  Sundays  J 
our  fpirituall  comfort,  are  not  in  any  refpect  tollerable,  or  to  be  fuf- 
fered.     For  is  not12  the  baiting  of  a  Bear,  befides  that  it  is  a  filthie, 
(linking,  13and  lothfome  game,  a14  daungerous  &15  perilous  exercyfe  ?   r>  sign.  P  2.  A.] 
wherein  a  man  is  in  daunger  of  his  life  euery  minut  of  an  houre; 
which  thing,  though  it  weare  not  fo,  yet  what  exercyfe  is  this  meet 

1  pound  B,  E,  F.  3  other  added  in  F.  *  statutes  F. 

5— s  least  I  might  seeme  tedious  F.  6— «  &  common  wealth  F. 

f  leaf  115,  back.  Beare  bayting.   B.  *  vpon  the  Sabboth  day  added  in  F. 

9  Heathnish  F.  10— 10  would  haue  consecrated  B,  E,  F. 

ll— u  his  seruice  F.  12  is  not  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

14  is  it  not  a  B,  E,  F  ;  dangerous  and  not  in  F.  15  and  a  B,  E. 


Keeping  of  maftyues. 

The  Anatomic 

No  Creature 
to  be  abused. 

leaf  1 16.  B.*] 

God  is  abused 
when  his 
Creatures  are 

Keeping  of 
mastyues  and 

t8  P  2,  back.  A.] 

[*<  leaf  116,  back. 

for  any  Chriftiarc  ?  what  chriftera  heart  can  take  pleafure  to  fee  one 
poore  beaft  to  rent,  teare,  and  kill  another,  and  all  for  his  foolifh 
pleafure  ?  And  although  they  1be  bloody1  beafts  to  mankind,  &  feeke 
his  deflru&iorc,  yet  we  are  not  to  abufe  them,  for  his  fake  who  made 
them,  &  whofe  creatures  they  are.  For,  notwithstanding  that  they  be 
euill  to  vs,  &  thirft  after  our  blood,  yet  are  thei  good  creatures  in  their 
own  nature  &  kind,  &  made  to  fet  foorth  the  glorie2  &  magnificence 
of  3  the  great 3  God,  &  for  our  vfe ;  &  therfore  for  his  fake 4  5  not  to 
be  abufed.5  It  is  a  [comjmon  faying  amongft  all  men,  borowed  from 
the  fre/zch,  Qui  dime  lean,  dime  fon  chien ; 6  loue  me,  loue  my  dog : 
fo,  loue  God,  loue  his  creatures. 

If  any  mould  abufe  but  the  dog  of  another  mans,  wold  not  he 
who  oweth  the  dog  think  that  the  abufe  therof 7  refulteth  to  himfelfe? 
And  mall  we  abufe  the  creatures  of  God,  yea,  take  pleafure  in  abufing 
them,  &  yet  think  that  the  contumely  don  to  them  redouwdeth  not  to 
him  who  made  them  ?  but  admit  it  weare  graurcted  that  it  weare  law- 
full  to  abufe  the  good  Creatures  of  God,  yet  is  it  not  lawfull  for  vs 
to  fpend  our  golden  yeers  in  fuch  ydle  and  vaine^exercyfes,  daylie  and 
hourelie  as  we  do. 

8  And  fome,  who  take  themfelues  for  no  fmall  fooles,  are  fo  farre 
allotted  that  they  will  not  flick  to  keep  a  dofen  or  a  fcore  of  great 
maftiues  9and  baradogs,9  to  their  no  fmall  charges,  for  the  maintenance 
of  this  goodly  game  (forfooth)  j  and  will  not  make  anie  bones  of.  xx. 
xl.  C.10  pound  at  once  to  hazard  at  a  bait,  with  "  feight  dog,  feight 
beare  (fay  they  n),  the  deuill  part  all ! "  And,  to  be  plaine,  I  thinke  the 
Deuill  is  the12  Maifter  of  the  game,  beareward  and  all.  A  goodly 
paftyme,  forfoth,  worthie  of  commendation,  and  wel  fitting13  thefe 
Gentlemen  of  fuch  reputation.  But  how  muche  the  Lord  is  offended 
for  the  prophanation  of  his  Sabaoth  by  fuch  vnfauorie  exercyfes,  his 
Heauenly  Maieftie  of  late  hath  reueiled,  pouring  foorth  his  14heauie 

i_i  bloudy  be  F.  2  power  added  in  B,  E,  F. 

s— 3  our  B,  E,  F. 

*  leaf  116.  Keepyng  of  Mastiues.  B. 
e_5  we  ought  not  to  abuse  them  B,  E,  F.  '  that  is  added  in  F. 

7  done  to  his  dog  F.  9— 9  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

10  yea,  an  hundred  B,  E,  F.  n  say  they  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

12  the  not  in  F.  13  fitting  F. 

f  leaf  1 1 6,  back.  A  wofull  crye  at  Syrap  [=Parys]  garden.  B. 

of  Abufes.          A  wofull  cry  at  Syrap*  garden.  179 

wrath,  his  fearful!  Judgements,1  and  dreadfull  vengeance  vppon  the 
Beholders  of  thefe  vanities.2 

A  Fearfull  Example  of  GOD  his  ludgement  vpon 
the  prophaners  of 3 his  Sabaoth.3 

Sunday,  Jaa.  13, 

VPon  the  13.  day  of  lanuarie  laft,4  being  the  Sabaoth  day,  Anno 
1583,  the5  People,  Men,  Wemen,  and  Children,  6both  yonge  and 
old,  an  infinit  number  flocking6  to  rthofe  infamous  places,  where  [7«en.  P3.  A.] 
thefe  wicked  exercyfes  are  vfuallie  practifed,  (for  they  haue  their 
courts,  gardens,  &  yards  for  the  fame  purpofe)  8when  they  were8  all 
come  together  and  mounted  aloft  vpon  their  fcaffolds  and  galleries, 
and  in  middeft  of  al  their  iolytie  &  paftime,  all  the  whole  building 
(not  one  ftick  ftanding)  fell  down  with  a  moft  wonderful!  and  feare- 
full  confufio;z  5  So  that  either  two  or  three  hundred  men,  wemeH, 
and  children  (by  eftimatiow9),  wherof  feuera  were  killed  dead,  10fome 
were10  wounded,  fome  lamed,  and  otherfome  brufed  and  crufhed 
almoft  to  the  death.  Some  had  their  braines  dafht  out,  fome  their 
heads  all  to  fquafht,11  fome  their  legges  broken,  fome  their  arms,  fome 
their  backs,  fome  their  moulders,  fome  one  hurt,  fome  another.  So 
that  you  mould  haue  hard  a  woful  crie,  euen  pearcing  the  fkyes,  A  wofull  crie.  la 
parents  bewayling  their  children,  Children  their  louing  Parents, 
wyues  13  their  Hufbands,  and  Hufbands  their  wyues,  marueilous  to  be-  [I3  leaf  117  B.t] 
hould14  !  This  wofull  fpectacle  and  heauie  Judgement,  pitifull  to  heare 
of,  but  moft  ruefull  to  behold,  did15  the  Lord  fend16  down  from 
Heauen,  to  mew  vnto  the  whole  World  how  greeuoufly  he  is  of 
fended  with  thofe  that  fpend  his  Sabaoth  in  fuch  wicked  exercifes  ; 
In  the  meane  tyme,  leauing  his  temple  defolat  and  emptie.  God 
graunt  all  men  may  take  warning  hereby,  to  fhun  the  fame  for  feare 
of  17like  or  worfer  18  ludgement  to  come  !  I17  P  3.  tack.  A.] 

*  Paris—  (F.  J.  F.)       1  Judgment  B,  E,  F.       *  as  hearafter  followeth  B,  E,  F. 
3—  3  the  Sabbaoth  dale  B,  E,  F.  *  last  not  in  F. 

6  there  resorted  an  infinite  number  of  for  the  E,  F. 

6—  «  of  each  sort  E,  F.  6—8  and  beyng  B,  E,  F. 

9  by  estimation  not  in  B,  E,  F.          10  —  10  were  some  F.          "  quasht  B,  E,  F. 

12  this  side-note  not  in  F.  f  leaf  1  17.  A  wofull  spectacle  at  the  Theaters. 

14  haue  heard  F.  15  did  not  in  B,  E,  F.  l6  sent  B,  E,  F. 

18  sharper  B,  E,  F. 


A  wofull 

s  leaf  117.  back. 


ing  vpon  the 


[*  day  added  in 


L10  sign.  P  4.  A.] 

times  for 
exercise  of 

Cockf eights. 

The  Anatomic 

A  fearfull  Judgement  of  GOD,  fhewed  at 
the  Theaters. 

THE  like  Judgement  (almofl1)  did  the  Lord  fhew  vnto  them  a 
litle  befor,  being  aflembled  at  their  Theaters,  to  fee  their  bawdie 
enterluds  and  other  trumperies 2  pra&ifed  :  For  he  caufed  the  earth 
mightely  to  fhak  and  quauer,  as  though  all  would  haue  fallen  down  j 
wherat  the  People,,  fore  amazed,  fome  leapt  down  (from  the  top  ot 
the  turrets,  pinacles,  and  towres,  wher  they  flood)  to  the  ground  -, 
wherof3  fome  had  their  legs  broke,  fome  their  arms,  fome  their 
backs,  fome  hurt  one  where,  fome  another,4  &  many  fore  crufht  and 
brufed  -,  but  not  any  but  they  went  away  fore5  afrraid,  &  wounded  in 
cowfcience.  And  yet  can  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  fray  them 
from  thefe  diuelifh  exercyfes,  vntill  the  Lorde  confume  them  all  in  his 
6  wrath  -j  which  God  forbid/  The  Lord  of  his  mercie  opera  the  eyes  of 
the  maieftrats  to  pluck  down  thefe  places  of  abufe,  that  god  may  be 
honored  and  their  confciewces  difburthened7.8 

Befids  thefe  exercifes,  thei  flock,  thick  &  three  fold,  to  the  cock- 
feights,  an  exercyfe  nothing  inferiour9  to  the  reft,  wher  nothing  is 
vfed  but  fwering,  forfwering,  deceit,  fraude,  collufion,  cofe10nage, 
fcoulding,  railing,  conuitious  talking,  feighting,  brawling,  quarreling, 
drinking,  whooring  j  &,  which  is  worft  of  all,  robbing  of11  one  an 
other  of  their  goods,  &  that  not  by  direct,  but  indirect  means  &  at 
tempts  :  &  yet  to  blaurcch  &  fet  out  thefe  mifchiefs  wzt^all  (as  though 
they  were  vertues)  thei  haue  their  appointed  daies  &  fet  howrs,  when 
thefe  diuelries  muft  be  exercifed.  They  haue  houfes  erected  to  the12 
purpofe,  flags  &  enfignes  hanged  out,  to  giue  notice  of  it  to  others,  and 
proclamation  goes  out  to  proclaim  the  fame,  to  th'  end  that  many 
may  come  to  the  dedication13  of  this  folemne  feaft  of  mifchief :  14the 

1  in  effect  F.  2  fooleries  there  F.  s  whereby  F. 

4  another  where  F.  5  sore  B,  E,  F ;  store  A. 

f  leaf  117,  back.  Cockfightyng  in  Ailgna.  B.  7  discharged  F. 

8  A  new  chapter-heading  follows  in  B,  E,  F  : — Cockfightyng  in  Ailgna ;  F 
has : — Cockfighting  vpon  the  Sabboth  day  in  England.  9  not  in  F. 

11  of  not  in  F.          12  that  B,  E,  F.          13  celebration  F. 
14 — 14  nof  in  B,  E,  F ;  .<4  new  chapter-heading  follows  this  in  B,  E  : — Hawking 
and  Hunting  in  Ailgna  ;  F  has  : — Hauking  and  hunting  vpon  the  Sabboth  day 
in  England. 

of  Abufes.  Hawking  and  hunting.  181 

Lord  fupplant  them!14    And  as  for  hawking  &  hunting  vpon  the   Hawking  & 

fabaoth  day,1  it  is  an  exercyfe  vpon  that  day  no  lefle  vnlawful  than   thesabaoth. 

the  other;  2For  no  man  ought  to  fpend  any  day  of  his  life,  much   [3  leafus.  B.*j 

lefle  euery  day  3in   his   life,3  as    many  do,  in  fuch  vaine   &  ydle 

paflimes  :    wherfore4  let  Gentlemen  take  heed  ;  for,  be  lure,  accounts 

muft  be  giuen  at  the  day  of  Judgement  for5  euery  minut  of  time, 

both  how  they  haue  fpent  it,  &  in  what  exercyfes.     And  let  them  be   No  more 

libertie  giuen 

fure  no  more  libertie  is  giuen  the?n  to  mifpend  an  howre,  or  one  iote   l°  one 

than*  another 

of  the  Lord  his  goods,  than  is  giuen  to  the  poorefl  and  meaner):   f°r  "j^JJ1" 
perfon  that  liueth  vpon  the  face  of  the  earth.     I  neuer  read  of  any,   g°ods- 

J'    [*  then  to  F.] 

in  the  volume  of  the  facred  fcripture,6  that  was  a  good  man  and  a 

Efau  was  a  great  hunter,  but  a  reprobat  -,  If7maell  a  great  hunter,   t7  P  4,  back.  A.] 
but  a  mifcreant;    Nemrode,  a  great  hunter,  but  yet  8a  reprobat8  and 
a  veffell  of  wrath.     Thus  I  fpeake  not  to  condemne  hawking  and   No  good 

hunters  [in] 

hunting  altogether,  being  vfed  for  recreation,  now  and  than,  but  scripture, 
againft  the  continuall  vfe  therof  daylie,  hourly,  weekly,  yeerly,  yea,  all 
the  time9  of  their  life  without  intermiflion.     And  fuch  a  felicitie 
haue  fome  in  it,  as  they  make  it  all  their  ioye,  beftowing  more  vpon 
hawkes  and  hounds,  and  a  fort  of  idle  lubbers  to  followe  them,  in  one   Cost  bestowed 
yeer,  than  they  will  impart10  to  the  poore  members  of  Chrift  lefus  in  dogge*.  * 
vii.  yeers,  peraduenture,  in  all  the  dayes  of  their  life.     So  long  as  man 
in  Paradice  perfifted  in  innocency,  all  beafts  what  fo  euer  weare  obedi 
ent  to  him,  and  came  and  proftrated11  themfelues  be12fore  him;    But  ["  leaf  us,  back, 
euer  lince  his  fall  they  haue  fled  from  him,  &  difobeyd  him,  becaufe   whin  all 
of  his  fin;  that  feeing  he  difobeyed  the  Lord,  they  again  difobeied13  ISiTt"™ 
him.     For  fo  long  as  man  obeied  God,  fo  long  they  obeied  him,  but  wherfSe  they 
fo  foone  as  man  difobeyed  God,  they  difobeyed  him,  &  becam  enemies  r< 
to  him;  as  it  were,  feeking  to  reuenge  the15  iniurie  which  man  had  don 
vnto16  GOD  in  difobeying  hislawes.  Wherfore  the  caufe  why  all  beafts 
do  fly  from  vs,  and  are  become  Enemies  to17  vs,  is  our  difobedience  to 

1  day  not  in  E,  F.  *  leaf  118.  Hawkyng  and  huntyng.  B. 

3— 3  not  in  F.  *  And  therfore  F. 

8  of  F.  e  Scriptures  F. 

8 — 8  an  abiect  E,  F.  9  times  F. 

10  giue  F.  11  humbled  F. 

f  leaf  1 1 8,  back.  Why  beastes  rebell  against  man.  B.        13  disobey  F. 

15  that  E,  F.  IB  to  F.                              "  vnto  F. 


Harme  by  Hunters. 

The  Anatomic 

t1  sign.  P  5.  A.] 
For  pleasure 
sake  only  no 
man  ought  to 
abuse  any  of 
the  cretures  of 

Hurt  by 
hunting  to 
poors  Men. 
[6  leaf  119.  B.f] 

Not  lawfull  to 
keep  cour[t]es 
Leets,  Markets 
and  Fayres,  vpp- 
on  the  Sabaoth 

L'SPs.back.  A,] 

the  LORD,  which  we  are  rather  to  forow  for,  than  to  hunt  after  their 
deaths  by  the  {heading  of  their  blood. 

1  If  neceffitie,  or  want  of  other  meats,  inforceth  vs  to  feek  after  their 
liues,  it  is  lawfull  to  vfe  them,  in  the  feare  of  God,  with  thanks  to  his 
name  •  but  for  our  paftimes  and  vain  pleafures  fake,  wee  are  not  in 
any  wife  to  fpoyle  or  hurt  them.     Is  he  a  chriflian  man,  or2  rather  a 
3pfeudo-chriflian,3  that  delighteth  in  blood?    Is  he  a  Chriftian  that 
fpendeth  all  his  life  in  wanton  pleafures  and  plefaunt  delights  ?  Is  hee 
a  Chriftian  that  buieth  vp  the  corne  of  the  poor,  turning  it  into  bread 
(as  many  doo)  to  feed  dogs  for  his  pleafure  ?     Is  hee  a  chriftian  that 
liueth  to  the  hurt  of  his  Neighbour,  in  treading  and  breaking  down 
his  hedges,  in  cafting  open  his  gates,  in  trampling  of  his  corne,  & 
otherwife  4in  preiudicing4  him,  as  hunters  doo?    wherfore  God  giue 
them  grace  to  fee  to  it,  and  to  mend5  it  6 betimes  ere  it  be  to  latej 
for  they  know  mora  trahit  periculum,  delay  bringeth  danger.     Let  vs 
not  deferre  to  leaue  the7  euil  and  to  doo  good,  leaft  the  wrath  of  the 
Lord  be  kindled  againft  vs,  and  confume  vs  from  of8  the  vpper  face  of 
the  Earth.9 

Spud.  What  fay  you  to  keeping  of  Markets,  of10  Fayres,  Courtes, 
and  Leetes  vpon  the  Sabaoth  day  ?  Think  you  it  is  not  lawful  to  vfe 
the  fame  vpon  any  n  day  ? 

Philo.  No  truely ;  for  can  you12  ferue  God  &  the  deuil  togither  ? 
can  wee  carrie  to  God,  and  ferrie  to 'the  deuil?  can  we  ferue  two 
Maifters,  13and  neither  offend  the  one  nor14  the  other?  can  wee  ferue 
God  and  Mammon?  can  wee  pleafe  God  and  the  world  bothe  at 
one  time  ?  The  Lord  wil  not  be  ferued  by  peecemeale  j  for  either 
he  wil  haue  the  whole  man,  or  els  none  :  For  faith  he,  '  ThouJJialt 
looue  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy  foule,  withall  thy  minde,  withall15 
thy  power,  withall  thy  Jlrength,'  and  fo  foorth,  or  els  with  none 
at  all.  Then,  feeing  that  we  are  to  giue  ouer  our  felues  fo  wholely 
and  totally  to  the  feruice  of  God  al  the  daies  of  our  life,  but  ef- 

2  or  not  B,  E,  F.  3— 3  cruel  Tartarian  F.  *— 4  annoying  F. 
5  amend  F.                             f  leaf  119.  Fayres  on  the  Sabaoth  day.  B. 

7  the  not  in  B,  E,  F.  8  of  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

9  A  new  chapter-heading  follows  this  in  B,  E,  F  :— Markettes,  Faires,  Courtes, 
and  Leetes  vpon  the  Sabbaoth  daie  in  Ailgna  [England  F.]. 

10  of  not  in  F.  ll  that  E,  F.  12  we  F.  14  nor  displease  E,  F 

13  withail  A. 

of  Abufes.  Fayres  on  the  Sabaoth.  1 83 

pecially  vppon   the   Sabaoth   day,    being   confejcrate  to   that  end,   [' leaf  n9,  back, 
we  may  not  intermedle  with   thefe    prophane   exercifes  vpon    that  Abuse  of  the 
day.     For  it  is  more  then  manifeft  that  thefe  faires,  markets,  courtes,   Fare's,  mar- 

kets.  * 

and  leetes,  vpon  the  Sabaoth  day,  are  not  only  a  hinderance  vnto  vs  ["rackets A.] 

in  the  true2  feruice  of  God,  and  an  abufe  of  the  Sabaoth,  but  alfo 

lead  vs  the  path  way  to  hel.    For  what  cofonage  is  not  there  pra6tifed  ?   The  euil  in 

\  .  .  Fayres  and 

what  fallhod,  deceit,  &  fraude  is  not  there  exercifed  ?    what  dif-   Markets. 

fimulation  in  bargaining?    what  fetting  foorth  3of  fucate3  &  deceiu- 

able  wares,  is  not  there  frequented4?  what  lying,  fwering, forfwering, 

drunkennes,  whordom,  theft,  &  fowetimes  murlher,  either  there  or  by 

the  way  thither,  is  not  euery  where  vied5?    In  courtes  &  leets,  what  Theeuilsin 

.  .  Courtes  and 

enuie,  malice,  &  hatred  is  noonmed6?    what  expoflulation,  railing,    Leets  practised. 
{colliding,  periuring,  &  reperiuring  is  maintained?    7what  opreflion   p  sign.  P 6.  A.] 
of  the  poore,  what  fauouring  the8  rich,  what  iniuftice  &  indirect  deal 
ing?  what  bribing,  deceiuing,  what  poling  &  pilling  is  there9  praclifed  ? 
it  would  make  a  chrifliaw  hart  to  bleed  in  beholding  it.    And  yet,  not- 
withftanding,  we  muft  haue  thefe  goodly  pageants  played  vpon  the 
fabaoth  day  (in  a  wanion),becaufe  there  are  no  mo  daies  in  the  week. 
And  heerby  10Me  fabaoth  is  contaminat,10  Godswoord  contemned,  his 
commandements  difanulled,  his  facraments  conculcate,  his  ordinances 
neglected,  &,  ninfumma,  his  blood  trod  vnder  feet,  and  all  mifcheef  I"  leaf  120.  B.t] 
maintained.    12  The  Lord  cut  of  thefe,  with  all  other  Jin,  loth  from  their 
fonles  and  thy  Sabaoth,  that  thy  name  may  le  glorified  and  thy  Church 
truely  edified™  ! 

Spud.  Is  the  playing  at  football,  reding  of  mery  bookes,  &  fuch 
like  delectations,  a  violation  or  prophanation  of  the  Sabaoth  day? 

Ph.  Any  exercife  which  witAdraweth  vs  from  godlines,  either  vpon 
the  fabaoth13  or  any  other  day  els,  is  wicked  &  to  be  forbiden.14    Now,   Playing  at 
who  is  fo  grofly  blinde,  that  feeth  not  that  thefe  aforefaid  exercifes  not 
only  withdraw  vs  from  godlines  &  vertue,  but  alfo  haile  &  allure  vs  to 

*  leaf  1 19,  back.  Fayres  on  the  Sabaoth  day.  B. 

8  true  not  in  F.  3 — 3  counterfeit  F.  *  vsed  B,  E,  F. 

B  committed  B,  E,  F.  «  nooirshed  A.  8  of  the  F.  9  the  (sic)  F. 

io_io  jt  commeth  to  passe  that  the  Sabboth  is  prophaned  F. 

f  leaf  120.   Footeball  playing  in  Ailgna.  B. 

n_i2  not  in  B,  E,  F.     A  new  chapter-heading  follows,  Plaiyng  at  Footeball 
*in  Ailgna.*     (* — *  vpon  the  Sabboth  and  other  dayes  in  England  F.) 
18  day  added  in  F.  "  forbidded  (sic)  F. 

1  84       Great  hurt,  by  Foot-ball  play.       The  Anatomic 

Foot-bail  a  wickcdnes  and  fin.     for  as  concerning  football  playing,  I  proteft  vnto 

freendly  kind 

of  fight.  you  it  may  rather  be  called  a  freendly  kinde  of  fight,  then  a  play  or 

recreation  ;    A  bloody  and  murthering  pra6life,  then  a  felowly  fporte 

[l  P6,  back.  A.]  or  paftime.  JFor  dooth  not  euery  one  lye  in  waight  for  his  Aduer- 
farie,  feeking  to  ouerthrovve  him  &  to  picke  him  on  his  nofe,  though 
it  be  vppon  hard  ftones  ?  in  ditch  or  dale,  in  valley  or  hil,  or  what 
place  foeuer  it  be,  hee  careth  not,  fo  he2  haue  him  down.  And  he 
that  can  ferue  the  moft  of  this  fafhion,  he  is  counted  the  only  felow, 

Hurt  by  foot-  and  who  but  he  ?  fo  that  by  this  meanes,  fomtimes  their  necks  are 
broken,  3  foretimes  their  _backs,3  fometime  their  legs,  fometime  their 

[^  leaf  120,  back,  armes  -,  4  fometime  one  part  thurfl  out  of  ioynt,  fometime  an  other  ; 
fometime5  the6  nofes  gufh  out  with  blood,  fometime5  their  eyes  ftart 
out7j  and  fometimes  hurt  in  one  place,  fometimes  in  another.  But 
'whofoeuer  fcapeth  away  the  beft,  goeth  not  fcotfree,  but  is  either  fore 
8wou?zded,  craifed9,8  and  brufeed,  fo  as  he  dyeth  of  it,  or  els  fcapeth 
very  hardly,  and  no  meruaile,  for  they  haue  the10  fleights  to  meet  one 
betwixt  two,  to  dalhe  him  againfl  the  hart  with  their  elbowes,  to  hit 
him  vnder  the  fhort  ribbes  with  their  griped  fifts,  and  with  their  knees 
to  catch  him  vpon  the  hip,  and  to  pick  him  on  his  neck,  with  a11 

Foot-Ball  hundered  fuch  murdering  deuices  :  and  hereof  groweth  enuie,  malice, 

thering  Play.  rancour,  cholor,  hatred,  difpleafure,  enmitie,  and  what  not  els  :  and 
fometimes  fighting,  brawling,  contention,  quarrel  picking,  murther, 
homicide,  and  great  effufion  of  blood,  as  experience  dayly  teacheth. 

C12  sign.  P  7.  A.]  12  is  this  murthering  play,  now,  an  exercife  for  the  Sabaoth  day  >  is 
this  a  chriftian  dealing,  for  one  brother  to  mayme  and  hurt  another, 
and  that  vpon  prepenfed  malice,  or  fet  purpofe  ?  is  this  to  do  to 
another  as  we  would  wim  another  to  doo  to  vs  ?  God  make  vs  more 
careful  ouer  the  lodyes  of  our  Bretherenf™ 

Reading  of  14  ^nd  as  for  ^he  15  reading  of  wicked  Bookes,  they  are  vtterly  vn- 


bookes.  lawfull,  not  onely  to  bee  read,  but  once  to  be  named  j  &  that  not 

(onely)  vpon  the  Sabaoth  day,   but  alfo  vppon  any   other  day;    as 

2  he  male  B,  E,  F.  3—  3  not  in  F. 

f  leaf  120,  back.  Great  hurt  by  Foote-ball  play.  B. 

5  sometimes  F.  6  their  B,  E,  F.  7  of  their  heads  added  in  F. 

8—8  crushed  F.        9  craised  not  in  B,  E.       10  the  not  in  B,  E,  F.          »  an  F. 
13  A  new  chapter-heading  follows  in  B,  E,  F.     Readyng  of  wicked  bookes  in 
Ailgna.  [England.  F.J 

f  leaf  121.  Reading  of  wicked  bookes  hurtful.  B.  15  the  not  in  F. 

of  Abufes.          Hethnicall  bookes  in  Ailg[na].  185 

which  tende  to  the  difhonour  of  God,  deprauation  of  good  manners, 

and  corruption  of  chriftian  foules.     For  as  corrupt  meates  doo  annoy 

the  ftomack,  and  infect  the  body,  fo  the  reading  of  wicked  and  vn-  The  euil 

godly  Bookes  (which  are  to  the  minde,  as  meat  is  to  the  body)  infect  reading  euil 

the  foule,  &  corrupt  the,  minde,  hailing  it  to  diftruction,  if  the  great 

mercy  of  God  be  not  prefent.1 

And  yet,  notwithftanding,  whofoeuer  wil  fet  pen  to  paper  now  a 
dayes,  how  vnhoneft  foeuer,  or  vnfeemly  of  chriftian  eares,  his  argu 
ment  be,  is  permitted  to  goe  forward,  and  his  woork  plaufibly  2  admit 
ted  and2  freendly  licenfed,  and  gladly  imprinted,  without  any  prohibi 
tion  or  contradiction  at  all :  wherby  it  is  growen  to  this  ifllie,  that 
bookes  &  pamphlets  of  fcun  ilitie  and  baudrie  are  better  efteemed,  and 
more  vendible,  then  the  godlyelt  and  fa3geft  bookes  that  be :  for4  if  it  C3  P  7,  back.  A.] 
be  a  godly  treatife,  reproouing  vice  and  teaching  vertue,  away  with 
it !  for  no  man  (almoft)  though  they  make  a  floorim  of  vertue  and 
godlynes,  will  buy  it,  nor  (which  is  lefle)  fo  much  as  once  touch  it. 
This  maketh  the  Bible,  the5  blelTed  Book  of  God,  to  be  fo  little 
efteemed  j  That  woorthie6  Booke  of  Martyrs,  7made  by  that  famous  [7  jeaf  121,  back. 
Father  &  excellent  Inftrument  in  God  his  Church,  Maifter  lohn  Fox, 
fo  little  to  be  accepted,  and  all  other  good  books  little  or  nothing  to 
be8  reuerenced;  whilft  other  toyes,  fantafies,  and  bableries,  wherof 
the  world  is  ful,  are  fuffered  to  be  printed.  Thele  prophawe  fchedules, 
facraligious  libels,  and  hethnical  pamphlets  of  toyes  &:  bableries 
(the  Authors  wherof  may  9vendicate  to  them  felues  no  fmal  com-  [The  hurte  that 

i  f  wicked  books 

mendations9  at  the  hands  of  the  deuil  for  inuenting  the  fame)  corrupt   bryng  E,  F.J 

mens  mindes,  peruert  good  wits,  allure  to  baudrie,  induce  to  whor- 

dome,  fupprefle  vertue  &  erect  vice  :  which  thing,  how  (hould  it  be 

otherwife  ?  for  are  they  not  inuewted  &  excogitat  by  Belxelul,  written 

by  Lucifer,  licenfed  by  Pluto,  printed  by  Cerberus,  &  fet  a-broche  to 

fale  by  the  infernal  furies  themfelues,  to  the  poyfoning  of  the  whole 

world  ?  But  let  the  Inuewtors,  the  licewfors,  the  printers,  &  the  fellers 

of  thefe  vaine  toyes,  and  more  then  Hethnicall  impieties,  take  heed  • 

for  the  blood  of  all  thofe  which  perim,  or  take  hurt  10thorow  thefe  [I0  'Qi',  A. 

wrongly  signd  ; 
leaf  P  8  is  misst ; 

i  present  not  in  F.  2-2  receiued  F.  *  but  B,  E,  F. 

6  that  B,  E,  F.  6  renowmed  F. 

*  leaf  121,  back.   Hethnicall  bookes  in  Ailgna.   B.  8  to  be  not  in  F. 

9 — 9  challenge  no  small  reward  F. 


How  to  reforme  Abufes. 

The  Anatomic 

['leaf  122.  B.*j 

[The  Laws 
against  Evil 
Doers  are  not 

[Why  the  lawes 
are  not  executed 
as  they  ought 
to  bee  E,  F.] 
[9  P  8,  back 
(wrong  Q  i,  bk.) 

["  leaf  i2a,  back. 

[They  that  buy 

wicked  bookes,  lhalbe  powred  vpon  their  heads  at  the  day  of  Judge 
ment,  and  be  required  at  their  hands. 

Spud.  I  pray  you  how  might  al  thefe  inormities  and  Abufes  be 
reformed  ?  For  it  is  to  fmall  purpofe  to  ihew  the  abufes,  except  you 
fhewe  withall  how  they  might  be  reformed1 

Philo.  By  putting  in  practife  and  executing  2  thofe  good  lawes, 
3wholfome  fanctions3,  and  Godly4  ftatutes,  which  haue  beene  hereto 
fore,  and  daily  are,  fet  foorth  and  eftablifhed,  as  GOD  be  thanked,  they5 
are  manie.  The  want  of  the  due  execution  wherof  is  the  caufe  of  all 
thefe  mifchiefs,  which  both  rage  and  raigne  amongft  vs. 

Spud.  What  is  the  caufe  why  thefe  lawes  are  not  executed,  as 
they  ought  to  be  ? 

Philo.  Truely,  I  cannot  tell,  excepte  it  be  thorow  the  nigligence 
and  contempt6  of  the  inferiour  Magiflrates.  Or  els,  perhaps  (which 
thing  happeneth  now  and  than),  for  money  they  are  bought  out,  dif- 
franchifed  and  difpenfed  withall ;  for,  as  the  faying  is,  7 quid  non  pe- 
cunia  poteft :  what  is  it  but  money  will  bring  to  paffe  7  ?  And  yet, 
notwithftanding,  mall  it  be  don  inuifibly  in  a  clowde  (vnder  lenedicite 
I  fpeake  it)  the  Prince  being  borne  in  hand  that  the  fame  are  8dalie 
executed8.  This  fault  is  the  corruption  of  thofe  that  are  put  in  trufl 
to  fee  them  executed,  as  I  haue  9  tould  you,  and  (notwithflanding)  do 

Spud.  This  is  a  great  10corruption  &10  Abufe,  doubtles,  and  worthie 
of  great  punimment. 

Ph.  It  is  fo  truelyj  for  if  they  be  good  lawes,  tending  to  the 
glorie  of  GOD,  the  publique  weale  of  the  Cuntrey  and  correction  of 
vices,  it  is  great  pytie  that  money  mould  buy  them  out.  For  what  is 
that  els,  but  to  fell  vertue  for  lucre,  Godlynes  for  droffe,  yea,  mens 
fouls  for  corruptible  mo11ney  ?  Therfore,  thofe  that  fell  them  are  not 
onely  Traitors  to  GOD,  to  their  Prince  and  Countrey,  but  are  alfo  the 
Deuils  Marchants,  and12  ferrie  the  bodies  and  foules  of  Chriftians,  13as 

1  amended  B,  E,  F. 

*  leaf  122.  How  to  reforme  Abuses.  B.  8 — 3  not  in  F. 

*  Goldy  A ;  Godly  B,  E,  F.          5  there  B,  E,  F.  •  corruption  F. 

7 — 7  Pecunia  omnia  potest,  Money  can  do  all  thynges  B,  E,  F. 

e_8  duiy  excuted  (sic)  B,  E,  F.  »«— w>  not  in  B,  E,  F. 

t  leaf  122,  back.  Lawes  not  executed.  B.  12  to  B,  E,  F. 

is — 13  as  much  as  lieth  in  thew  F. 

of  Abufes.  The  latter  day  at  hand.  187 

it  were,  in  Charons  boate l 13  to  the  Stigian  flood  of  Hell,  burning  with   or  Mu  lawes  for 

money  are 

fire  and  brimftone  for  euer.  E&  F°]S  l°  G°d 

And  thofe  that  buy  them  are  Traitors  to  GOD,  their  Prince,  and 
Countrey  alfo. 

For  if  the  lawes  were  at  the  firft  good  (as,  GOD  be  praifed,  al  2  the 
lawes  in  Ailgna  be),  why  fhuld  they  be  fuppreffed3  for  money?  and 
if  they  were  euill,  why  were  they  diuulged,4  but  had  rather  beene 
buried  in  the  wombe  of  their  Mother  before  th[e]y  had  euerTeene 
the  light. 

And  why  were  lawes  inflituted  5,  but  to  be  executed  ?  Els,  it  were 
as  good  to  haue  no  lawes  at  all  (the  People  lyuing  orderly)  as  to  haue 
good  lawes,  and  them  not  executed. 

The  Prince  ordeining  a  law  may  lawfully  repeale  &  adnull6  the 
fame  againe,  vpon  fpeciall  7caufes  &  confiderations,  but  no  inferiour 
maieftrat  or  fubie&e  what  fo  euer,  may  flop  the  courfe  of  any  lawe   Tj  sign.  Q  2.  A.] 
made  by  the  Prince,  without  daunger  of  damnation  to  his  owne8  foule, 
as  the  Word  of  GOD  beareth  witnefle. 

And  therfore,  wo  be  to  thofe  men  that  will  not  execut  the  fen- 
tence  of  the  lawe  (being  fo  Godly  and  fo  Chriftian  as  thei  be  in  Ailgna) 
vppon  Malefactors  and  Offenders ! 

Verely  they  are  as  guiltie  of  their  blood  before  GOD,  as  euer  was 
ludas  of  the  death  9of  Chrifle  lefus.  I9  l«f  »3-  B.t] 

Spud.  Seeing  it  is  fo  that  al  fleih  hath  corrupted  his  way  before 
the  face  of  God,  and  that  there  is  fuch  abhomination  amongeft  them,   [The  day  of 
I  am  perfwaded  the10  daye  of  Judgement  is  not  farre  of ;    For  when   not  faToffj5 
iniquity  {hall  haue  filled  vp  his  meafure,  than  {hall  the  end  of  all n  ap- 
peare,  as  Chrijl  witneffeth  in  his  Euangelie. 

Philo.  The  day  of  the  Lord  cannot  be  farre  of;  that  is  moft 
certenj  For  what  wonderfull  portents,12  ftrang  miracles,  fearful  fignes, 
and  dreadfull  Judgements 13  hath  he  fente  of  late  daies,  as  Preachers  & 
fortellers  of  his  wrath,  due  vnto  vs  for  our  impenitence 14  &  wickednes 
of  life.  Hath  he  not  caufed  the  earth  to  tremble  and  quake?  the  [The  wonderful! 

1  ouer  the  Sea  of  this  world  added  in  B,  E,  F. 
2  the  most  of  B,  E,  F.  3  bought  out  F.  *  published  F. 

6  constitute  B,  E,  F.  •  annul  F. 

8  not  in  F.         t  leaf  123.  The  latter  daie  at  hande.  B.         10  that  the  E,  F. 

11  all  thinges  E,  F.          la  not  in  F.         13  tokens  F.         "  impenitencie  E,  F. 

signes  and 
tokens  ;  which 
the  Lord  hath 
sent  to  warne  vs 
of  the  daie  of 
Judgement  E,  F.] 
[1Q  2,  back.  A.] 

[3  leaf  123,  back. 

[All  God's 
Creatures  are 
wroth  with  us, 
but  we  don't 

[6  sign.  Q  3.  A.] 

[9  Materiall  hell- 
after  this  life  E, 

[10  leaf  124.  B.f] 

1 88         Gods  warnings,  late  fhewed.        The  Anatomic 

fame  Earth  to  remooue  from  place  to  place  ?  the  feas  and  waters  to 
roare,  fwell,  &  bruft  out,  and  ouerflow  their  bankes  1to  the  deftruction 
of  many  thoufands  ?  hath  he  not  caufed  the  Elements  and  Skyes  to 
fend  foorth  flaming  fire  ?  to  raine  downe  wheat,  a  wonderfull  thing  as 
euer  was  heard,  and  the  like  ?  hath  he  not  caufed  wonderfull  Eclypfes 
in  the  Sunne  and  Moon,  with  moll  dreadfull  conjunctions  of  Starres 
and  Planets,  as  the  like  this  thoufand  yeeres  haue  not  been2  heard  of? 
haue  not  the  clowdes  diflilled  downe  aboundance  of  rayne  and 
fhowres,  with  all  kinde  of  vnfeafonable  wether,  to  the  deflroying  (al- 
moft)  of  al  thinges  vppon  the  Earth  ?  haue  we  not  feene  Commets, 
blaring  ftarres,  fine  3 Drakes,  men  feighting  in  the  ayre,  moil  fearfully 
to  behold  ?  Hath  not  dame  Nature  her  felfe  denied  vnto  vs  her  opera 
tion  in  fending  foorth  abortiues,  vntimely  births,  vgglefome  monfters 
and  fearfull  mifhapen  Creatures,  both  in  man  &  beaft?  So  that  it 
feemeth  all  the  Creatures  of  God  are  angrie  with  vs,  and  threaten  vs 
with deflruction, and  yet  4  we  are4  nothing  at  all  ame/zded :  (alas)  what5 
fhal  become  of  vs  !  Remember  we  not  there  is  a  God  that  mal  iudge  vs 
righte'oufly  ?  that  there  is  a  Deuill  who  mall  torment  vs  after  this  lyfe 
vnfpeakably,  if  we  repent  not  ?  At  that  day  the  wicked  (hall  find  that 
there  is  a  Material  Hell,  a  place  of  all  kinds  of  tortures,  wherein  they 
mal  be  puniihed  in  fire  and  brimflone  amongefl  the  terrible  Com 
pany  of  vgglefome  6Deuills,  world  without  end,  how  light  fo  euer 
they  make  account  of  it  in  this  World. 

For  fome  fuch  there  be  that,  when  thei  heare  mention  of  Hell,  or 
of  the  paines  therof  in  the  other  World,  they  make  a  mocke  at7  it, 
thinking  they  be  but  metaphoricall  fpeaches,  onely  fpoke  to  terrific 
vs  withall,  not8  otherwyle.  But  cert  en  it  is,  as  there  is  a  God  that 
will  reward  his  Children,  fo  there  is  a  Deuill  that  will  remunerat  his 
Seruaunts;  And  as  there  is  a  Heauen,  a  Materiall  place  of  perfect 
ioye  prepared  for  the  Godly,  fo  there  is  a  Hell,  a  Materiall  place  of 
punimmewt  for  the  wicked  and  reprobat,  prepared  for  the  Deuil  &  his 
Angels,  or  els  the  word  of  God  is  in  10no  wyfe  to  be  credited  -,  which 
blafphemie  once  to  think11,  God  keep  all  his  Children  from ! 

2  scene  or  added  in  F.  *  leaf  123,  back.  Gods  warninges  late  shewed.   B. 

*— *  are  we  F.  5  that  A,  B,  E  ;  what  F.  7  of  F.  8  and  not  F. 

9  A  materiall  F.  f  leaf  124.  A  reward  for  good  and  euill.  B. 

11  think  of  F. 

of  Abufes.  Who  are  true  repentants.  1 89 

Spud.  But  they  will  eafily  auoid  this  j  for  they  fay  it  is  writ1,  at 
what  time  fo  euer  a  firmer  doth  repent  him  of  his  finne,  I  wil  put  all 
his  fin2  out  of  my  remembrance,  faith  the  Lord.  So  that,  if  they 
maye  haue  three  words  at  the  laft,  they  will  wim  no  more.  What 
think  you  of  thefe  felowes  ? 

Phllo.  I  think  them  no  men,  but  Deuills  ;  no  Chriftians,  but  worfe   [Men  who  put  off 
5  than  Tartarians*,  and  more  to  be  auoided  than  the  poifon  of  a  fer-   their  deaths  are 

but  Devils.] 

pent ;  for  the  one  flayeth  but  the  body,  but  the  other  both  body  & 

foul  for  euer.     Wherfore  let  euery  good  Chriften  Man  take  heed  of 

them,  and  4  auoid  them  5   For  it  is  truely  faid  cum  lonis  bonus  eris,  [4  Q  3.  back.  A.] 

et  cum  peruerjis  peruerferis5  :  with  the  good  thou  mail6  learne  good, 

but  with  the  wicked  thou  mail6  be  peruerted. 

Spud.  Do  you  think,  than,  that  that  cannot  be  a  true  repentance, 
which  is  deferred  to  the  laft  gafpe  ? 

Ph.  No,  truely  j  For  true  repentance  muft  fpring  out  of  a  lyuelie 
faith,  with  an  inward  lothing,  hating7,  and  detefting  of  finne.  But 

this  deferred  repentance  fpringeth  not  of  faith,  but  rather  of  the  feare   [No  true  repent 
ance  which  is 

of  death,  which  he  feeth  imminent  before  his  eyes,  of  the  grief  and  deferred  to  the 

last  gaspe  E,  F.] 

tedioufnes  of  paine,  of  the  Horror  of  Hell,  and  feare  of  God  his  ineuit- 
able  iudgement,  which  he  knoweth  now  he  muft  needs  abyde.  And 
therfore  this  can  be  no  true  repentance;  For  there  is8  two  maner  of 
re9penta«ces,  the  one  a  true  repentance  to  life,  the  other  a  falfe  re-  [9  leaf  ia4,  back. 


pentance  to  death.   As  we  maye  fee  by  ludas,  who  is  faid  to  haue  re-  [TWO  maners10  of 
pented,  and,  which  is  more,  to  haue  conferTed  his  faulte,  and,  which  false  repentance, 
is  moft  of  all,  to  haue  made  reftitution,  and  yet  was  it  a  falfe  repent-  pentance  E,  F.j 
ance.     And  why?   becaufe  it  fprang  not  out  of  true  faith,  but  as 

Peter  repented  and  weept  bitterly,  and  was  faued  therby,  though 
he  neither  made  confeffion  nor  fatiffaction ;  and  why?  Becaufe  it 
fprang  of  a  true  and  lyuely  faith.  So  thefe  felowes  may  fay  they  re 
pent,  but  except  it  be  a  ntrue  repentance,  fpringing  of  faith,  it  can  ["  sign.  Q  4.  A.] 
ferue  them  no  more  to  life,  than  the  pretenfed  repentance  of  ludas  did 
ferue  him  to  faluation. 

1  written  F.  2  wickednes  E,  F. 

8— 3  then  cither  Turks  or  lewes,  or  any  other  infidels  whatsoeuer  F. 

6  peruerteris  B,  F.  •  shalt  F.  7  not  in¥.  8  are  E,  F. 

+  leaf  124,  back.  Who  are  true  repentants.  B.         10  maner  of  repentances  F. 

190      Repentance  not  to  be  deferred.      The  Anatomic 

Let  them  beware,  for  Cain  repented,  yet  is  he  condemned.  Efau 
did  repent,  yet  is  he  condemned ;  Antiochus  did  repent,  yet  is  he  con 
demned  j  ludas  did  repent,  yet  is  he  condemned,  with  infinite  moe. 
And  why  fo  ?  Becaufe  their  prolonged  repentaunce  fprange  not  of 
faith,  &C.1 

Thus  they  may  fee,  that  euerye  light  affection  is  no  true  repentance, 

And  that  it  is  not  ynough  to  fay  at  the  laft,  I  repent,  I  repent  -t     For 

vnles  it  be  a  true  repentance  indeed,  it  is  worth  nothing.  But,  indeed, 

[Every  light         if  it  weare  fo  that  man  had  liberum  arlitrium,  free  wil2  of  himfelf  to 

affection  is  no 

true  repentance  repent  truely  when  he  wold,  and  that  Godd  promifed  in  his  word  to 
accept  of  that  repentance,  it  weare  another  matter.  But  repentance 
is  donum  Dei,  the  gifte  of  God,  de  furfum  veniens  a  patre  luminum, 

C*  leaf  125.  B.f]  combining  from  aboue  fro?n  the  Father  of  light,  &  therfore  it  is  not 
in  our  powers  to  repent  when  we  will.  It  is  the  Lord  thai  giueth  the 
gift,  when,  where,  &  to  whom  it  pleafeth5  him ;  &  of  him  are  we  to 
traue  it  incefiantly  by  faithfull  prayer,  &  not  otherwife  to  prefume  of 
our  owne  repentance,  when,  indeed,  we  haue  nothing  leffe  than  a 
true  repentance. 

[<5  Q  4,  back.  A.]          6  Spud.  Than,  thus  much  I  gather  by  your  words,  that  as  true  re- 

[Of  true  and         pentancc  (which  is  a  certen  inward  grief  and  forrow  of  the7  heart, 

fci"iid  repent* 

cowce'iucd  for  our  finnes,  with  a  hatred  and  lothing  of  the  fame) 
[fjerueth  to  faluation  thorow  the  mercie  of  GOD  in  Chrift,  fo  fained 
repentance  faueth  not  from  perdition.  And,  therfore,  we  mull  repent 
dayly  and  howrely,  and  not  to8  deferre  our  repentaunce  to  the  laft 
gafpe,  as  many  doo,  than  which  nothing  is  more  perilous. 
•  Philo.  True,  it  isj  for  maye  not  he  be  called  a  great  Foole,  that 
by  deferring  and  prolonging  of  repentance  to  the  laft  caft9  (as  they 
fay)  will  hazard  his  body  and  foule  to  eternall  damnation  for  euer  ? 
Wheras,  by  daily  repentaunce,  he  maye  affaire  him  felfe  both  of  the 
fauour  of  GOD,  and  of  life  euerlafting  (by  faith)  in  the  mercy  of 
GOD,  thorow  the  moft  precious  blood  of  his  deare  Sonne,  lefus 
Chrift,  our  alone  Sauiour  and  Redemer,  to  whome  be  praife  for  euer ! 

1  &  of  an  inward  hatred  vnto  sin,  &c,  F. 
*  and  power  added  in  F.  3  God  had  F. 

f  leaf  1 25.  Repentance  not  to  be  deferred.  B. 

6  shall  please  B,  E,  F.  7  the  not  in  F. 

8  did  not  for  not  to  F.  9  gasp  F, 

ofAbufes.  A  Chriftian  proteftation.  191 

Spud.  Now  muft  I  needs  fay,  as  the  Wyfe  King  Salomon  faid,   All  things  are 
all  things  are  vaine  and  l tranfitorie,  and2  nothing  is  permanent  vnder   vanitie  it-seifc. 
the  Sonne :  the  workes  of  men  are  vnperfect  and  lead  to  deftruction,   B.t]a  ' 
their  exercyfes  are  vaine  and  wicked  altogether. 

Wherfore   I,  fetting  apart  all  the  vanities  of  this  lyfe,  will  from 
hencefoorth  confecrate  8my  felfe  to  the  feruice  of  my  GOD,  and  to   t3  sign.  R  i.  A.] 
follow  him  in  his  Woord,  which  onely  is  permanent  and  leadeth  vnto 

And  I  moft  hartelie  thanke  the  Lord4  God  for  your  good  Com 
pany  this  day,  and  for  your  graue  inftructions  j  promifing,  by  the  af- 
liftance  of  God  his  grace,  to  followe  and  obey  them  to  my  poflible 
power  all  the  daies  of  my  life. 

Pkilo.  God  giue  you  grace  fo  to  do,  and  euery  Chriften  man  els, 
and  to  auoid  all  the  vanities  and  deceiuable  pleafures  of  this  life  :  for  Tj**  fey**  of 

this  life  tread 

certenly  they  tread5  the  path  to  eternal  deftruction,  both  of  body  and 
foule  for  euer,  to  as  many  as  obey  them. 

For  it  is  vnpoffible  to  wallowe  in  the  delights  and  pleafures  of 

this  World,  and  to  lyue  in  ioy  for  euer  in  the  Kingdom  of  Heauen. 

And  thus  we,  hauing   fpent  the  daye,  and  alfo  confummatefi  our 

iorney,  we  muft  now  depart,  befeaching   GOD  that  we  may  both 

meete  againe  in  the  Kingdome  of  Heauen,  there  to  raign^  and  lyue 

with  him  for  euer,  through  lefus  Chrifte  our  Lorde ; 

to  whome,  with  the  Father  and  the  holy 

Spirit,  be  all  honour  &  glorie 

for  euer  more. 



t  leaf  125,  back.  A  Christian  protestation.  B.  *  and  that  F. 

4  Lord  my  E,  F.  •  leade  E,  F.  «  ended  our  F. 


•  .Lord  my  tt,  F.  •  leade  E,  F.  6  ended  our  F. 

7  F  then  concludes  with  this  line :— God  haue  the  praise,  both  now  and  ahvaies. 



In  I 
In  I 
In  I 

[sign.  R  2.  A.) 

Faults  efcaped  in  printing. 





X!.[.P-  491 

xiinj  [p.  50] 



[Seep.  65,  4A 
ix[p.  71] 

iij  [p.  105] 

viij  [p.  1  08] 

in  the  Lord 

what  thing  is  there 


tantaque  meryades  z 

applyed  [p.  52,  1.  n] 

6  the  in  Lord 

5  what  is  ther 

3  initimur 

9  [1.  l]      tantcz  meriades 
1 6  fupplyed 

19  Read  thus  : 

Spud.   I  pray  you  fhew  me  the  opinions  of  the 
Fathers,  concerning  this  coloring  of  faces. 
3  [1.  8]      Antiquities  Antiques2 

5  pefteruing  peftering 

26  [1.  9]    refug  meat  refufe  meate 

2  7  [  »  ]    patrings  parings 

1 6  [1.  23]   appetilum  appetitui 

Perilled,  authorifed,  & 
allowed,  according  to  the  order 
appoincted  in  the  Queenes  Maiefties  Ini un 

At  London 

Printed  by  Richarde 

Tones:  dwellinge  at  the  Signe  of  the 

Rofe  and  the  Crowne,  neere  vnto 

Holborne  Bridge. 

[/«  F,  a  plate  ewers  the  page  foll<nmng  (R  2,  back),  with  this  on  the  scroll :— Qvel 
.  che.  mi .  molestava  .  accendo  .  et .  ardo.     This  plate  is  not  in  B,  E.] 

1  this  page  '192'  not  in  F. 

8  The  reader  should  make  this  correction.     The  other  references  are  either 
wrong,  or  refer  to  another  copy  than  that  collated  for  this  edition. 
3  1585  E,  1595  F. 


ife  0f  {jig 




A  Chriflal  Glaffe  for 

Chriftian  women. 


An  excellent  Difcourfe,  of  the  godly  life 

antr  Christian  tfeatlj  of  Jflfetresse  Katherine  Stubbes 

who  departed  this  life  in  Burton  vppon 

Trent,  in  Staffordshire,  the  14  day 

of  December.   1590. 

a  most  fjeauenlg  confession  of  tfje  Christian 

Faith,  which  fhe  made  a  little  before  her  departure  : 

togither,  with  a  moft  wonderfull  combate  be 

twixt  Satan  and  her  foule  :  worthie  to 

be  imprinted  in  the  tables  of  eue- 

ry  Chriftian  heart. 

for  iuom  a0  0^e  gpafee  it,  a0  \\tt\e 

as  could  be  gathered,  by  P.  S.  Gent. 

Reuel.  14.  ver.  13. 

Blessed  are  the  dead  which  die  in  the  Lorde,  euen  so  saieth  the 
Spirite,  for  they  rest  from  their  labours  ,  and  their  workes 
follow  them. 

Imprinted  at  London  by  Richard  Ihones,  at  the 
Hose  anD  tTroumc  urr re  ll)oltiornc 


A  Chriftall  Glas,  for  Chri- 

fttatt  foomen :  toljeretn  tfjeg  mag  fee  a  foontierfuU 

and  true  example  of  a  right  vertuous  life  and 
<£  Ij  viniau  trra  tl);  a$  ln>  t!)c  tuff  ourf  r  fo  Mowing,  to 

their  further  inftru&ion  and  comfort,  \sidenotes  by 

it  may  appeare. 

Alliner  to   remembrance   (moft  Chriftian  Reader)   the   I  publish  my 

wife's  Life,  to 

finall  ende  of  mans  creation,  which  is  to  glorifie  God.   glorify  God  and 

edify  men. 

and  to  edifie  one  another  in  the  way  of  true  godli- 
nefle,  I  thought  it  my  duetie  as  well  in  refpe£t  of  the 
one,  as  in  regarde  of  the  other,  to  publifh  this  rare 
and    wonderfull     example,    of    the    vertuous    life,    and     Chriftian 
death,  of  miftrefle  Katherine  Stulles,  who  whileft  me  liued,  was  a 
myrrour  of  womanhoode,  and  nowe  being  dead,  is  a  patterne  of  true 
Chriftianitie.      She  was  of  honeft  and  wealthie  parentage,  and  her   Her  Father,  a 
father  had  borne  office  of  worfhip  in  his  companie :  he  was  zealous   Her  Mother, 
in  the  truth,  and  of  a  found   Religion.     Her  mother  was  a  Dutch 
woman,  both  difcreete  and  wife,  of  lingular  good  grace  and  modeftie  : 
and,  which  did  moft  of  all  adorne  her,  (he  was  both  religious,  and 
verie  zealous.     This  couple  liuing  together  in  the  Citie  of  London 
certain  yeares,  it  pleafed  God  to  blefle  them  with  children,  of  whom   My  wife,  their 
this  Katherine  was  yongeft  faue  one.    But  as  me  was  yongeft  faue  one   KU  on? C 
by  courfe  of  nature :  fo  was  (he  not  inferiour  to  any  of  the  reft,  or 
rather  farre  excelled  them  all  without  comparifon  by  manie  degrees, 
in  the  induments  and  qualities  of  the  mind.     At  xv.  yeares  of  aze   At  15 she  married 

f     ,         ,     .  ,,  me,  and  livd  with 

(her  lather  being  dead)  her  mother  beftowed  her  in  marriage  to  one   me  4  years, 
maifter  Stulles,  with  whom  me  liued  four  yeares,  and  almoft  an 
halfe,  verie  honeftly  and  godly,  with  rare  commendations  of  all  that 
knewe  her,  as  well  for  her  fingular  wifedome,  as  alfo  for  her  modeftie, 
courtelie,  gentleneflei  affabilitie  and  good  gouernment.     And  aboue 


A  Chriftall  Glafle 

She  was  zealous 
for  the  truth,  and 
oppose!  Papists 
and,  Atheists. 

[leaf  A  2,  back] 

She  was  seldom 
without  a  Bible 
or  good  book  in 

She  was  always 
asking  me  to 
explain  texts. 

She  sufferd  no 
disorder  in  her 

She  never 
scolded  or 
brawld  ; 

or  gossipt. 

all,  for  her  feruent  zeale  which  fhe  bare  to  the  truth,  wherein  {he 
feemed  to  furpaffe  manie  :  Infomuch  as  if  fhe  chanced  at  any  time 
to  be  in  place  where  either  Papifts  or  Atheiils  were,  and  heard  them 
talke  of  Religion,  of  what  countenaunce  or  credite  foeuer  they 
feemed  to  be,  fhe  would  not  yeeld  a  iote,  nor  giue  place  vnto  them 
at  all,  but  would  moft  mightily  iuftine  the  truth  of  God,  againfl 
their  blafpemous  vntruthes,  and  conuince  them  :  yea,  and  confound 
them  by  the  teftimonies  of  the  worde  of  God.  Which  thing,  how 
could  it  be  otherwife  ?  for  her  Whole  heart  was  bent  to  feeke  the 
Lorde,  her  whole  delight  was  to  bee  conuerfant  in  the  Scriptures, 
and  to  meditate  vpon  them  day  and  night  :  infomuch  that  you  could 
feldome  or  neuer  haue  found  her  without  a  Bible,  or  fome  other  good 
booke  in  her  hands.  And  when  fhe  was  not  reading,  fhe  would 
fpend  the  time  in  conferring,  talking  and  reafoning  with  her  hufband 
of  the  worde  of  God,  and  of  religion  :  afking  him  :  "what  is  the  fence 
of  this  place,  and  what  is  the  fence  of  that  ?  Howe  expounde  you 
this  place,  and  howe  expounde  you  that  ?  What  obferue  you  of 
this  place,  and  what  obferue  you  of  that?  "  So  that  fhee  feemed  to 
bee,  as  it  were,  rauimed  with  the  fame  fpirite  that  Dauid  was,  when 
hee  faide  :  '  The  zeale  of  thy  houfe  hath  eaten  me  vp.'  Shee  followed 
the  commaundenient  of  our  Sauiour  Chrift,  who  biddeth  vs  to  fearch 
the  Scriptures,  for  in  them  you  hope  to  haue  eternal  life.  She  obeied 
the  commandement  of  the  Apoflle,  who  biddeth  women  to  be  filent, 
and  to  learne  of  their  hufbands  at  home.  She  would  fuffer  no  dif- 
order  or  abufe  in  her  houfe,  to  be  either  vnreproued,  or  vnreformed. 
And  fo  gentle  was  fhee,  and  curteous  of  nature,  that  fhe  was  neuer 
heard  to  giue  any  the  lie,  nor  fo  much  as  to  (thou)  any  in  anger. 
Shee  was  neuer  knowen  to  fall  out  with  any  of  her  neighbours,  nor 
with  the  leaft  childe  that  liued :  much  lefle  to  fcolde  or  brawle,  as 
many  will  now  adayes  for  euerie  trifle,  or  rather  for  no  caufe  at  all. 
And  fo  folitarie  was  fhee  giuen,  that  fliee  woulde  verie  feldome,  or 
neuer,  and  that  not  without  great  compulfion,  go  abroade  with  any, 
either  to  banquet  or  feafl,  to  goflip  or  make  merie  (as  they  tearme  it), 
infomuch  that  fliee  hath  beene  accufed  to  doo  it  in  contempt  and 
difdaine  of  others. 

When  her  hufbande  was  abroade  in  London,  or  elfewhefe,  there 
was  not  the  deareft  friend  fhe  had  in  the  world  that  coulde  get  her 

for  Chriftian  women.  199 

abroad  to  dinner  or  fupper,  or  to  any  other  exercife  what  foeuer :    She'd  not  go  to 

-111  parties  alone. 

neither  was  Ihe  giuen  to  pamper  her  bodie  with  delicate  meates, 

wines,  or  flrong  drinke,  but  refrained  them  altogether.     And  as  fhe   [leaf  A  3] 

excelled  in  the  gift  of  fobrietie,  fo  (he  furpaffed  in  the  vertue  of 

humilitie.     For  it  is  well  knowne   to   diuerfe   yet   liuing,  that  fhe 

vtterly  abhorred  all  kinde  of  pride,  both  in  apparell,  and  otherwife.    Sheabhon-d 

She  coulde  neuer  abide   to  heare   any  filthie  or  vncleane   talk    of  talk; 

fcurrilkie,  neither  fwearing  nor  blafpheming,  curling  nor  banning, 

but  would  reproue  them   fharply,  mewing  them  the  vengeance  of 

God  due  for  fuch  deferts.     And  which  is  more,  there  was  neuer  one 

filthy,  vncleane,  vndecent,  or  vnfeemly  word  heard  to  come  forth  of 

her  mouth,  nor  neuer  once  to  curfe  or  ban,  to  fweare  or  blafpheme 

God  any  maner  of  way  :  but  alwayes  her  fpeach  were  fuch,  as  both 

glorified  God,  and  miniftred  grace  to  the   hearers,  as  the  Apoflle 

fpeaketh.     And  for  her  conuerfation,  there  was  neuer  any  man  or 

woman  that  euer  opened  their  mouthes  againft  her,  or  that  euer  either 

did  or  could  accufe  her  of  the  lead  fhadow  of  difhoneflie,  fo  con-   iivd  continently, 

tinently  fhe  liued,  and  fo  circumfpedly  fhe  walked,  efchewing  euer  «howofeyU. 

the  outward  appearance  or  fliewe  of  euill.     Againe,  for  true  loue  and 

loialtie  to   her  hufband,  and  his  friends,  ihe  was  (let  me  fpeake  it 

without  offence),  I  thinke,  the  rareft  in  the  worlde :  for  fhee  was  fo   She  was 

farre   from    perfwading   her    hufbande    to    bee   lefle   beneficiall   to   qramathizd  with 

her  husband, 

his  friendes,  that  fhee  woulde  perfwade  him  to  bee  more  beneficiall   and  never  crosst 


to  them.  If  fhe  lawe  her  hufband  merrie,  then  Ihee  was  merrie  j  if 
hee  were  fadde,  (he  was  fadde  j  if  he  were  heauie,  or  paflionate,  fhee 
would  endeuour  to  make  him  glad  -,  if  he  were  angrie,  fhe  would 
quickely  pleafe  him,  fo  wifely  fhee  demeaned  her  felfe  towardes  him. 
Shee  woulde  neuer  contrarie  him  in  any  thing,  but  by  wife  counfaile, 
and  politike  aduice,  with  all  humilitie  and  fubmillion,  feeke  to  per 
fwade  him.  And  fo  little  giuen  was  fhe  to  this  worlde,  that  fome  of 
her  neighbours  maruayled  why  fhee  was  no  more  caref  nil  of  it,  and  She  card  not  for 
would  afke  her  fometimes,  faying  :  "  Miftrefle  Stulles,  why  are  you  no  for  God. 
more  careful  1  for  the  things  of  this  life,  but  fit  alwayes  poaring  vppon 
a  booke,  and  ftudying?"  To  whome  fhe  woulde  anfwere :  "  If  I  Ihoulde 
be  a  friend  to  this  worlde,  I  fhoulde  be  an  enemie  to  GOD  :  for  God 
and  the  worlde  are  two  contraries.  lohn  biddeth  mee,  '  loue  not  the 
world ' :  affirming,  that  if  I  loue  the  world,  the  loue  of  the  father  is 


A  Chriftall  Glaffe 

Deaf  A  3,  back] 

She  felt  she 
should  not  live 

but  should  die 
in  child-birth. 

Her  boy  was 

and  she  did  very 

till  a  burning 
ague  seizd  her. 

She  never  slept 
an  hour  together 
for  6  weeks ; 

but  in  all  her 
suffering,  no 
impatient  word 
escapt  her. 

not  in  me.  Againe,  Chrift  biddeth  mee,  h'rft  feeke  the  kingdome  of 
heauen,  and  the  righteoufneffe  thereof,  and  then  all  thefe  worldly 
things  ihall  be  giuen  to  me.  '  GodlinelTe  is  great  riches  if  a  man  be 
content  with  that  he  hath.'  I  haue  chofen  with  good  Martha  the 
better  part,  which  fhall  neuer  be  taken  from  me.  Gods  treafure 
(fhee  would  fay)  is  neuer  drawne  drie.  I  haue  inough  in  this  life,  God 
make  me  thankeful,  and  I  know  I  haue  but  a  fhort  time  to  Hue  here, 
and  it  ftandeth  me  vpon  to  haue  regard  to  my  faluation  in  the  life  to 
come."  Thus  this  godly  yong  woman  helde  on  her  courfe  three  or 
foure  yeares  after  fhee  was  married :  at  which  time  it  pleafed  God, 
that  me  conceyued  with  a  man  childe :  after  which  conception  me 
would  fay  to  her  hufband,  and  many  other  her  good  neighbours  and 
friends,  not  once,  nor  twice,  but  manie  times,  that  me  mould  neuer 
beare  more  children,  that  that  child  woulde  bee  her  death,  and  that 
fhee  fhoulde  liue  but  to  bring  that  childe  into  the  worlde.  Which 
thing  (no  doubt)  was  reuealed  vnto  her  by  the  Spirite  of  God,  for  ac 
cording  to  her  prophecie,  fo  it  came  to  pafTe. 

The  time  of  her  account  being  come,  fhee  was  deliuered  of 
a  goodly  man  childe,  with  as  much  fpeede,  and  as  fafely  in  all  womens 
Judgements,  as  any  could  be.  And  after  her  deliuerie,  me  grewe  fo  ftrong. 
and  luftie,  that  me  was  able  within  foure  or  nue  dayes  to  fit  vp  in  her 
bed,  and  to  walke  vp  and  downe  her  chamber,  and  within  a  fortnight, 
to  goe  abroade  in  the  houfe,  being  throughly  well,  and  paft  all 
daungers,  as  euerie  one  thought.  But  prefentiy  vpon  this  fo  fudden 
recouerie,  it  pleafed  God  to  vilite  her  againe,  with  an  extreame  hote 
and  burning  quotidian  Ague,  in  which  ficknes  me  languifhed  for  the 
fpace  of  fix  weekes,  or  there  aboutes.  During  all  which  time,  fhee 
was  neuer  feene,  nor  perceiued  to  fleepe  one  houre  together,  neither 
night  nor  day ;  and  yet  the  Lord  kept  her  (which  was  miraculous)  in 
her  perfect  vnderllanding,  fence,  and  memorie,  to  the  laft  breath  j 
prayfed  bee  the  Lorde  therefore  !  In  all  her  iickenefle,  which  was 
both  long  and  grieuous,  fhe  neuer  fhewed  any  figne  of  difcontentment, 
or  of  impaciencie  :  neither  was  there  euer  heard  one  worde  come 
forth  of  her  mouth,  founding  either  of  defperation,  or  infidelitie  :  ot 
miftruft,  or  diflruft,  or  of  any  doubting  or  wauering,  but  alwayes 
remayned  faithfull,  and  refolute  in  her  God.  And  fo  defirous  was 
fhe  to  be  with  the  Lorde,  that  thefe  golden  fentenfes  were  neuei 

for  Chriftian  women.  201 

forth  of  her  mouth,  "  I  defire  to  be  diiTolued,  and  to  be  with  Chrift."   Deaf  A  4] 

And,  "oh  miferable  wretch  that  I  am,  who  mail  deliuer  me  from  this 

bodie  fubieft  to  linne  ?    Come  quickly,  Lord  lefus,  come  quickly !   She  desird  to  be 

;  .          set  free,  and  to 

Like  as  the  heart  defireth  the  water  fprings,  fo  dooth  my  foule  thirfl  be  with  Christ. 

after  thee,  O  God.     I  had  rather  bee  a  doorekeeper  in  the  houie  of 

my  God,  then  to  dwell  in  the  tentes  of  the  wicked  :  "  with  manie 

other  heauenly  fentences,  which  (leaft  I  fhould  feeme  to  tedious)  1 

willingly  omit.     She  would  alwaies  pray  in  her  fickeneffe  abfolutely, 

that  God  would  take  her  out  of  this  rniierable  worlde  :  and  when  her 

hulband  and  others  would  defire  her  to  pray  for  health,  if  it  were  the 

will  of  God :  Shee  would  anfwere, "  I  pray  you,  pray  not  that  I  fhoulde 

Hue,  for  I  thinke  it  long  to  be  with  my  God.     Chrift  is  to  me  life, 

and  death  is  to  me  aduantage.     I  cannot  enter  into  life,  but  by  death,   She  knew  death 

was  the  door  to 

and  therfore  is  death  the  doore  or  enterawce  into  euerlafting  life  to  everlasting  life. 

me.     I  knowe  and  am  certainly  perfwaded  by  the  fpirite  of  God, 

that  the  fentence  of  my  death  is  giuen  alreadie,  by  the  great  ludge,  in 

the  Court  or  Parliament  of  heauen,  that  I  (hall  nowe  depart  out  of 

this  life  :  and  therefore  pray  not  for  me,  that  I  might  liue  here,  but 

pray  to  God  to  giue  me  ftrength,  and  pacience,  to  perfeuere  to  the  ende, 

and  to  clofevp  mine  eyes  in  a  iuftifying  faith  in  the  blood  of  my  Chrift." 

Sometimes  me  would  fpeake  very  foftly  to  herfelfe,  and  fometimes 

very  audibly,  thefe  words,  doubling  them  a  thoufande  times  together, 

"  Oh  my  good  God,  why  not  nowe  ?     Why  not  nowe,  oh  my  good 

God  ?  I  am  readie  for  thee,  I  am  prepared,  oh  receyue  me  nowe  for 

thy  Chrift  his  fake.     Oh  fend  thy  meflenger  death  to  fetch  me,  fend  She  prayd  God 

to  send  and 

thy  fergeant  to  areft  me,  fend  thy  purfeuant  to  apprehend  me,  thy  fetch  her. 

herauld  to  fummon  me  :  oh  fend  my  lailour  to  deliuer  my  foule  out 

of  prifon,  for  my  bodie  is  nothing  elfe  but  a  filthie  ftinking  prifon  to 

my  foule.     Oh  fende  thy  holie  Angels  to  conduct  my  foule  into  the 

euerlafting  kingdome  of  heauen !  "  Other  fome  times  me  would  lie  as 

it  were  in  a  flumber,  her  eies  clofed,  &  her  lips  vttering  thefe  words 

very  foftly  to  her  felfe  :  "  Oh  my  fweete  lefus,  oh  my  loue  lefus  :  why  She  calld  on 

not  nowe,  fweete  lefus,  why  not  nowe  ?  "  as  you  heard  before.     "  Oh       ""' 

fweete  lefus,  pray  for  mee !  pray  for  me,  fweete  lefus ! "  repeating  them 

many  times  together.     Thefe  and  infinite  the  like  were  her  dayly 

fpeaches,  and  continuall  meditations:  and  neuer  worfer  worde  was  [leaf  A  4,  back] 

there  heard  to  come  forth  of  her  mouth  during  all  the  time  of  hei 


A  Chriftall  GlaiTe 

She  often  smil'd 

seeing  visions 
and  heavenly 

She  took  leave 
of  her  boy,  and 

beqneatht  him 
to  me  as  the 

She  repented  of 
having  been  too 
fond  of  her  little 

[leaf  B] 

licknefle.  She  was  accuftomed  many  times  as  me  lay,  verie  fuddenly 
to  fall  into  a  fweete  fmiling,  and  fometimes  into  a  mofl  heartie 
laughter,  her  face  appearing  right  faire,  redde,  amiable,  and  louely : 
and  her  countenaunce  feemed  as  though  me  greatly  reioyced  at  fome 
glorious  fight.  And  when  her  hufband  would  afke  her  why  me 
fmiled  and  laughed  fo,  me  woulde  fay,  "  if  you  fawe  fuch  glorious 
vifions  and  heauenly  fights  as  I  fee,  you  would  reioyce  and  laugh 
with  me :  for  I  fee  a  vifion  of  the  ioyes  of  heauen,  and  of  the  glorie 
that  I  mall  go  to ;  and  I  fee  infinite  millions  of  Angels  attendant  vpon 
me,  and  watching  ouer  me,  readie  to  carrie  my  foule  into  the  king- 
dome  of  heauen."  In  regard  whereof,  me  was  willing  to  forfake  her- 
felfe,  her  hufband,  her  childe,  and  all  the  world  befides.  And  fo  call 
ing  for  her  childe,  which  the  Nurfe  brought  vnto  her,  me  tooke  it  in 
her  armes,  and  kiffing  it,  laid  :  "  God  bleife  thee,  my  fweete  babe,  and 
make  thee  an  heire  of  the  kingdome  of  heauen  :  "  and  killing  it  againe, 
deliuered  it  to  the  Nurfe,  with  thefe  words  to  her  hufband  ftanding 
by :  "  Beloued  hufband,  I  bequeath  this  my  child  vnto  you ;  he  is  nowe 
no  longer  mine,  he  is  the  Lords  and  yours.  I  forfake  him,  you,  and  all 
the  worlde,  yea,  and  mine  owne  felfe,  and  efleeme  all  things  dungue, 
that  I  may  winne  lefus  Chrift.  And  I  pray  you,  bring  vp  this  child 
in  good  letters,  in  difcipline  -}  and  aboue  all  things,  fee  that  he  be 
brought  vp  in  the  exercife  of  true  Religion." 

The  childe  being  taken  away,  me  fpyed  a  little  Puppie,  or  Bitch, 
(which  in  her  life  time  me  loued  well,)  lying  vpon  her  bed :  me  had 
no  fooner  fpied  her,  but  me  beate  her  away,  and  calling  her  hufband 
to  her,  faid  :  "  Good  hufband,  you  and  I  haue  offended  God  grieuoufly 
in  receyuing  this  Bitch  many  a  time  into  our  bed :  the  Lord  giue  vs 
grace  to  repent  for  it  and  al  other  vanities  !  "  And  afterward  coulde 
{hee  neuer  abide  to  looke  vpon  the  Bitch  any  more.  Hauing  thus 
godly  difpofed  of  all  things,  me  fell  into  an  extafie,  or  into  a  traunce 
or  fownde,  for  the  fpace  almoft  of  a  quarter  of  an  houre,  fo  as  euery 
one  thought  me  had  beene  dead.  But  afterward  me,  comming  to  her 
felfe,  fpake  to  them  that  were  prefent,  (as  there  were  many  both 
wormipfull  and  others)  faying  :  "  Right  worfhipfull  and  my  good 
neighbours  and  friends,  I  thanke  you  all,  for  the  great  paines  you  haue 
taken  with  me :  and  whereas  I  am  not  able  to  requite  you,  I  befeech 
the  Lord  to  reward  you  in  the  kingdome  of  heauen.  And  for  that  I 

for  Chriftian  women.  203 

knowe  that  my  hower-glaffe  is  run ne  out,  and  my  time  of  departure 

hence  is  at  hande,  I  am  perfwaded,  for  three  caufes,  to  make  a  con-   she  wisht  to 

felfion  of  my  fayth,  before  you  all.     The  firft  caufe  that  moueth  me  of  her  faith, 

is,  for  that  thofe  (if  there  be  any  fuch  here)  that  are  not  thorowly  others ; ' 

refolued  in  the  trueth  of  God,  may  heare  and  learne  what  the  fpirite 

of  God  hath  taught  me  out  of  his  blefled  and  alfauing  worde.    The  fecond 

caufe  that  moueth  me  hereto,  is,  for  that  none  of  you  fhoulde  iudge  2.  to  testify  that 

that  I  died  not  a  perfect  Chriftian,  and  a  liuely  member  of  the  myfti-   Christian; 

call  bodie  of  lefus  Chrift,  and  fo   by  your  rafh  Judgement   might 

incurre  the  difpleafure  of  God.     The  thirde  and  laft  caufe,  is  for  that,   3.  that  her 

rr          P  r  friends  might  be 

as   you  haue  beene  wimefles  of  part  of  my  life,  fo  you  might  bee  witnesses  of  her 

witnefles  of  my  faith  and  beliefe  alfo.     And  in  this  my  confeffion,  I 

woulde  not  haue  you  to  thinke,  that  it  is  I  that  fpeake  vnto  you,  but 

the  fpirite  of  God  which  dwelleth  in  me,  and  in  all  the  elect  of  God, 

vnleffe  they  be  reprobates:  for  Paul  fayeth,  Rom.  8,  'If  any  one 

haue  not  the  fpirite  of  Chrift  dwelling  in  him,  he  is  none  of  his.' 

This  bleffed  fpirite  hath  knocked  at  the  doore  of  my  heart,  and  God 

hath  giuen  mee  grace  to  open  the  doore  vnto  him,  and  hee  dwelleth 

in  me  plentifully.     And  therefore  I  pray  you  giue  me  pacience  a 

little,  and  imprint  my  wordes  in  your  hearts,  for  they  are  not  the 

wordes  of  flefh  and  blood,  but  of  the  fpirite  of  God,  by'whom  I  am 

fealed  to  the  day  of  redemption." 

A  mojl  heauenly  confejjion  of  the  Chriftian  faith,  My  Wife's 

made  by  this  llejjedferuant  of  God  Miftreffe  Faith.551" 

S tulles  a  little  before  Jhe  died. 

,Lthough  the  Maieftie  of  God  be  both  infinite  and 
vnfpeakeable,  and  therefore  can  neither  be  con 
cerned  in  heart,  nor  exprefled  in  wordes,  yet  to 
the  end  you  may  know  what  that  God  is,  in 
whom  I  beleeue,  as  farre  as  he  hath  reuealed  him- 
felfe  vnto  vs  in  his  holy  worde,  I  will  define  him 
vnto  you,  as  the  fpirite  of  God  mall  illuminat  my 
heart.  I  heleeue  therefore  with  my  heart,  and  freely  confefTe  with  my  [leaf  B  i,  back] 
mouth,  here  before  you  all,  that  this  God  in  whom  I  beleeue,  is  a 
moft  glorious  fpirite,  or  fpirituall  fubftance,  a  diuine  eflence,  or 


A  Chriftall  Glaffe 

eflenciall  being,  without  beginning  or  ending,  of  infinite  glorie, 
power,  might  &  maieftie,  inuifible,  inaccefiible,  incomprehenfible,  and 
I  believe  in  God  altogether  vnfpeakable.  I  beleeue  and  confeffe,  that  this  glorious 
Godhead,  this  bleffed  fubftaunce,  effence,  or  being,  this  diuine  power 
which  we  call  God,  is  deuided  into  a  trinitie  of  Perfons,  the  father, 
the  fonne,  and  the  holy  fpirite,  diftin6t  onely  in  names  and  offices, 
but  all  one  and  the  fame  in  nature,  in  effence,  fubftance,  deitie, 
maieftie,  glorie,  power,  might,  and  eternitie.  ..... 

&c.,  &c.,  &c. 

I  believe  that 
we  shall  know 
each  other  in 

Dives  in  hell 
knew  Abraham 
and  Lazarus  in 

Much  more  shall 
we  know  one 
another  in  the 
life  to  come, 

"  When  God  had  caft  Adam  into  a  deade  fleepe,  and  made  woman 
of  a  ribbe  of  his  fide,  hee  brought  her  vnto  him,  and  he  knewe  her 
ftreight  way,  and  called  her  by  her  name.  Coulde  Adam  in  the  ftate  of 
innocencie  knowe  his  wife,  hee  lying  in  a  dead  ileepe,  whileft  (he  was 
in  making  ?  And  fliall  not  we  being  reftored  to  a  farre  more  excellent 
dignitie  and  perfection,  then  euer  was  Adam  in,  not  knowe  one 
another  ?  Shall  our  knowledge  bee  leife  in  heauen  then  it  is  in  earth  ? 
Doo  wee  knowe  one  another  in  this  life,  where  wee  knowe  but  in 
part,  and  fee  as  it  were  but  in  a  Glafle,  and  mall  wee  not  knowe 
one  an  other  in  the  life  to  come,  where  all  ignoraunce  mall  bee  done 
away  ? 

"In  the  i6.of  Luke,  we  reade  howe  that  the  riche  man  lying  in  hell, 
knewe  Abraham  and  Lazarus  in  heauen.  Then  I  reafon  thus  :  If  the 
wicked  that  be  in  hell  in  torments  do  know  thofe  that  be  in  heauen 
fo  farre  aboue  them  :  how  much  more  mall  the  godly  knowe  one 
another,  beeing  altogether  in  one  place,  and  fellowe  Citizens  in  the 
kingdome  of  heauen  ?  We  reade  alfo  in  the  17.  of  Matth.  howe  our 
Sauiour  Chrift,  meaning  to  fhewe  vnto  his  difciples,  Peter,  lames,  and 
lohn,  as  it  were  a  fliadowe,  or  glimmering  of  the  ioyes  of  heauen,  and 
therefore  hee  is  fayde  to  bee  tranffigured  before  them,  and  his  face 
did  mine  as  the  Sunne,  and  his  apparell  was  like  the  light.  And  there 
appeared  vnto  them  Moyfes  and  ELias,  fayeth  the  text. 

"Then  it  followeth,  that  if  the  Difciples  being  in  their  naturall 
corruption,  and  but  in  madowe  or  glimmering  of  the  ioyes  of  heauen, 
did  knowe  Moyfes  and  Elias,  the  one  whereof  dyed  almofte  two  thou- 
fande  yeares  before,  the  other  not  much  leife,  howe  much  more  mall 
wee  knowe  one  another  in  the  life  to  come,  all  corruption  being  taken 

for  Chriflian  women.  205 

away,  and  we  in  the  full  fruition  and  pofTefiion  of  all  the  ioies  &  glory  of 

heauen?    This  is  my  fait1 ..  this  is  my  hope,  £  this  is  my  truftj  this  hath   [leaf  C  a,  back] 

the  fpirit  of  God  taught  me,  and  this  haue  I  learned  out  of  the  booke  of 

God.     And  (good  Lord)  that  haft  begun  this  goodnes  in  me,  finifh 

it,  I  befeech  thee,  &  ftrengthen  me  that  I  may  perfeuere  therein  to 

the  ende,  and  in  the  ende,  through  lefus  Chrift  my  onely  Lord  and 

fauiour."    And  me  had  no  fooner  made  an  end  of  this  moft  heauenly  When  she  had 

confeflion  of  her  faith,  but  Satan  was  readie  to  bid  her  the  combate  ;   was  ready  to 

attack  her 

whom  fhe  mightily  repulfed,  and  vanquifhed,  by  the  power  of  our 
Lord  lefus,  on  whom  fhe  conftantly  beleeued.  And  wheras  before 
fhe  looked  with  a  fweet,  louely,  and  amiable  countenance,  red  as  ttoe 
rofe,  and  moft  beautifull  to  beholde,  now  vpon  the  fudden,  me  bent 
the  browes,  fhe  frowned,  and  looking  (as  it  were)  with  an  angry, .  She  scowld  at 

him,  and  scorn J 

ftearne,  &  fierce  countenance,  as  though  fhe  faw  fome  filthie,  vggle-  him. 
fome,  and  difpleafant  thing,  fhe  bruft  foorth  into  thefe  fpeaches  fol 
lowing,  pronouncing  her  wordes  as  it  were  fcornefully  and  difdain- 
fully,  in  contempt  of  him  to  whom  fhe  fpake. 

A  mojl  wonderfull  conflict  letwixt  Satan  and  her  HOW  my  Wife 

foule,  and  of  her  valiant  conquejl  in  the 
fame,  ly  the  power  of  Chrift. 

Ownow,  Satan?  what  makes  thou  here?  Art  thou 
come  to  tempt  the   Lords  feruant?  I  tell  thee, 
thou  hel-hound,  thou  haft  no  part  nor  portion  in   Hell-hound, 
me,  nor  by  the  grace  of  God  neuer  fhalt  haue.    I 
was,  now  am,  -and   fhalbe  the  Lords  for   euer. 
Yea,  Satan,  I  was  chofen  and  elected  in  Chrift  to 
euerlafting   faluation,  before   the    foundations    of    the  world  were 
laid :    and  therefore  thou  maift  get  the[e]   packing,  thou   damned  be  off! 
dog,  &  go  fhake  thine    eares,  for   in  me   haft    thou    nought.     But  bc^ne !  °J 
what  doft  thou  lay  to  my  charge,  thou  foule  fiend?     Oh,  that  I 
am  a  finner,  and  therefore  fhall  be  damned  :  I  confefle  in  deede  that 
I  am   a  finner,  and  a  grieuous  finner,  both  by  originall  finne,  and  Tho'iama 
a&uall  finne  j  and  that,  I  may  thanke  thee  for.    And  therfore,  Satan,  I   smner' 
bequeath   my  finne  to  thee,  from  whome  it   firft   proceeded,  and 
I  appeale  to  the  mercie  of  God  in  Chrift  lefus.     Chrift  came  to  faue  [leaf  c  3] 
finners  (as  he  faith  himfelfe)  and  not  the  righteous  :  '  behold  the 


A  Chriftall  GlafTe 

yet  Christ's 
blood  has 
cleansd  me. 

All  my  sins  arc 
pardond  for  his 
name's  sake. 

Deceitful  devil, 

Christ  has  paid 
my  debt  to  God 
for  me. 

Firebrand  of 
Hell,  avoid ! 

[leaf  C  3,  back] 

Pack !  Or  I  will 
call  on  Michael. 

Lambe  of  God  (faith  lohn)  that  taketh  away  the  finnes  of  the  world.' 
And  in  another  place,  he  crieth  out :  'the  blood  of  lefus  Chrift  doth 
cleanfe  vs  from  al  finne.'  And  therefore,  Satan,  I  conft'antly  beleeue 
that  my  finnes  are  warned  away  in  the  precious  blood  of  lefus  Chrift, 
and  mall  neuer  be  imputed  vnto  mee.  For  Chrifts  righteoufnefle  is 
my  righteoufnefle,  his  holinefle  my  holines,  his  innocencie  my  inno- 
cencie,  and  his  blood  a  full  recompence  and  fatiffaction  for  all  my 
finnes.  But  what  fayeft  thou  more,  Satan '  Dofl  thou  afke  me  how 
I  dare  come  to  him  for  mercy,  he  being  a  righteous  God,  and  I  a 
miferable  finner?  I  tell  the,  Satan,  I  am  bolde  thorow  Chrift  to 
come  vnto  him,  being  aflured  and  certaine  of  pardon  and  remiffion 
of  all  my  finnes  for  his  names  fake.  For,  doth  not  the  Lord  bid  all 
that  be  heauie  laden  with  the  burden  of  finne,  to  come  vnto  him,  and 
he  will  eafe  them  ?  Chriftes  armes  were  fpred  wide  open  (Satan) 
vpon  the  Croffe  (with  that  me  fpred  her  owne  armes)  to  embrace  me, 
and  all  penitent  finners  :  and  therefore  (Satan)  I  will  not  feare  to 
prefent  my  felfe  before  his  footftoole,  in  full  affurance  of  his  mercie 
for  Chrift  his  fake.  What  more,  Satan  ?  Doeft  thou  fay,  it  is  written, 
that  God  wil  reward  euery  one  according  to  his  works,  or  according 
to  his  deferts  ?  But  it  is  written  againe,  thou  deceitfull  deuill,  that 
Chrifts  righteoufneffe  is  my  righteoufnefle,  his  works  my  works,  his 
deferts  my  deferts,  &  his  precious  blood  a  full  fatiffa&ion  for  all  my 
finnes.  Oh,  but  God  is  a  iuft  God,  thou  faieft,  and  therefore  muft 
needs  in  iuftice  condemne  me.  I  grant  (Satan)  that  he  is  a  iuft  God, 
and  therefore  hee  cannot  in  iuftice  punifh  me  for  my  finnes,  which 
hee  hath  punifhed  alreadie  in  his  fonne.  It  is  againft  the  law  of  iuftice, 
to  punifh  one  fault  twice.  I  was,  and  am,  a  great  debter  vnto  God 
the  Father,  but  Chrift  lefus  hath  paied  the  debt  for  me :  and  there 
fore  it  ftandeth  not  with  the  iuftice  of  God  to  require  it  againe.  And 
therefore  auoid,  Satan,  auoid,  thou  firebrande  of  hell !  auoid,  thou 
damned  dog,  and  tempt  me  no  more !  for  he  that  is  with  me  is 
mightier  than  thou,  euen  the  mightie  and  victorious  Lion  of  the 
tribe  of  luda,  who  hath  bruized  thy  head,  and  hath  promifed  to  be  with 
his  children  to  the  end  of  the  world.  Auoid  therfore,  thou  daftard, 
auoid,  thou  cowardly  fouldier,  remooue  thy  fiege,  and  yeelde  the 
field  wonne,  &  get  thee  packing,  or  elfe  I  wil  cal  vpon  my  grand- 
captaine  Chrift  lefus,  that  valiant  Michael,  who  beate  thee  in  heauen, 

for  Chriftian  women.  207 

and  threw  thee  downe  to  hell,  with  all  thy  hellifh  traine,  and  diuelifh 
crew."     She  had  fcarcely  pronounced  the  laft  wordes,  but  me  fell  fud-   Then  s 

for  Satan  ran  off 

denly  into  a  fweet  fmiling  laughter,  faying,  "  Now  is  he  gone,  now  is  Wce^a  beaten 

he  gone !  do  you  not  fee  him  flie  like  a  cowarde,  and  runneaway  like 

a  beaten  cocke?     He  hath  loft  the  fielde,  and  I  haue  wonne  the 

victorie,  euen  the  garland,  and  crowne  of  euerlafting  life  j  and  that, 

not  by  my  owne  power  or  ftrength,  but  by  the  power  and  might  of 

lefus  Chrift,  who  hath  fent  his   holy  Angels  to  keepe  me."     And 

fpeaking  to  them  that  were  by,  me  faid,  "  would  God  you  faw  but 

what  I  fee!    Do  you  not  fee  infinite  millions  of  moft  elorious  Angels   She  saw  millions 

of  Angels  about 

ftand  about  me,  with  fine  charets  ready  to  defend  me,  as  they  did  the   her- 
good  prophet  Elizeus.     Thefe  holy  Angels,  thefe  miniftring  fpirits, 
are  appointed  by  God  to  carrie  my  foule  into  the  kingdome  of  heauen, 
where  I  mall  behold  the  Lord  face  to  face,  and  mail  fee  him,  not 
with  other,  but  with  thefe  fame  eyes.     Now  am  I  happie  and  blefled 
for  euer,  for  I  haue  fought  the  good  fight,  and  by  the  might  of  Chrift   By  Christ's 
haue  wonne  the  vi£torie.     Now  from  henceforth  mall  I  neuer  tafte   won  the  victory. 
neither  of  hunger  nor  cold,  paine  nor  woe,  miferie  nor  affliction, 
Vexation  nor  trouble,  feare  nor  dreade,  nor  of  any  other  calamitie,  or 
aduerfitie,  whatfoeuer.     From  henceforth  is  laid  vp  for  mee  a  crowne 
of  life,  which  Chrift  fhal  giue  to  thofe  that  feare  him.     And  as  I  am 
now  in  poifeflion  thereof  by  hope,  fo  mail  I  bee  anon  in  full  fruition 
thereof  by  prefence  of  my  foule,  and  hereafter  of  my  bodie  alfo,  when 
the  Lord  doth  pleafe."    Then  fhe  fpake  foftly  to  herfelfe  as  followeth. 
"  Come,  Lord  lefus,  come, my  lone  lefus,  oh  fende  thy  purfeuant  (fweet   She  caiid  on 
lefus)   to  fetch  me !     Oh   (fweet  lefus)  ftrengthen   thy  feruant,  &  her. 
keepe  thy  promile  !  "  Then  fang  fhe  diuers  Pfalmes  moft  fweetly,  and   She  sang  Psalms 
with  a  chearefull  voice :  which  done,  me  defired  her  hulband  that  the 
103.  Pfalme  might  bee  fung  before  her  to  the  Church.     And  further, 
mee  defired  him  that  hee  woulde  not  mourne  for  her,  alledging  the   she  bade  me  not 
Apoftle  Paul,  where  he  faith  :  '  Brethren,  I  woulde  not  haue  you  to 
mourne,  as  men  without  hope,  for  them  that  die  in  the  Lord  ' :  affirm 
ing  that  fhe  was  not  in  cafe  to  be  mourned  for,  but  rather  to  bee 
reioyced  for:  for  that  (hee   mould   pafie  (Ihe  faide)  from  earth  to   [leaf €4] 
heauen ;    from  men   to  hohe   Saints,  to  Angels,  to  Cherubins  and 
Seraphins,  yea  to  God  himfelfe.     After  which  wordes.  very  fuddenly, 

rt        .  *       Sheloolct 

ihe  leemed,  as  it  were,  greatly  to  reioyce,  and  to  looke  very  cheere-   cheerfully, 


and  welconid 
death ; 

commended  her 
spirit  to  her 

and  then  slept 
sweetly  in  the 

She  was  but  18 
when  she  died. 
May  we  all 
follow  her 
example ! 

208       A  Chriftall  Glafle  for  Chriftian  women. 

fully,  as  though  ihe  had  feene  fome  glorious  fight :  and  lifting  vp  her 
whole  body,  and  ftretching  foorth  both  her  armes,  as  though  fhee 
would  imbrace  foraething,  faid  :  "I  thanke  my  God,  through  lefus 
Chrift,  he  is  come,  he  is  come,  my  good  layler  is  come  to  let  my 
faule  out  of  prifon  !  Oh  fweet  death,  thou  art  welcome,  welcome, 
fweet  death  !  neuer  was  there  any  guefl  fo  welcome  to  mee  as  thou 
art !  Welcome,  the  meffenger  of  euerlafting  life  :  welcome,  the  doore 
and  enterance  into  euerlafting  life  :  welcome  (I  fay),  and  thrife  wel 
come,  my  good  layler !  do  thy  office  quickly,  and  fet  my  foule  at 
libertie.  Strike  (fweet  death),  ftrike  my  heart,  I  feare  not  thy  blowe. 
Now  it  is  done.  Father,  into  thy  bleffed  hands  I  commend  my  fpirit ! 
Sweete  lefus,  into  thy  bleffed  hands  I  commend  my  fpirit !  BleiTed 
fpirit  of  God,  I  commit  my  foule  into  thy  handes  !  Oh  moft  holy, 
bleffed,  and  glorious  Trinitie,  three  perfons  and  one  true  euerlafting 
God,  into  thy  bleffed  handes  I  commit  both  my  foule  and  my  bodie  :  " 
at  which  wordes  her  breath  ftaied  j  and  fo,  neither  mouing  hand  nor 
foot,  ihe  flept  fweetly  in  the  Lord. 

Thus  haft  thou  heard  (gentle  Reader)  the  difcourfe  of  the  vertuous 
life  and  chriftian  death  of  this  faithfull  feruaunt  of  God,  Miftreffe 
Katherine  Studies :  which  is  fo  much  the  more  wonderfull,  in  that 
fhe  was  but  yong  and  tender  of  yeares,,  not  exceeding  the  number  of 
xviii.  when  fhe  departed  this  life.     The  Lorde  giue  vs  all  grace  to 
follow  her  good  example,  that  we  may  come  to  thofe  vnfpeakeable 
ioyes  wherin  fhe  now  refteth,  through  lefus  Chrift  our 
Lorde  j  to  whome  with  the  Father,  and  the  holy 
Ghoft,  be  all  honour,  glorie,  praife,  domin 
ion,  and  thankefgiuing,  both  nowe  and 
euermore.     Amen. 

FINIS.     P.  S.  Gent. 






WRITTEN    IN    1592. 

[The  original  is  a  pretty  little  dumpty  volume,  3^  inches  high  by  2^  inches 
broad.  Collation  f  1-8.  A.  to  T  in  8s.  IF  i,  the  1st  leaf,  is  blank  ;  the 
last  leaf  and  page  before  it  (T.  8  and  7  back)  are  blank  too  ;  all  the  leaves 
are  borderd. 

Mr  Hy.  Huth's  copy  (from  Heber's  library),  which  he  has  kindly  lent  me,  is  in  its 
original  gilt  vellum  cover,  with  the  initials  R  D,  separated  by  a  rose,  on  each 
of  the  two  sides.  The  borders  and  initials  in  this  partial  reprint  are  not  of 
the  same  patterns  as  those  in  the  original.] 



ED.  1593  (AND  1610). 

Blank.     IT  2.   Title. 

The  Epistle  Dedicatorie. 

t  The  Preface. 

Certaine  Graces  to  bee  saide  be 

fore  and  after  meat. 
Thankesgiuing  after  meate. 
A  3,  bk.   Another  prayer  before  meate. 
A  4,  bk.  An  other  praier  after  meate. 
A  5.    A  praier  before  meate. 
A  6.    A  thankesgiuing  after  meate. 
A  7.    A  note  to  knowe  the  beginning 
and     ending    of    the     foure 
Tearmes  of  the  yeare.     (A  8, 
back,  blank.) 
B  I.    Speciall  Meditations  for  all  times 

and  for  all  persons. 
B  4,  bk.   Precepts   and    directions   for 

the  morning. 

B  5.    Meditations  in  the  morning. 
B  6,  bk.   Meditations  to  bee  considered 
of  at  the  rising  of  the  Sunne. 
C  I.     A  praier  for  the  morning. 
C  4.     Precepts  at  thy  going  foorth  of 

thy  Chamber. 
C  4,  bk.   Meditations   in  the   washing 

of  ones  face  and  hands. 
k.  A   praier  to  be  said   at  the 
washing    of   ones    face    and 

Meditations  before  and  at  dinner. 
A  praier  before  meate. 
Directions  how  a  Christian  should 

behaue  himselfe  at  the  table. 
f  A  Thanks-giuing  to  God  after 


Meditations  after  dinner. 
D  3,  bk.  Directions    how    to    behaue 
thy    selfe    before    and    after 
D  4,  bk.  A  thankes  giuidg  [so]  to  God 

before  Supper. 
D  6,  bk.   A  thankesgiuing  to  God  after 

D  7.    Directions  of  Christian  behauiour 

after  Supper. 
D  8.    f  Meditations  when  thou  comest 

into  thy  chamber. 

E  2,  bk.   f  A     Prayer     when     sleepe 
cometh  vpon  one. 

C  5> 

D  I. 
D  2. 

E  6.  f  A  Praier  when  one  awakes  out 
of  sleepe. 

E  6,  bk.  f  Meditations  when  one  awak- 
eth  out  of  sleepe. 

E  7.  f  A  Praier  to  be  said  at  the  breake 
of  the  day. 

E  8.  t  Meditations  at  the  appearing 
of  the  day. 

F  I.  f  A  Praier  when  one  ariseth  forth 
of  his  bed. 

F  I,  bk.  f  Meditations  when  one  aris 
eth  out  of  his  bed. 

F  2,  bk.  f  A  praier  to  be  said  at  the 
putting  on  of  a  mans  clothes. 

F  3.  f  Christian  directions  for  the 

F  5.  f  [Fresh  Title.  ]  A  SHORT  /  Treat 
ise,  of  praiers  \  and  Supplica-  / 
tions  ;  /  COMPRISING  fa  briefe 
summe  of  all  such  /  things  as 
we  stand  /  in  need  of  in  this  / 
life.  /  By  the  same  Aiithor.  / 
P.  S.  Gent.  /  (F  5,  back,  blank. ) 

F  6.    f  A  Praier  for  the  Morning. 

F  7.    f  A  Prayer  for  the  Euening. 

F  8,  bk.  f  A  generall  confession  of  our 
sins  to  God  the  Father,  neces 
sary  to  be  said  at  all  times. 

G  3,  bk.  A  confession  of  our  sinnes  to 
Christ  lesus  our  sauiour,  with 
desire  of  forgiuenes. 

G  5.  A  fruitfull  praier  to  God  the  holie 

G  6,  bk.  A  Praier  for  the  Queenes1 

G  8,  bk.  A  praier  to  be  said  of  all  such 
as  be  maiestrates  and  rulers  in 
the  common  wealth. 

H  2.   A  praier  for  the  increase  of  faith. 

H  3,  bk.  A  praier  against  the  deuill, 
the  world  and  the  flesh. 

H  4,  bk.  A  praier  for  Gods  direction 
in  all  things  which  we  take  in 

H  5,  bk.  A  praier  for  a  competent  and 
a  necessarie  liuing. 

H  7,  bk.  A  praier  for  grace  that  wee 
may  vse  our  wealth  to  the 
glorie  of  God. 

1  Kings,  ed.  1610,  which  also  alters  her  to  his,  and  [our  souereigne]  '  Ladie  and  goiiernesse ' 
to  '  Lord  and  gouerner? 

t  From  the  1610  edition,  my  copy  of  the  1592  one  being  imperfect. 

[Continued  at  back  of  Title.} 


A    perfect     Pathway 

to  Felidtie. 

Containing   gocllie 

Meditations,  and  Pray- 
ers,  fit  for  all  times,  and 
neceffarje  to  be  prac 
ticed  of  all  good 


Imp  ri  u ted   by    Hu mj rey 

Lownes,   dwelling  on 

Bread    Street    hill,    at 

the   figne  of   the 

Star.    1610. 



I  I.     A 

praiet  to  be  said  of  women 
with  childe. 

praier  for  godly  wisedome. 
A  praier  against  all  kind  of 

praier  when  one  taketh  a  iour- 
ney  in  hand. 
I  7,  bk.  A  thanksgiuing  to  God  after 
ones  returne   home  from   his 

praier  for  euerie  subiect  of  a 
common  wealth. 
A  praier  to  be  said  of  those 
that  be  vnmaried. 
A  praier  to  be  said  of  those 
that  are  maried. 
A  praier  to  be  said  of  those 
that  be  maisters  of  housholds. 
praier  to  be  said  of  seruants. 
praier  to  obtaine   the  grace 
and  fauour  of  God. 
praier  to  God  for  a  quiet  con 

A  praier  for  a  true  and  liuely 

A  praier  for  loue  and  charitie. 
praier  against  pride,  and  for 

praier  for  a  good  name. 
A  praier  for  patience  in  sick- 
praier  for  the  assistance  of 

13-     A 

16.     A 

K  i.    A 

K  2,  bk. 
K  3,  bk. 
K  5,  bk. 

K8.'  A 
L2.  A 
L  3,  bk. 

L  4,  bk. 
L6.  A 

L7.  A 
L  8,  bk. 

M2.  A 

Gods    holie  Angels    in    any 

extremitie   or  neede  whatso- 

M  3,  bk.  A     praier     against     sudden 

M  5.  A  praier  for  one  that  is  sicke,  and 

at  the  poynt  of  death. 
M  7,  bk.   A  praier  for  those  that   be 

rich  and  wealthie. 
N  i,  bk.  A  praier  for  those  that  bee 

poore  and  needie. 
N  3.    A   praier   for   the   increase   and 

presentation  of  the  fruits  of 

the  earth. 
N  4,  bk.  A  praier  against  couetousnes 

and  auarice. 
N  6,  bk.    A  praier  to  be  said  before  the 

reading,  studying,  or  hearing 

of  Gods  word. 

N  8.    A  praier  against  swearing. 
O  I,  bk.  A    praier    against   drunken- 

O  3.    A  praier  against  slouthfulnesse 

and  idlenesse. 

O  4.    A  praier  for  those  that  are  per 
secuted  for  the  truth. 
O  6,  bk.  A  praier  for  Godly  wisedome. 
O  7,  bk.  A  praier  for  grace  to  be  mind- 
full  to  die. 
P  I,  bk.  t  A   Thanks -giuing    to   God 

for  all  his  graces  and  blessings 

bestowed  vpon  vs. 

The  first  edition  of  1592  ends  on  the  back  of  sign.  P  5. 


uerlasting  GOD  bee  all  /  honour,  glorie, 

prayse  do/1  minion  power,  and 

thanks /giuing  for  euermore. 


Vni  Deo  &*  trino  sit, 
omnis  gloria 


1 6 10. 

and  euerlasting  GOD,  be 
all  honour,  glorie,  praise, 
might  power  maiestie  and 
1  dominion,  now  and  for  euer. 

(i)  A  Praier  for  the  Church. 

O    Singular    louer    of    vs, 
Christ   lesu,    O   Bride- 
groome  to  whom  thy  Church 
is  most  deare,  and  which  hast 
promised  that   thou  wilt  ne- 
[Ornament.]  uer  faile  her  :  increase  her ; .  .  . 

The  after  prayers  in  ed.  1610  are : — (2)  A  Prayer  for  the  forgiuenes  of  sinnes 
(P  6,  back).  (3)  Another  (Q  3).  (4)  Prayse  and  (5)  Prayer  for  Gods  mercy 
towards  vs  (Q  5,  back).  (6)  A  Prayer,  in  meditating  on  Christs  Passion 
(R  I,  back).  (7)  Another  (R  5).  (8)  A  Prayer  to  Christ  in  glorie  (R  6, 
back).  (9)  A  Prayer  before  the  hearing  of  Gods  word  (R  8).  (10)  A 
Prayer  for  Gods  Grace  (S  2).  (u)  A  Prayer  for  confidence  in  God  alone 
(S  3,  back).  (12)  A  Prayer  for  true  enlightning  (S  4,  back).  (13)  A  Prayer 
that  the  olde  man  may  die  in  vs  (S  6,  back).  (14)  A  Prayer  to  be  vsed 
by  the  sicke  (T  2).  (15)  A  Prayer,  in  the  time  of  Pestilence  (T  5).  Finis. 
(T  7,  front).  Back  of  T  7,  and  T  8,  blank,  tho'  with  borders. 
;*  sign.  P  5,  tack. 


The  Epistle  Dedicatorie 


lTo  the  right  worihipfull, 
vertuous,  and  godlie  Gentle- 
woman,  MiftrefTe  Katherine 
Milward,  moft  faithful  fpoufe 
to  the  no  leffe  worfhipfull,  wife  and 
religious  Gentleman,  Mailer  Willi 
am  Milward.  Efquire,  P.  S.  wilheth 

all  happie  fuccefle  in  this  life,  with  in- 

creafe  of  worfhip,  and  in  the  life 

to  come,  eternal  felicity  in  the 

Heauenly  Hierachie  by 

lefus  Chrift. 

Wo  things  peraduenture  (Right  Worjhipjull} 
may  be  maruailed  at,  concerning  this  little 
look :  *a$  namely)  firjl,  why  I  haue  pub- 
lijhed  it,  confidering  the  great  numler  of 
Books,  either  of  the  fame,  or  verie  like 
Argument,  extant  in  thefe  dayes.  Secondly, 
wherfore  I  haue  dedicated  it  rather  vntos 
you  then  to  ante  other.  For  the  Jirjl,  I 
protejl  before  God,  ivho  knoweth  the  fecrets 

of  all  hearts,  I  haue  not  pub  lijhed  it,  either  for  vain  glory,  lucre,  or 
*gaines,  nor  yet  for  any  other  priuate  refpec~l  of  my  owne  whatsoeuer  ; 
lut  at  the  injlant  requejl  and  earnejl  dejire  of  one  of  my  verie  good 
friends,  and  alliance  alfo,  who  yet  being  lining,  &  the  onely  man  that 
hath  borne  the  whole  charges  of  the  imprejjion  thereof,  both  can,  &  I 
know  will  (if  need  Jhould  require)  iujlifie  the  fame  again/I  any  that 
Jhold  bauerre  the  contrarie.  And  for  the  fecond,  when  I  confidered 
with  my  felfe  how  much  bound  1  haue  alwaies  beene  to  your  worjhip 

1  sign,  f  3.  *  sign.  U  3,  back.  3  y^  or^ 

4  sign,  f  4.  5  sjg^  f  4>  back^ 


The  Epiftle  Dedicatorie. 

cuerjince  the  time  that  I  was  Jirjl  acquainted  with  you,  for  your  good 
opinion  you  haue  euer  concerned  of  me,  &  fundrie  other  your  courtefies 
Jhewed  towards  me,  far  beyond  my  defer ts  or  expectation  :  As  alfo  when 
I  cabled  to  remembrance  your  feruent  zeale  which  you  haue  euer  born  to 
the  word  of  God  £5*  holy  religion,  your  exqui/ite  k?iowledge  therein,  your 
careful  indeuour  to  put  the  fame  in  pradiife,  &  to  frame  your  life  ther- 
after  :  Briefly,  when  I  rememlred  your  maruailous  humilitie  &  lowli- 
nejje  of  mind,  your  wonderfull  modefiie,  gentlenesse,  and  affability,  your 
^rare  continencie  and  integritie  of  life,  with  infinite  the  like  vertues  and 
graces,  wherewith  God  hath  beautified  &  adorned  your  worjhip  aboue 
manie  others  ;  I  say,  when  I  remembred  thefe  things,  with  many  mo,  I 
doe  no  lejje  (hauing  fo  Jit  an  occajion  giue?i  me  by  reafon  of  my  friends 
import unacie}  then  to  dedicate  thefe  my  labors  to  your  ^worjliip,  though 
not  as  a  guerdon  anfwerable  to  your  deferts,  yet  as  an  infallible  tejii- 
monie,  pledge,  and  token  of  my  thankful  goodwil  and  grateful  heart 
towards  you.  And  albeit  that  in  refpec~l  of  the  formal  method  of  the 
booke  (for  herein  I  haue  not  ji tidied  to  be  curious),  it  may  feeme  to  be 
bafe  and  contemptible,  and  fuch  as  is  farre  vnworthy  to  bee  4 exhibited, 
to  fo  wife,fo  difcreet,  fo  godly,  &  religious  a  gentlewoman;  yet  in 
regard  of  the  matter,  which  is  heauenly  and  diuine,  I  mojl  humbly 
befeech  you  to  accept  therof,  and  to  permit  the  fame  to  go  forth  to  the 
view  of  the  worlde  vnder  the  gard  of  your  proteSiion,  and  to  patronize 
both  the  author  &  the  booke  again/I  the  poyfoned  tongues  of  raiding 
Phormions  &  flouting  Momuffes,  to  whom  all  good  things  are  had  in 
difdaine.  And  info  doing,  both  Godjhall  bee  glorified  by  you,  the  church 
&  Saints  Jhall  praife  God  in  you,  &>  /  my  felfe  (bejides  that  I  will  not 
reft  vnthankfull  to  you  to  the  death)  will  not  ceafe  alfo  to  pray  to  God 
for  you.  And  thus  I  mojl  humblie  take  my  leaue.  From  my 
6  Chamber,  this  prefent 
tenth  of  AprilL 


Your  Worships  in  the  Lord. 
Philip  Stubs. 

sign,  f  5, 

sign.  IT  5,  back. 

*-"t>""      "    ,J"  c* —     ,      */' 

4  sign.  H  6,  back.  5  sign,  f  7, 


3  sign.  .. 
i.  U  7,  back 


A  perfect  Pathway  to  Felicity, 

Precepts  at  thy  going  forth 
of  thy  Chamber.. 

HEN  thou  goeft  foorth  of  thy  chamber,  salute  thy 
bed  fellow  (if  thou  haft  anie),  giuing  him  the  time 
of  the  day,  and  in  meeting  others  doe  the  like  (for 
ciuilitie  requireth  it).  And  when  thou  commeft 
into  the  prefence  of  thy  Parents,  not  onely  salute 
them,  but  alfo  fall  downe  vpon  thy  knees  before  them,  2and  defire 
them  to  praie  to  God  to  bless  thee.  When  thou  haft  fo  don,  wafli  thy 
face  &  thy  hands,  &  keep  thy  body  cleane  and  neat :  in  the  doing 
wherof,  meditate  thus  with  thy  felfe. 

Meditations  in  the  wafhing 
of  ones  face  and  hands. 

|S  ye  filthines  and  pollution  of  my  bodie  is  waflied 
&  made  clean  by  ye  element  of  water  ;  fo  is  my 
3  bodie  and  foule  purified  and  wafhed  from  the 
fpots  &  blemifhes  of  fin,  by  the  precious  blood  of 
lefus  Chrift.  Think,  alfo,  this  wafhing  putteth 
me  in  remembrance  of  my  baptifm,  of  my  fpirit- 
ual  birth  and  regeneration,  whereby  I  am  not 
onelie  borne  anew  by  the  operation  of  the  Holy-ghoft,  but  alfo  am 
fealed  vp  to  eternall  faluation,  thorowe  the  redemption  that  is  in 
Chrift.  Thefe  Meditations  ended,  pray  as  followeth : 

4  A  praier  to  be  faid  at  the  wa- 
jhing  of  ones  face  &  hands. 

Oft  gratious  God,  and  louing  Father,  who  haft  giuen  thy 
onelie  begotten  Son  lefus  Chrift,  to  fuffer  death  vppon 
the  Crofle  for  my  redemption  5    graunt,  I  moft  intirely 
befeech  thee,  for  his   fake,  that  as  this  my  bodie  is   now  warned 
*  sign.  C  4.  2  C  4,  back.  «  C  5.  4  C  5,  back. 


A  perfect  Pathway 

and  made  cleane  by  the  element  of  materiall  water,  fo  my  body  and 
foule  male  both  bee  purified  &  purged  from  all  vncleanneffe  and  nlthi- 
neffe  of  finne,  thorow  the  efficacie  of  thy  fonne  his  moft  precious 
bloud.  Thefe  things  thus  ordered,  go  forth  to  thy  labours  in  the 
feare  of  God,  doing  all  things  to  his  glorie,  and  the  good  of  thy 

Directions  how  a  Chriftian 

Jhould  behaue  himfelfe  at 

the  Table. 

Hen  thou  co?ramefi:  to  the  Table,  {hew  all  obeyfance 
and  curtefie,  behauing  thy  felfe  modeftlie,  humbly, 
and  foberly,  as  in  the  prefence  of  God.  Eate  fo 
much  as  nature  requireth,  not  how  much  infatiable 
appetite  defireth.  Be  fpare,  as  well  of  hande  as 
tongue.  Let  thy  countenance  be  amiable  and  pleafant  toward  all 
men.  Let  all  thy  communication  bee  feafone4  with  fait,  as  the 
Apoftle  fpeaketh,  that  it  maie  giue  grace  to  the  hearers,  remembring 
that  wee  rnuft  giue  accounts  at  the  daie  of  Judgement  for  euerie  idle 
word.  Vfe  not  to  laugh  much,  to  ieft,  or  fcoffe,  to  floute  or  mocke,  to 
deride,  backbite,  or  1  detract  anie  man  behinde  his  backe,  but  in  all 
things  fo  demeanor  thy  felfe,  that  thou  maift  neither  difhonour  thy 
God,  nor  giue  either  offence  or  euill  example  vnto  any  at  the  table. 
Dinner  being  ended,  giue  God  thanks  as  followeth. 

A  Thankf-giuing  to  God 
after  dinner. 

Oft    holy-father,  Lord    of   heauen    &    earth,  I    giue    thee 
thankes  in  2the  name  of  lefus  Chrift  for  all  thy  benefites 
and  bleffings  in  mercy  beftowed  vpon  mee  euer  fince  I  was 
borne.     And  namelie,  O,  I  praife  thee  for  feeding  my  hungry 
body,  as  alwaie's   heretofore,  fo  now  prefentlie   at  this  time,  with 
earthlie  f oode  j  befeeching  thee  to  feede  my  foule  likewife  with  the 
1  sign.  D.  2  sign.  D,  back. 


to  Felicity. 


celeftiall  foode  of  thy  holie  word.  And  I  pray  thee,  good  Lord,  that 
as  thou  haft  giuen  vnto  mee  the  vfe  of  thefe  1  earthly  creatures  in 
great  meafure,  fo  thou  wilt  in  mercie  vouchfafe  to  giue  vnto  me  the 
continual  fupply  of  all  my  neceffities  &  wants,  needfull  either  for  my 
foule,  or  bodie,  to  the  end,  and  in  the  end,  thorow  lefus  Chrift  our 

2  A  Thanks-giuing  to  God 
before  Supper. 


Ather  of  mercie,  and  God  of  all  truth,  looke 
downe,  I  beleech  thee,  from  the  throne  of  thy 
heauenly  palace  vpon  vs  thy  humble  feruants, 
albeit  moft  wretched  and  milerable  miners : 
fanctifie  both  our  bodies  &  foules,  by  the 
prefence  of  thy  holie  Spirite,  and  blefle  thefe 
thy  creatures  vnto  vs  :  giue  them  ftrength  to 
nourifh  our  bodies,  and  our  bodies  their  naturall  powers  and  force, 
euerie  member  to  performe  his  office  and  dutie,  according  as 
thou  haft  appointed,  &  as  thou  feeft  to  bee  beft  for  thy  glorie,  and 
the  fuftaining  and  repairing  of  our  ruinous  and  weake  natures.  And 
we  praie  thee,  good  father,  alfo,  to  feede  our  foules  with  the  celeftiall 
Manna  of  thy  blefled  worde,  and  bring  vs  once  to  fuppe  with  thee  in 
the  kingdome  of  heauen,  thorow  the  precious  bloud  of  lefus  Chrift. 
Then  fall  to  thy  meate  reuerently,  as  before  at  dinner,  hauing  al- 
waies  a  diligent  eye,  that  thou  abufe  not  the  good  creatures  of  GOD, 
by  gluttony,  drunkenefle,  gourmandife,  or  any  other  kinde  of  riot  or 
excefle.  Remember  that  nature  is  fatiffied  with  a  little  j  and  what  is 
more  then  will  suffice  nature  is  fupernuous ;  and  one  daie  thou  malt 
be  accomptable  for  it  to  the  great  ludge  of  all  the  earth.  Thy  body 
beeing  fatiffied,  forget  not  to  relieiie  the  neceffities  of  the  Saints, 
according  to  thy  abilitie,  that  God  maie  blefle  thee,  &  multiplie  thy 
ftore.  When  Supper  is  ended,  giue  god  thanks,  either  as  followeth, 
or  otherwife,  as  the  fpirit  of  God  fliall  illuminate  thy  heart.3 

1  sign.  D  2.  *  sign.  D  4,  back.  3  Ends  D  6,  front. 

'A  Thankf-giuing  to  God 
after  Supper. 

Lord   our  God,  moft  gratious  &  holy  father,  we 
render  all  praife  &  thankf-giuing  to  thy  foueraigne 
maiefty,  for  all  thy  benefites  and  bleffinges  fo  plenti- 
fu%  beftowed  vppon  vs.     And  namelie2  we  thanke 
thee  (holy  father)  for  thefe  thy  good  creatures,  which 
thou  haft  at  this  prefent  in  full  meafure  giuen  vnto  vs.  Oh  Lord,  make 
vs  thankefull    for   them,  &  pardon   our  vnthankfulnefle,  for   lefus 
Chrift  his  fake.     Finally,  make  vs  all  thy  true,  obedient,  &  faith- 
mil  feruants,  and  bring  vs  to  euerlafting  life  in  thy  good  time,  for  thy 
great  mercies  fake  in  thy  beloued,  Amen. 

Directions  of  Chriftian  behaui- 
our  after  supper. 

| He  reft  of  the  time  after  Supper,  vntill  thou  goeft 
to  bedde,  3fpend  with  thy  f  ami  lie,  either  in  finging 
of  Pfalmes  and  fpirituall  fongs,  finging  and  making 
melodic  to  the  Lord  in  your  hearts  -,  or  elfe  in  con 
ferring,  reafoning,  difputing,  and  talking  of  the  word 
of  God,  in  reading,  expounding,  or  interpreting  of  the  fame.  Then, 
when  time  calleth  thee  to  goe  to  bed,  call  thy  whole  houiholde  together 
in  fome  conuenient  place,  make  publike  confeffion  of  your  finnes  to 
God  the  Father,  craue  4  pardon  and  forgiueneffe  for  lefus  Chrifts  fake, 
and  praie  for  grace  to  bee  able  to  refift  fin  hereafter,  with  all  means, 
waies,  &  allurements  leading  thereunto.  Which  done,  repaire  to  thy 
chamber,  reuoluing  with  thyfelfe  thefe  and  the  like  things  following. 

Meditations  when  thou  co- 
meft.  into  thy  chamber. 

Hen  thou  art  come  into  thy  chamber,  call  to  Uhy 
remembrance  what  euill  thou  haft  committed  that 
daie  paft,  either  in  thought,  word,  or  deed,  towards 
GOD,  or  towards  man,  and  the  good  which  thou 
fhouldeft  haue  done,  and  haft  not  done.  If  thou 
haft  feene  or  heard  anie  good  thing  in  any  man,  note  it,  learne  it,  and 
praie  for  grace  to  follow  it.  If  againe  thou  haft  feene  or  heard  anie 
euill  in  anie  man,  note  it  in  thy  felfe,  and  pray  for  grace  to  efchewe 
it.  This  done,  kneele  2downe  by  thy  bed  fide>  confeffe  thy  fins  to 
GOD  the  Father,  craue  pardon  for  lefus  Chrift  his  fake,  and  praie  to 
him  to  protect  thee  that  night,  and  to  defende  thee  vnder  the  fhadowe 
of  his  wings,  from  all  perilles  and  daungers  both  bodilie  and  ghoftly. 
Thy  clothes  being  put  off,  meditate  thus  with  thy  felfe.  '  Oh  what  a 
filthy,  vncleane,  &  vgglefome  carkaffe  doe  I  beare  about  with  me, 
that  for  very  fhame  3  had  neede  to  bee  couered  with  garments ! ' 
Thinke  alfo  from  what  an  excellent  ftate  and  dignity  (in  regard  of  thy 
firft  creation)  thou  art  fallen,  by  reafon  of  the  filthines  of  fin.  Then 
thinke,  that  if  thy  apparell  were  giuen  thee  for  verie  neceflities  fake, 
to  couer  and  hide  thy  fhame  withall,  what  reafon  haft  thou  to  be 
proud  thereof  ?  For  mould  a  begger  be  proude  of  the  cloutes  that 
wrap  his  fores?  Thinke  alfo,  that  as  thoii  4canft  not  without  thy 
fhame  ftand  before  men,  naked  and  bare,  fo  canft  thou  not  without 
fhame  and  confufion  of  face  ftand  before  the  maieftie  of  God,  except 
thou  be  clothed  &  inuefted  with  the  garment  of  Chrifts  righteoumes 
and  holineffe.  Finally  think,  that  as  thou  putteft  off  and  layeft  afide 
thy  materiall  garment,  fo  (halt  thou  once,  and  peraduenture  before 
thou  rifeft  againe,  put  off  and  lay  away  the  earthly  manfion  of  thy 
5  body,  committing  it  to  mother  earth  againe,  from  whence  it  firft  came. 
When  fleep  commeth  vpon  thee,  pray  as  followeth. 

1  D  8,  back. 

sign.  E. 

sign.  E  i,  back. 


4  sign.  E  2. 

5  sign.  E  2,  back. 

A  Prayer  when  ileepe  com- 
meth  vpon  one. 

Oft  mercifull  Father,  with  whome  there  is  no  difference 
of  time,  nor  varietie  of  chaunge,  feeing  thou  haft 
appointed  the  daie  for  man  to  trauaile  in,  and  the 1  night 
for  him  to  take  his  naturall  reft,  I  befeech  thee  that  as  my 
bodie  hath  beene  occupyed  and  employed  this  daie  in  the  labours  of 
this  life,  fo  it  maie  receiue  by  thy  prote6tion  quiet  reft  and  ileepe  this 
night,  that  I  may  be  the  abler  to  goe  forwarde  in  the  exercife  of  good 
works,  in  the  reft  of  my  life  that  I  haue  to  Hue,  to  the  praife  and  glorie 
of  thy  blefled  name :  and  in  this  my  fleepe  defend  mee,  I  befeech 
thee,  from  all  perilles  2and  daungers,  and  from  all  the  force  and  vio 
lence  of  mine  enemies  both  fpirituall  and  corporall.  And  as  it  maie 
pleafe  thee  to  graunt  to  my  bodie  quiet  reft  and  ileepe ;  fo  let  it  be 
thy  good  pleafure  to  make  my  foule  watchfull  and  vigilant  to  waite 
vpon  thee,  and  diligently  to  looke  for  the  comming  of  thy  deare  fonne 
lefus  Chrift  vnto  iudgement  for  my  redemption.  Keepe  me  from  all 
fearefull  dreams  and  viiions,  from  all  phanta3fticall  apparitions  & 
diueliih  illufions  of  the  wicked  enemie,  from  all  carnall  pollutions  & 
vngodlie  fuggeftions  of  the  wicked  fpirite.  Finally  graunt,  that  both 
my  bodie  and  my  foule,  refting  vnder  thy  diuine  protection,  may  be 
fafe  from  all  enmitie  &  hoftilitie  whatfoeuer,  and  at  the  laft  maie 
attaine  euerlafting  life,  thorough  lefus  Chrift,  my  onelie  Sauiour  & 
Redeemer.  This  done,  difpofe  thy  felfe  to  reft,  com4mitting  both  thy 
bodie  and  foule  into  the  hands  of  God,  praying  him  to  be  thy  watch 
man  that  night.  Then  defcend  thou  into  the  fecrets5  clofets  and 
priuie  chambers  of  thine  heart,  fearch  euery  place,  and  ranfacke  euerie 
corner  j  and  if  thou  findeft  anie  filthinerTe  or  vncleannefle  therein  (as 
indeed  thou  malt  finde  nothing  elfe)  warn  it  away  with  the  teares  of 
repentance,  &  make  it  cleane  with  the  broome  of  contrition.  Then 
thinke  thus  6with  thy  felfe  j  '  My  bed  dooth  reprefent  vnto  me  my 

1  sign.  £3.  2  sign.  E  3,  back.  3  sign.  E  4. 

4  secretest  ?  or  secret  6  E  4,  back.  6  E  5. 


graue,  wherein  I  muft  once  fleepe  j  and  the  clothes,  the  earth,  where- 
withall  I  (hall  fhortlie  be  couered  in  my  fepulchre  or  graue :  And  as 
tliefe  fleas  and  gnats  do  bite  &  gnaw  my  ikinne,  fo  fliall  the  wormes 
eate  and  confume  the  frame  of  my  bodie,  in  the  duft  of  the  earth, 
when  the  Lord  doth  pleale.'  When  the  morning  beginneth  to  dawn, 
and  the  dayftarre  to  appeare,  Jthinke  thus;  'As  now  the  morning  com- 
meth  on,  and  the  daie  ftarre  beginneth  to  appeare,  fo  {hall  Chrift  lefus, 
the  true  morning  ftar,  fliew  himfelfe  at  the  time  appointed  of  his  Father, 
to  iudge  both  the  quicke  and  the  dead.'  And  when  thou  heareft  the 
crowing  of  the  Cocke,  the  founding  of  belles,  or  anie  other  noise 
whatfoeuer,  think  alwaies,  that  thou  heareft  the  Trumpe  of  the 
Archangell  found,  faying,  '  Arife,  you  dead  2and  come  vnto  Judge 
ment.'  When  thou  awakeft  out  of  fleepe,  praie  to  this  efFecte  as  fol- 

A  Praier  when  one  awakes 
out  ofjleepe. 

Ercifull  father,  grant  that  as  thou  haft  now  awaked  my 
earthly  body  out  of  this  naturall  fleepe,  fo  thou  wilt  alib 
vouchsafe  to  raife  me  vp  from  the  fleep  of  fin,  and  in  the 
general  refurrection  of  all  3flefli,  to  eternall  life,  thorow    £| 
lefus  Chrift  my  only  Sauiour  &  Redeemer 

4Chriftian  directions  for  the  Morning. 

Hen  thou  haft  attired  thyfelfe  decently  and  comely, 
not  pompoufly,  nor  proudly,  goe  forth  of  thy 
5  chamber,  and  if  thou  beeft  a  mafter  of  a  houfehoulde, 
call  thy  familie  together,  confefle  your  finnes,  craue 
pardon  for  lefus  Chrift  his  fake,  pray  for  grace  to 
refift  finne  hereafter,  prayfe  God  for  all  his  benefites  and  bleflings  in 
mercie  beftowed  vppon  you,  pray  for  continuance  of  them.  Thanke 
him  for  your  protection  that  night,  befeeching  him  to  protect  you  that 
day,  and  to  blefle  all  your  workes  and  labours.  And  fi6nally,  defire  him 

1  E  5,  back.  3  E  6.  3  E  6,  back.  4  on  sign.  F  3. 

5  F  3,  back.  «  sign.  F  4. 

A  perfect  Pathway  to  Felicity. 

to  keepe  and  defend  you  that  day,  and  euer,  from  all  perils  and 
dangers,  both  bodily  and  ghoftly  whatfoeuer,  and  to  bring  you  to 
euerlafting  life  at  the  time  appointed,  through  the  precious  blood  of 
lefus  Chrift.  This  done,  goe  forth  to  thy  labours  in  the  feare  of  God, 
doing  all  things  with  fingle  eie  and  good  confcience,  to  the  praife  of 
him  that  made  thee ;  being  allured  that  as  in  mercie  hee  will  not 
leaue  the  leaft  1good  worke  that  wee  do,  vnrewarded  j  fo  in  iuftice  hee 
will  not  leaue  the  leaft  euill  that  wee  doe  commit,  either  in  thought, 
word,  or  deed,  vnpunimed,  except  we  repent.  To  God,  therefore,  our 
Father,  to  Chrift  lelus  our  Sauiour  and  redeemer,  and  to  God  the 
Holie-ghoft  our  Comforter  and  Sanctifier,  three  perfons  and  one  true 
and  euerliuing  God,  bee  all  honour,  glorie,  praife,  dominion  &  thanks- 
giuirig  for  euermore.  Amen. 

1  F  4,  back. 

A     SHORT 

Treatife,  of  praiers 

and  Supplica- 

tions ; 


a  Irieffumme  of  all  fuck 
things  as  we  ftand 

z«  weec/  of  in  this 

.By  the  fame  Authour, 

P.  S.  Gent. 


A  perfect  Pathway  to  Felicitie. 

1A  Praier  for  the  Queenes 

E  render  all  prayfe  and  thanks  to  thee,  oh  2king 
of  all  kings,  and  gouernour  of  all  things,  for 
that  in  the  multitude  of  thy  mercies  thou  haft 
vouchedfafe  to  place  ouer  vs  thy  little  flock,  fo 
godly  &  vertuous  a  guide,  fo  gracious  &  wife  a 
princes,  as  the  worlde  neuer  had  her  peere. 

And  we  humblie  pray  thee,  holie  father,  with  thy  fauourable  coun 
tenance  to  beholde  the  fame  thy  feruant,  our  fouereigne  Ladie  and 
gouernefle.  And  fo  fanctifie  her  heart  with  the  grace  of  thy  3 holie 
fpir[i]te,  that  fhee  maie  bend  all  her  ftudie  and  indeuour  to  ye  fetting 
forth  of  thy  glorie,  ye  maintenance  of  thy  holie  religion,  the  aduaunce- 
ment  of  true  vertue  and  godlines,  the  fupplanting  of  vice  and  com- 
moditie  of  this  her  maiefties  common  weale  vnder  thee :  kindle  in 
her  a  feruent  zeale  of  thy  glory  and  a  vehement  desire  to  eilablifh 
whatfoeuer  is  defectiue  or  wa?zteth  in  this  thy  Church  &  vineyard 
in  England,  for  the  4true  &  fincere  difcipline  &  gouernment  of  thy 
church  &  common  welth.  Saue  and  defend  her  from  al  forreigne 
power,  &  authoritie,  from  all  traitterous  confpiracies,  plots  and  prac- 
tifes,  either  of  papifts,  Atheifts,  or  any  other  fectaries  whatfoeuer. 
Giue  her  godlie,  wife,  &  religious  counfailers,  fuch  as  may  refpecl: 
onlie  thy  glorie,  that  her  maieftie  ruling  acording  to  thy  wil,  they 
counfelling  according  to  the  infpiration  of  thy  holy  fpirit,  5and  we 
her  fubiects  faithfully  obeying,  may  altogether  in  the  end  receiue  the 
incorruptible  crowne  of  eternall  glorie  in  the  heauenlie  Hierufalem, 
thorow  lefus  Chrift  our  Lord,  Amen. 

1  From  ed.  1592,  sign.  G  6,  back. 
*  sign.  G  8. 

2  sign.  G  7.        3  G  7,  back. 
5  G  8,  back. 

A  perfect  Pathway  to  Felicity. 


A  Prayer  for  a  Competent  & 
a  neceffary  lining. 

Lord  our  GOD,  moft  gratious  £  holie  father,  1whofe  lone 
towardes  men  in  Chrift  lefus  is  infinite  and  vnfpeakeable,  & 
whofe  tender  care  ouer  him  is  fuch,  that  thou  hail  promifed 
that  whofoeuer  beleeweth  in  thee,  dependeth  vppon  thy  prouidence, 
and  feeketh  his  reliefe  at  thy  blefled  handes,  Ihall  neuer  want  anie 
good  thing,  eyther  neceflarie  for  foule  or  bodie  :  Therefore,  moft 
gracious  Father,  I  thy  fielie  creature,  of  my  felfe  poore,  yea,  pouertie 
and  nakednefle  2it  felfe,  moft  intirelie  befeech  thee,  for  lefus  Chrift 
his  fake,  that  thou  wilt  giue  vnto  mee  a  competent  and  a  neceflarie 
lining,  as  meate,  drinke,  and  cloth,  with  all  other  things  needfull  for 
my  bodie ;  that  pinching  pouertie  opprefle  mee  not,  nor  that  I  be 
not  drawen  to  attempt  wicked  and  vnlawfull  meanes  for  the  main 
tenance  of  my  life.  To  this  end  therefore  (good  father)  blefle  my 
ftore,  and  repleniih  my  bafket  with  thy  3bleflings,  that  I  maie  be 
able,  thorow  thy  beneficiall  liberalise,  to  Hue  out  of  debt  and  danger 
of  all  men,  and  to  occupie  my  felfe  in  the  exercife  &  practife  of  good 
workes,  to  the  reliefe  of  them  that  haue  neede,  and  the  fetting  forth  of 
thy  honor  &  glory,  thorow  lefus  Chrift  our  Lord.  Amen 

4 A  praier  to  be  faid  of  thofe 
that  be  vnmaried. 

H  Lord  our  God,  in  as  much  as  thou  haft  commaunded  in  thy 
blefled  word,  the  word  of  truth,  that  wee,  abftayning  from  all 
whooredome,  and  fornication,  and  vncleannefle,  mould  keepe 
our  veflelfes  in  holinefle,  and  not  in  ye  filthy  lufts  of  the  flefh,  as  do 
the  heathen,  who  know  not  thee:  I  befeech  thee  ther5fore  to  giue  mee 
grace  to  perform  this  thy  moft  holy  Commandement,  and  graunt  that 
I  neuer  pollute  nor  defile  my  bodie  with  whoredome,  fornication,  nor 
any  other  vncleannefle.  And  becaufe,  O  Lord,  chaftitie  of  the  bodie 

1  sign.  H  6.  2  sign.  H  6,  back.  3  sign.  H  7. 

4  sign.  K  2,  back.  s  K  3. 


A  perfect  Pathway 

is  nothing,  without  the  continencie  of  the  minde,  bridle  therefore,  I 
befeech  thee,  all  the  motions  and  affections  of  my  heart ;  that  I,  ban- 
ilhing  all  wicked  thoughts  and  vncleane  imaginations  out  of  1my 
mind,  may  Hue  in  all  holy  innocencie,  puritie,  and  integrity,  both  of 
bodie  &  foule,  vnto  my  Hues  ende,  thorow  the  efficacy,  power,  & 
ilrength  of  the  pretious  bloud  of  lefus  Chrift,  Amen. 

A  Prayer  to  bee  faid 

ofthofe  that  be 


Oly  Father,  wee  are  taught  by  thy  facred  word,  the  breath 
of  thy  own  mouth,  that  after  2thou  nadir,  created  all  things, 
the  lafl  of  all  other  thou  createdft  man,  &  woman  of  a  rib 
of  his  fide,  giuing  her  vnto  him  in  holy  wedlocke,  adding  vnto 
them  thy  blefling,  faying  :  '  Increafe  and  multiplie,  and  replenim 
the  earth : '  I  giue  thee  mofl  humble  &  harty  thanks,  for  that  it  hatfi 
pleafed  thee  to  call  me  to  the  honorable  Hate  of  mariage.  And  I  moft 
heartily  befeech  thee  that  we  may  Hue  together  in  thy  true  faith,  feare, 
and  loue,  all  the  daies  of  3  our  Hues.  Giue  vs  grace,  the  one  to  loue  the 
other,  &  both  of  vs  to  loue  thee,  and  our  brethren  for  thy  fake.  Keepe 
vs  (good  lord)  farre  from  all  wicked  ielolie,  hatred,  malice,  and  con_ 
tention  one  with  the  other.  And  as  our  bodies  are  incorporate  to- 
gither,  and  become,  as  it  were,  but  one  bodie  j  fo  vouchfafe,  holy 
father,  that  as  thy  owne  Turtle  doues,  we  may  Hue  togither  in  chaftitie 
and  continencie,  both  of  bodies  and  mindes,  4  without  defrauding  one 
the  other.  And  if  it  pleafe  thee  to  blefle  vs  with  children,  giue  vs 
grace  to  bring  them  vp  in  fiich  holy  exercifes,  difcipline,  and  learning, 
as  thou  requirefl  of  vs  in  this  life.  Grant  that  wee  may  labour  and 
trauaile,  either  of  vs  in  our  vocation,  that  by  thy  blefling,  we  may  al- 
waies  haue  fufficient  to  maintain  our  eftates  withall  in  thy  holie  feare ; 
that  wee  be  not  chargeable  to  others,  but  liuing  forth  of  debt  5and 

1  sign.  K  3,  back. 
4  sign.  K  5. 

2  sign.  K  4.  3  sign.  K  4,  back. 

5  sign.  K  5,  back. 

to  Felicity. 

danger  of  all  men,  maie  be  rich  &  plentifull  in  all  good  works,  to  the 
praiie  8c  glorie  of  thy  bleffed  name,  thorow  lefus  Chrift  our  Lord,  to 
whom  be  praiie  and  glorie  for  euermore,  Amen. 

A  Prayer  to  be  faid  of 

ihoje  that  be  mafters 

of  houfholds. 

Hou  haft  commanded  (oh  gratious  Lord  God)  by  thy 
blefled  Apoftle,  that  mafters  *  mould  intreate  their 
feruants  gently  and  courteoufly,  putting  away  all  bit- 
terneile  and  threatning,  doing  vnto  them  all  equitie 
and  iuftice,  knowing  thai  thou  art  our  common 
mafter  in  heauen  :  graunt  me  grace,  therfore  (good  Lord),fo  to  order 
my  feruants,  as  I  neuer  attempt  nor  enterprife  anie  vnrighteous  thing 
againft  them,  but  fo  to  execute  my  authoritie  ouer  them,  as  I  maie 
alwayes  remember  that  thou  art  the  Lord  and  2  mafter  of  vs  all,  and 
refpecteft  no  mans  perfon.  Make  me,  O  Lord,  to  be  the  fame  vnto 
them,  that  a  good  Paftor  is  to  his  flocke,  to  teach  them  by  wordes  thy 
holie  lawes,  and  by  example  of  life,  true  righteoufneffe  and  holineife 
in  conuerfation,  that  they  and  I  togither,  in  thy  good  time,  may  all 
inherite  euerlafting  life,  by  Chrift  our  Lord,  Amen. 

3  A  Prayer  to  be  faid  of 

Lord  our  GOD,  feeing  thou  haft  ordayned  fundry  degrees  and 
ftates  of  men  in  this  life,  and  amongft  them  all  haft  appointed4 
mee  to  bee  a  Seruant,  giue  me  grace,  I  befeech  thee,  to  ferue 
in  my  vocation  faithfully,  and  to  obey  willinglie  in  all  things  not 
repugnant  to  thy  bleifed  will,  not  with  eye  feruice  as  5  ftudying  to  pleafe 
men,  but  with  all  finceritie  and  fingleneffe  of  heart,  as  feeking  to  glorifie 
thee  :  being  thorowlie  perfwaded  that  in  feruing  them,  I  ferue  thee, 
and  of  thee  mall  receiue  my  reward.  Giue  mee  grace  to  demeane 

sign.  K  6. 
4  Appointest,  orig. 

2  K  6,  back. 

3  sign.  K  7. 
sign.  K  7,  back. 

K   228 

A  perfect  Pathway 

my  felfe  faithfully,  iuftlie,  and  trulie  towards  all  men,  in  all  things,  and 
not  to  in  rich  my  felfe  by  picking,  ftealing,  imbezeling,  purloyning,  or 
conueying  anie  thing  from  anie  man  by  any  finifter  practice  1whatfo- 
euer ;  but  fo  to  behaue  my  felfe  towards  all  men,  as  there  may  be  no 
fault  found" in  me :  that  thy  name  may  be  glorified,  and  my  faluation 
in  Chrift  lefus  fealed  vp  vnto  mee.  Grant  this,  O  Lord,  for  thy 
mercies  fake,  Amen 

2 A  Prayer  in  the  time  of 

\T  is  no  marueile,  O  moft  righteous  Father,  that  the 
elements  of  this  worlde  are  fierce  againft  vs,  fometime 
with  earthquakes,  fometime  with  tempefts  &  lightnings, 
fometimes  with  ouerflowing  3of  Seas  &  Riuers,  fome 
time  with  peftilent  concourfes  of  the  heauenlie  lights,  and  fome 
time  with  corruption  of  the  infected  ayre  :  for  we  do  commonly 
abufe  thy  gifts.  We  acknowledge,  that  euen  in  this  cafe  alfo  the 
creatures  ferue  and  obeie  their  Creator,  whofe  commandements  wee 
neglect  fo  oftentimes.  Alfo  wee  acknowledge  thy  fatherlie  nurturing 
of  vs,  whereby  thou  called  vs  backe  from  4the  truft  of  this  world  with 
gentle  correction,  and  drawer!  vs  to  the  defire  of  the  euerlafting  life. 
We  humblie  befeech  thee  to  remember  thy  mercy  euen  in  thy  wrath, 
and  fauorablie  to  withdrawe  the  afflictions  which  thou  haft  laid  vpon 
vs  in  thy  difpleafure.  The  infection  of  ye  peftilence  mall  do  vs  no 
great  harm,  if  we  withdrawe  our  felues  from  the  infection  of  finne. 
But  both  thofe  things  are  of  thy  gift,  O  5  Father  of  mercie,  namelie, 
as  well  to  haue  our  mindes  free  from  the  poyfon  of  finne,  as  to  haue 
our  bodies  fafe  from  ye  infection  of  ye  plague.  Such  as  haue  faftened 
the  Anchor  of  their  hope  in  this  life,  are  wont  in  their  perils  to  flie  for 
remedie  to  fuch  fhifts  as  thefe  :  namely,  fome  to  certain  Saints,  as  to 
S.  Rooke,  or  S.  Anthonie ;  and  fome  to  the  pernicious  Art  of  witchcraft. 
But  we,  who  are  fully  perfuaded  that  no  6man  can  efcape  thy  hand 

sign.  K  8. 
sign.  T  6. 

2  On  sign.  T  5. 
5  sign.  T  6,  back. 

3  sign.  T  5,  back. 
6  sign.  T  7. 

beleeue  there  is  no  mch  fafetie  as  to  retort  to  thy  ielfe,  and  to  flie  from 
thy  iuftice  to  thy  mercie,  as  to  the  fureft  and  fafeft  fan&uarie  that  can 
be,  forafmuch  as  thou  neuer  forfakefl  them  that  put  theyr  truft  in  thy 
goodneire  ;  vnder  whofe  protection,  euen  they  that  dye  are  iafe.  I'o 
thee  therefore  bee  praife  for  euermore,  Amen. 

Kg   23° 

A  perfect  Pathway  to  Felicitie. 

praier  to  be  faid  of  all  fuch 
as  be  maieftrates  and  rulers  in 
the  common  wealth. 

Orafmuch  as  it  hath  pleafed  thee,  oh  eternall 
God,  ruler  of  all  kinges  and  2  kingdoms,  to  con- 
ftitute  and  appoint  me  (though  altogither  vn- 
worthie)  to  be  a  ruler  and  gouernour  of  thy 
people  vnder  my  foueraigne,  I  befeech  thee, 
giue  me  grace,  fo  to  execute  my  office,  and 
minifter  iuflice  in  the  common  wealth,  that  I 
maie  pleafe  thee  in  all  things,  iniurie  no  man,  opprefle  no  man, 
damnific  no  man,  neither  in  bodie,  nor  in  goods,  but  by  thy  gracious 
working,  may  iuflly3,  neither  fauoring  4the  rich  nor  mightie 
for  defire  of  gifts,  nor  yet  difpiling  the  poore  for  want  of  rewardes, 
that  I,  seeking  thy  glorie,  the  aduauncement  of  thy  holie  word,  and 
Gofpell,  and  the  common  benefite  of  all  men,  may  be  found  accept 
able  vnto  thee  in  thy  beloued,  and  may  heare  that  fweete  haruest 
long5,  '  well,  good  feruant,  thou  hall  beene  faithfull  in  fmall  thinges 
of  this  life,  (which  are  but  vanities  and  trifles  to  the  things  in  the  life 
to  come)  enter  into  the  ioy  of  the  Lord '.  Oh  Lord,  let  it  be  fo,  for 
lefus  Chrift  his  fake.  Amen. 

1  From  ed.  1592,  sign.  G  8,  back.     Given  for  Justice  Shallow's  sake. 

2  sign.  H. 

3  Compare  2  Henry  IV,  Act  V.  sc.  i.  : — 

Davy.  I  beseech  you,  sir,  to  countenance  William  Visor  of  Wincot  against 
Clement  Perkes  of  the  hill. 

ShaL  There  are  many  complaints,  Davy,  against  that  Visor ;  that  Visor  is  an 
arrant  knave  on  my  knowledge. 

Davy.  I  grant  your  worship,  that  he  is  a  knave,  sir :  but  yet,  God  forbid 
sir,  but  a  knave  should  have  some  countenance  at  his  friend's  request.  An 
honest  man,  sir,  is  able  to  speak  for  himself,  when  a  knave  is  not.  I  have  served 
your  worship  truly,  sir,  these  eight  years  ;  and  if  I  cannot  once  or  twice  in 
a  quarter  bear  out  a  knave  against  an  honest  man,  I  have  but  a  very  little  credit 
with  your  worship.  The  knave  is  mine  honest  friend,  sir ;  therefore,  I  beseech 
your  worship,  let  him  be  countenanced. 

Shal.  Go  to  ;  I  say,  he  shall  have  no  wrong.     Look  about,  Davy. 

[Exit  Davy.] 
*  H  I,  back.  6  sung,  ed.  1592 ;  song,  ed.  1610. 



p.  vi,  1.  10:  whose  gawld  backes  are  tutched.  "But  what  o'  that?  Your 
Maiestie,  and  wee  that  haue  free  soules,  it  touches  vs  not  :  let  the  galfd  iade 
winch:  our  withers  are  vnrung."  Hamlet,  III.  ii.  251-3  ;  1st  Folio,  Trag.  p. 
268,  col.  2. 

p.  viii,  1.  7  from  foot ;  p.  xii,  veluers;  p.  32,  velvet. — Cotgrave  distinguishes 
between  velvet  and  velure :  "  Velours:  m.  Veluet  .  .  .  Tripe  de  Velours,  Valure, 
Mocke  Veluet,  Fustian  an  Apes.  Tripe:  f.  .  .  Valure,  Irish  Tuftaffata,  Fustian 
an  Apes;"  and  as  Harrison  says  that  wool  was  used  for  vellures,  the  stuff 
must  have  been  a  kind  of  '  velvet-pile  cloth '  like  that  which  ladies  wore  a  few 
seasons  ago,  and  which  was  all  wool.  '  Velveteen '  and  *  cotton  velvet '  have, 
I  am  told,  no  wool  in  them.  Common  velvets  have  a  cotton  back  and  silk 
face.  The  French  have  also  velours  in  silk,  cotton  and  wool  (Littre)  : — 

"In  time  past,  the  vse  of  this  commoditie  [wool]  consisted  (for  the  most  part) 
in  cloth  and  woolsteds  :  but  now  by  meanes  of  strangers  succoured  here  from 
domesticall  persecution,  the  same  hath  beene  imploied  vnto  sundrie  other  vses,  as 
mockados,  baies,  vellures,  grograines,  &c. ;  whereby  the  makers  haue  reaped  no 
small  commoditie  "  (not  in  ed.  1577),  1587.  W.  Harrison,  Description,  of  England, 
bk.  3,  chap,  i,  p.  221,  1.  31-7  ;  my  ed.  Pt.  II.  1878,  p.  6. 

"at  Westminster  .  .  the  bragging  ve/ure-ca.nioned  [with  wool- velvet  knee-rolls] 
hobby-horses  prance  up  and  down  as  if  some  o'  the  tillers  had  ridden  'em."  1607. 
Webster  £  Dekker's  Northward  Ho,  Act  II.  sc.  I,  p.  257,  col.  I,  of  Webster's 
Works,  ed.  Dyce,  1857.  (On  Cantons,  see  p.  246  below.) 

On  the  etymology  of  velvet,  velure,  Mr  Henry  Nicol  says : — "  The  second  v  of 
velvet  is  an  alteration  of  w  (velwet,  Promptorium),  and  this  of  u  (feluet  Launfal — 
misprinted  in  Stratmann  felvet — veluet,  Chaucer).  That  the  u  of  Mid.  E.  veluet 
formed  a  separate  syllable  is  shown  by  the  metre  of 

And  cojuered  it  |  with  ve\lu-et\tes  blew|e 

(Squire's  Tale,  Ellesmere  MS.  6-Text,  p.  496,  1.  644) 

and  by  the  Cambridge  MS.  spelling  velowetys.  Mid.  E.  veluet  comes  from  Old 
Fr.  veluet  (Roquefort — who  misprints  velvet),  also  spelt  velluet  (Hippeau),  for 
which  no  references  are  given  ;  but  which  occurs  latinised  as  velluetum.  Veluet 
corresponds  to  a  hypothetical  Latin  villutittum,  being  a  diminutive  of  Fr.  velu, 
hypothetic  Lat.  villutunt  (Ital.  velhito,  Span,  velludo),  which  shows  the  usual  Fr. 

232     Notes  on  p.  viii  to  p.  i.      Velure,  Velvet,  &c. 

loss  of  Lat.  single  f  between  vowels,  and  (like  the  other  words  here  considered) 
has  for  its  primitive  Lat.  villus.  Another  diminutive  of  vein  is  Old  Fr.  velhieau 
(Roquefort,  with  quotation),  later  veluau  and  veluyau,  latinised  velludellum,  and 
corresponding  to  a  hypothetical  Lat.  villutellutn. 

**  E.  vellure  (Shakspere  velure,  Cotgrave — probably  by  misprint — valure)  is  pro 
bably  Early  Mod.  P>.  veleure  (Cotgrave),  meaning  '  shag  ; '  so  far  there  is  no 
authority  for  either  word  before  the  1 6th  century.  The  Old  Fr.  may  be  either 
veleure  (four  syllables),  hypothetical  Lat.  villdturam,  with  the  common  Fr.  suf 
fix,  or  veloure  (-ore,  -tire,  three  syllables),  hypothetical  Lat.  villoram,  with  a 
rare  suffix,  existing  in  the  Provincial  Span,  vellora  ('knot  or  lump  taken  off 
woollen  cloth ').  If  E.  vellure  existed  before  the  I4th  century,  it  points  to  an 
Old  Fr.  veleure,  as  if  from  veloure  it  would  have  been  vellour  in  Early  Mod.  E., 
change  of  suffix  by  analogy  being  unlikely.  But  if  borrowed  later,  when  Old 
Fr.  veloure  had  become  veleure,  either  F.  form  (with  eu  =  Late  Mod.  F.  eu,  or  eu  =» 
Late  Mod.  F.  u)  would  suit.  It  is  very  unlikely  that  E.  vellure  comes  from  Mod. 
Fr.  velours,  as  the  s  of  this,  though  now  always  silent,  would  be  pronounced  in 
many  cases  in  the  i6th  century.  Velours  is  a  Mod.  form  for  Old  Fr.  velous, 
which  is  Lat.  villosuni  (Ital.  velloso,  Span,  velloso]  ;  Froissart's  veins  is  possibly 
influenced  by  velu,  but  probably  the  vowel,  as  Scheler  says,  was  altered  for  the 
sake  of  the  rhyme  with  Lus.  The  Mod.  Burgundian  veleur,  velor,  quoted  by 
Littre,  is  probably  velours  in  phonetic  spelling,  hardly  Early  Mod.  Fr.  veleure; 
an  exactly  parallel  example  of  inserted  r  in  the  termination  ous  is  noted  by  Scheler 
in  the  Mod.  Dutch  jaloersch  ('jealous'),  which  presupposes  a  fy.jalours  for 
jaloux  (Lat.  zelosum}" 

p.  xii :  the  inferiour  sorte  onely.     See  p.  237,  &c.,  below. 

p.  I.  Anatomie  of  Abuses.  Compare  Thomas  Nashe's  "  The  Anatomic  of 
Absurditie  :  Contayning  a  breefe  confutation  of  the  slender  imputed  prayses  to 
feminine  perfection,  with  a  short  description  of  the  severall  practices  of  youth,  and 
sundry  follies  of  our  licentious  times.  No  lesse  pleasant  to  be  read,  then  profitable . 
to  be  remembered,  especially  by  those  who  live  more  licentiously,  or  are  addicted 
to  a  more  nyce  stoycall  austeritie."  .  .  1589.  4to,  black  letter,  23  leaves.  Br. 
Museum.  Hazlitfs  Handbook.  See  the  evils  of  Elizabeth's  and  James's  time 
described  in  the  play  of  No- Body  and  Some-Body,  1606,  printed  in  Simpson's 
School  of  Shakspere,  i.  348-351  (and  reprinted  in  facsimile  by  Mr.  Alexander 
Smith  of  the  Hunterian  Club,  Glasgow).  They  are,  engrossing  corn,  racking 
rents,  debasing  the  coinage,  absentee  landlords,  city  wives'  whoredom,  harlot- 
keeping,  watch-beating,  seduction  of  girls  at  13  years  old,  pick-pocketing,  purse- 
cutting,  &c. 

p.  I.  Abuses. — See  in  S.  Rowlands's^4  Fooles Bolt  is  sooneshot,  1614,  sign.  E 
3  (ed.  1873,  Hunterian  Club,  p.  37),  a  list  of 

"  Certaine  common  abuses 
'    A     Common  Alehouse  in  this  age  of  sinne, 
J\_    Is  now  become  a  common  Drunkards  Inne  : 
A  common  seller,  and  a  common  buyer, 
Are  turned  common  swearer,  common  Iyer 

Notes  on  pp.  i — 27.  233 

A  common  Gamester,  shifts  hath  basely  made 

A  common  Cheater,  at  the  Dicing  trade  : 

A 1  common  Thiefe,  in  Newgate  common  layle, 

Of  Tyborne  common  hye-way  cannot  fayle  : 

A  common  Vag'rant,  should  by  law  be  stript, 

And  by  a  common  Beadle  soundly  whipt : 

A  common  Scould,  her  furious  heate  must  coole  : 

Wash'd  by  her  diuing  in  a  Clicking  stoole  : 

A  common  Bawd,  and  filthy  Pander  slaue, 

Must  common  Cart,  and  Brid-well  whipping  haue  ; 

A  common  Rogue  is  tennant  for  the  Stockes, 

A  common  Companyon3  for  the  Pockes." 

Also  see  the  set  of  folk  whom  Rowlands  threatens  to  stab  in  his  Looke  to  it : 
for  lie  Stabbeye,  1604. 

p.  22,  1.   II  :  who  so  sitteth  at  home.     Cp.   Shakspere,    Two  Gentlemen  of 
Verona,  I.  i.  2-8,  Folio,  p.  20,  col.  I  : 

"  Home-keeping-youth,  haue  euer  homely  wits. 
Wer  't  not  affection  chaines  thy  tender  dayes 
To  the  sweet  glaunces  of  thy  honour'd  Loue, 
I  rather  would  entreat  thy  company 
To  see  the  wonders  of  the  world  abroad, 
Then  (liuing  dully  sluggardiz'd  at  home) 
Weare  out  thy  youth  with  shapelesse  idlenesse." 

p.  23.  A  plesant  6°  famous  Hand.  Cp.  Shakspere  in  Rich.  77,  "  This 
royall  Throne  of  Kings,  this  sceptred  Isle,"  &c.,  Folio,  Hist.  p.  28,  col.  2,  &c. 
&c.  ;  and  on  '  the  strong  kinde  of  people ',  the  extracts  in  the  Forewords  to 
Harrison,  Parts  I  and  II,  and  Harrison,  I.  p.  221,  &c.  ;  my  Andrew  Boorde,  p. 
117-119  (and  see  its  Index). 

p.  24,  1.  II  — 10  from  foot.  Our  Saviour  *  *  *  with  his  Taratantara. 
Extract  from  Luther's  Danger  of  delaying  Repentance  quoted  in  the  Philobiblion , 
vol.  i.  p.  251.  New  York.  1862.  "  The  kettle-dram  and  trumpet  of  our  good 
God  sounds  thus :  Poumerle  poump  ! poumerle poump  !  pliz  I  pluz  !  schmi!  schmir  /3 
This  was  the  drumming  of  the  Lord,  or  as  Saint  Paul  says,  the  voice  of  the  arch 
angel  and  the  trumpet  of  God,  for  when  God  shall  thunder  at  the  last  day,  it  will 
be  suddenly,  and  like  beating  the  kettle-drum,  poumerle  poump  !  This  will  be  the 
war-cry  and  the  taratantara  of  our  good  God.  Then  the  whole  heaven  will  resound 
with  this  noise :  Kir  I  Kir  !  poumerle  poump  /  "  &c. — S.  (W.  G.  Stone.) 

p.  27,  1.  2  :  two  kindes  of  sinne.  "  For  sothe,  synne  is  in  two  maneres  : 
outher  it  is  venial,  or  dedly  synne.  Sothly,  when  man  lovith  any  creature  more 
than  Jhesu  Crist  cure  creatour,  thanne  it  is  dedly  synne  ;  and  venial  synne  is,  if  a 

1  Orig.  Of.  2  Read  it  with  4  syllables,  Com-pa-ny-on. 

3  schmi,  schmir!  in  the  Philobiblion.  Perhaps  it  should  be  schmi  schmu  !  like 
poumerle  poump  I — S. 

234       Notes  on  pp.  27 — 31.     Pride  and  Dress. 

man  love  Jhesu  Crist  lesse  than  him  oughte.  For  sothe  the  dede  of  this  venial 
synne  is  ful  perilous,  for  it  amenisith  the  love  that  men  schulde  have  to  God» 
more  and  more."  ?  1398-1400. — CHAUCER,  Parson's  Tale,  Works,  ed.  Morris, 
iii.  290. 

p.  27.  Pride  .  .  tfie  verie  efficient  cause  of  all  euils.  "  thanne  is  Pride  the 
general  roote  of  alle  harmes.  For  of  this  roote  spryngen  certein  braunches  :  as 
Ire,  Enuye,  Accidie  or  Slewthe,  Auarice  (or  Coueitise,  to  commune  vnderstond- 
ynge),  Glotonye,  and  Lecherye." — CHAUCER,  Parson's  Tale,  Group  I,  1.  388, 
Ellesmere  MS.,  p.  615. 

p.  28,  1.  13.  Pride  is  tripartite.  Chaucer,  in  his  Parson's  Tale  —  evidently 
following  some  monk's  treatise— first  divides  Pride  into  16  Twigs:  —  I.  Dis 
obedience,  2.  Boasting,  3.  Hypocrisy,  4.  Despite,  5.  Arrogance,  6.  Impudence, 
7.  Swelling  of  Heart  (rejoicing  in  harm  done),  8.  Insolence,  9.  Elation,  IO. 
Impatience,  n.  Contumacy,  12.  Presumption,  13.  Irreverence,  14.  Pertinacity, 
15.  Vain-glory,  16.  Jangling  (or  Chattering).  Then  he  tells  of  a  private  kind  of 
Pride  (like  his  Host's  Wife's  and  the  Wife  of  Bath's),  wanting  to  go  to  offering 
first,  &c.  And  then  he  gives  the  more  important  division  of  Pride  into  two 
kinds  :  I.  within  man's  heart ;  II.  without ;  II.  being  the  sign  of  I,  '  as  the  gaye 
leefsel  (portico,  verandah]  atte  Taverne  is  sign  of  the  wyn  that  is  in  the  Celer.' 
This  II,  or  Outside  Pride,  is  shown  in  I.  dear  Clothing,  2.  Horses  &  Grooms, 
3.  Household,  keeping  too  many  retainers,  4.  Table,  not  asking  the  poor,  having 
too  fine  dishes,  cups,  &c.,  and  too  choice  minstrelsy.  (From  my  Contents  of  the 
Parson's  Tale,  Ellesmere  MS.) 

p.  28.  Pride,  &c. — Compare  "Luxury,  Pride  and  Vanity,  the  Bane  of  the 
British  Nation,"  8vo,  p.  61,  London,  N.D.  (about  1750)  : — 

"  A  scathing  satire  throwing  curious  light  with  all  the  vividness  of  a  Hogarth 
on  the  vices  of  a  century  ago.  Among  the  subjects  treated  of  are  the  Increase  of 
the  Wine  Trade ;  a  new  piece  of  Frugality  among  men  of  quality  in  keeping  their 
mistresses  in  their  own  dwelling-houses ;  Beggars  &  Scotchmen,  their  respective 
consumption  of  white  bread,  'with  diverse  other  entertaining  subjects,  serious 
and  comical.'" — Secondhand-book  Catalogue. 

p.  29.  Dame  Nature.  "  And  eek  we  been  alle  of  o  fader,  and  of  o  mooder  ; 
and  alle  we  been  of  o  nature,  roten  and  corrupt,  both  riche  and  poure." — 
CHAUCER,  Parson's  Tale,  Group  I,  461,  Ellesmere  MS.,  p.  621. 

p.  31.  Other  nations  dress.  Compare  in  Andrew  Boorde's  Introduction  the 
High  German's  '  I  wyll  not  chaunge  my  olde  father's  fashyon,'  p.  159;  the  Dane's 
'  Symple  rayment  shal  serue  me  ful  wel ;  My  old  fashion  I  do  vse  to  kepe,'  p. 
163  ;  the  Bohemian's  '  Of  our  apparel  we  were  neuer  nyce  ;  We  be  content  if  our 
cotes  be  of  fryce,'  p.  166 ;  the  Hungarian's  'The  fashion  of  my  apparel,  I  do 
neuer  chaunge',  p.  171  ;  the  Sicilian's  'we  loue  no  newe  fashions ',  p.  176;  the 
Neapolitan's  '  Al  new  fashyons  to  Englond  I  do  bequeue  ;  I  am  content  with  my 
meane  aray  ',  p.  177  ;  the  Italian's  '  in  my  apparel  I  am  not  mutable  ',  p.  178. 

p.  31,  last  line.  English  Men's  absurd  dress  is  contrasted  with  the  Italians' 
sober  dress,  in  Coryat's  Crudities,  1611,  p.  259,  quoted  in  Harrison,  Pt.  II.  p.  64. 

Notes  on  pp.  31 — 33.    Exports  and  Imports.     235 

p.  31.     Pride  6°  Luxury  in  England. 

"  Who  can  endure  to  see 
The  fury  of  men's  gullets  and  their  groins  ? 
What  fires,  what  cooks,  what  kitchens,  might  be  spared  ? 
What  stews,  ponds,  parks,  coops,  garners,  magazines  ? 
What  velvets,  tissues,  scarfs,  embroideries, 
And  laces  they  might  lack  ?  .  .  .  what  need  hath  nature 
Of  silver  dishes  or  gold  chamber-pots  ? 
Of  perfumed  napkins,  or  a  numerous  family 
To  see  her  eat?" 
1625.— Ben  Jonson,  The  Staple  of  News,  III.  ii.  Works,  ii.  314,  col.  I. 

p.  32:   new  /angles : — "  Cilecchi,  iests,   toyes,   new  fangles."     1598  Florio. 

p.  33.    English  valuables  exchanged  for  foreign  trifles  :  see  Harrison,  I.  ?    In 
The  Three  Ladies  of  London,  by  R.  W.,  1584,  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  vi.  276,  Lucre 
speaks  thus  of  English  exports  and  imports  there  : — 
"Thou  must  carry  over  wheat,  pease,  barley,  oats,  and  vetches,  and  all  kind  of 


Which  is  well  sold  beyond  sea,  and  bring  such  merchants  great  gain. 
Then  thou  must  carry   beside,  leather,    tallow,  beef,   bacon,  bell-metal  and 

everything  : 

And  for  these  good  commodities,  trifles  into  England  thou  must  bring, 
As  bugles  to  make  babies,  coloured  bones,   glass  beads  to  make  bracelets 

For  every  day  gentlewomen  of  England  do  ask  for  such  trifles  from  stall  to 

stall : 

And  you  must  bring  more,  as  amber,  jet,  coral,  crystal,  and  every  such  bable 
That  is  slight,  pretty,  and  pleasant :  they  care  not  to  have  it  profitable. 
And  if  they  demand  wherefore  your  wares  and  merchandise  agree, 
You  must  say  '  jet  will  take  up  a  straw  :  amber  will  make  one  fat  : 
Coral  will  look  pale  when  you  be  sick,  and  crystal  staunch  blood,' 
So  with  lying,  flattering  and  glosing,  you  must  utter  your  ware, 
And  you  shall  win  me  to  your  will,  if  you  can  deceitfully  swear." 

»  #  *  #  *  * 

Lucre.     Then,  Signer  Mercatore,  I  am  forthwith  to  send  ye 
From  hence  to  search  for  some  new  toys  in  Barbary  and  in  Turkey ; 
Such  trifles  as  you  think  will  please  wantons  best, 
For  you  know  in  this  country  'tis  their  chiefest  request. 

Mercatore.     Indeed,  de  gentlewomans  here  by  so  much  vain  toys, 
Dat  we  strangers  laugh-a  to  tink  wherein  day  have  their  joys." 

1584.— R.  W.,  The  Three  Ladies  of  London,  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  vi.  306. 

'  Triquedondaines  :  f.   All  kind  of  superfluous  trifles  vsed,  or  vsually  bought, 
by  women  ;  hence,  any  trash,  nifles,  or  paltrie  stufife.'     1611. — Cotgrave. 

p.  33.     Compare  a  modern  writer  : — "  The  hard  times  are  slowly  and  surely 
working  out  their  own  cure.     It  is  a  painful  and  tedious  process,  but  one  sure  in 

236  Notes  on  p.  33.     '  Far-fetcht  and  dear-bought.' 

the  end  to  restore  health  to  the  business  interests  of  the  country — not  the  feverish 
speculative  activity  that  followed  the  war,  and  continued  until  the  crash  of  1873, 
but  a  condition  of  moderate  and  reliable  prosperity.  People  are  adapting  their 
habits  to  their  reduced  incomes,  are  denying  themselves  useless  luxuries,  and  are 
discovering  that  they  can  live  just  as  comfortably  with  less  outside  display.  The 
importations  of  foreign  goods  have  fallen  largely,  and  for  the  first  time  in  sixteen 
years  the  balance  of  trade  is  in  favour  of  the  United  States,  a  calamity  to  the 
importers,  no  doubt,  but  a  benefit  to  the  country  at  large.  Fewer  velvets,  laces, 
diamonds,  WortJis  dresses,  French  wines,  and  gimcracks  are  brought  across  the 
Atlantic,  but  no  political  economist  will  see  anything  but  a  hopeful  sign  in  that 
fact."— Daily  News,  Oct.  5,  1876,  p.  6,  col.  I,  United-States' Correspondent. 

p.  33,  1.  16  ;  p.  65,  1.  16:  far  ref etched  and  deare  boughte  is  good  for  Ladyes  : — 
"  Mendoza.  What  shape  !  Why,  any  quick-done  fiction  .  .  .  some  such  anything. 
Some  far-fet  trick  good  for  ladies,  some  stale-toy  or  other,  no  matter  so  't  be  of 
our  devising." — Marston  &  Webster's  Malcontent,  V.  ii.,  Webster's  Works,  ed. 
Dyce,  1857,  p.  358,  col.  2.  Dyce  notes  far-fet,  i.  e.  far-fetched.  An  allusion  to 
the  proverb,  "Far-fet  is  good  for  ladies."  So  in  Jonson's  Cynthia's  Revels,  Act 
IV.  sc.  i,  "  Marry,  and  \h.\$  may  \>Q  good  for  tis  ladies ;  for  it  seems  'tis  far-fet  \>y 
their  stay."  See  my  Tell-Troth,  p.  6,  1.  7,  &  Stafford,  N.  Sh.  Soc.  p.  106  ;  also 
Lyly's  Euphues,  p.  33,  'far  fet,  and  dere  bought,  is  good  for  ladies.'  Again  : — 

"  Mineuer.  God  neuer  gaue  me  the  grace  to  be  a  Lady,  yet  I  haue  all 
implements  belonging  to  the  vocation  of  a  Lady. 

Sir  Vaughan.  I  trust,  mistris  Mineuer,  you  han  all  a  honest  oman  shud 

Mineuer.  Yes  perdie,  as  my  Coach,  and  my  fan,  and  a  man  or  two  that  serue 
my  turne,  and  other  things  which  Ide  bee  loath  euery  one  should  see,  because 
they  shal  not  be  common.  I  am  in  manner  of  a  Lady  in  one  point. 

Sir  Vaughan.  I  pray,  mistris  Mineuers,  let  vs  all  see  that  point  for  our 
better  understanding. 

Mineuer.  For  I  ha  some  thinges  that  werefetcht  (I  am  sure)  v&farre  as  some 
of  the  Low  Countries ;  and  I  payde  sweetly  for  them  too  ;  and  they  tolde  me 
they  were  good  for  Ladies."  1602. — T.  Dekker,  Satiromastix.  Works,  1873, 
i.  204.  See  too  Latimer's  use  of  the  phrase,  p.  254  below. 

p.  33,  p.  52.  Pride  in  England.  Peasants^  dress  <3°  extravagance. 
The  pride  of  "And  the  pride  of  England  is,  as  it  were,  set  up  upon  the  highest 
England  mountain  of  the  world,  seen  and  scorned  even  of  the  very  infidels  of 
the  earth :  such  as  know  not  God  make  marvel  of  our  monstrous  attire,  which 
exceedeth  not  only  in  cost  and  colour,  but  in  weight  and  fashion.  O  pull  it 
down  :  it  is  not  fit  for  such  as  are  taking  the  way  to  the  kingdome  of  heaven  ;  it 
agreeth  not  with  the  guest  which  lodgeth  in  us  the  Spirit  of  God  ;  it  is  no  fit 
ornament  to  deck  the  house  of  our  silly  souls,  for  it  stinketh  and  pollutetli  all 
corners  of  the  house.  O  remove  it,  and  send  every  country  his  fashion  again  : 
be  not  beholden  to  any  nation  for  such  trumpery,  neither  to  the  garment-maker, 
whose  study  therein,  though  it  please  the  vain-glorious  for  a  time,  it  will  bring 
repentance,  too  late,  to  the  work  and  the  workman.  It  is  from  the  court  come 

Notes  on  pp.  33 — 42.  237 

into  the  country,  a  dangerous  evil,  and  hath  infected  the  poor  ploughman,  that  a 

year's  wages  sufficeth  not  one  suit  of  attire.     If  I  should  tell  all,  T,he      carte      and 

...  ploughman  exceed- 

the  carter  would  step  in  with  his  courtly  gards,  and  will  defy  eth  in  pride 

him  that  is  not  of  the  fashion  ;  men  and  women,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  old 
and  the  young,  are  too  far  gone  in  this  sickness  :  the  Lord  give  a  timely 
medicine  lest  we  perish  therein."  1596. — J.  Norden,  Progress  of  Piety  (Parker 
Soc.),  pp.  172-3.  Compare  also  the  Surveyor  John  Norden  (is  he  the  same  as  the 
writer  of  the  religious  tracts?)  :— "where  in  those  days  [Henry  VI's]  Farmers 
and  their  wiues  were  content  with  meane  dyet  and  base  attire,  and  held  their 
children  to  some  austere  gouernment,  without  haunting  Alehouses,  Tauerns,  Dice, 
Cards,  &  vaine  delites  of  charge,  the  case  is  altred  :  the  Husbandman  will  be 
equal  to  the  Yoman,  the  Yoman  to  the  Gentleman,  the  Gentleman  to  the  Squire, 
the  Squire  [to]  his  Superiour,  and  so  the  rest,  euery  one  so  farre  exceeding  the 
corruptions  [?  consumptions]  held  in  former  times,  that  I  will  speake  without 
reprehension,  there  is  at  this  day  thirty  times  as  much  vainely  spent  in  a  family 
of  like  multitude  and  quality,  as  was  in  former  ages  whereof  I  speake."  1607. — 
John  Norden,  The  Surueyors  Dialogue,  p.  14. 

p.  36,  1.  12:  his  wife  her  perswasions.  See  note  on  p.  36,  1.  3,  of  Tell  Troth 
New  Sh.  Soc.— S. 

p.  36,  1.  10  from  foot  :  some  are  so  brasen  faced  <Sr»  so  impudent,  &*c.  Cf. 
Two  Gen.  of  Ver.,  IT.  vii.  11.  53 — 56  (Lucetta  and  the  codpiece  to  Julia's  round 
hose),  and  Much  Ado,  III.  iii.  1.  146  (Hercules  &  the  same  article). —S. 

p.  37 :  in  leather.  Compare  Edward  III,  II.  ii.  120,  Leopold  Shakspere,  p. 
1044,  col.  I  :  "  Since  leathern  Adam  till  this  youngest  hour." 

p.  39,  1.  7  :  it  makcth  a  man  to  bee  accepted  and  esteemed  of. 

"  Keep  good  clothes  on  thy  backe,  and  nearely  weare  them  ; 
What  want  soeuer  comes,  doe  not  pawne  them  ; 
For,  once  being  gotten  in  the  Deuils  iawes, 
He  will  surely  keepe  them  in  with  his  pawes. 
In  thy  Apparell  be  something  clenly, 
Though  in  thy  purse  thou  hast  neu'r  a  penny  : 
Men  may  in  some  measure  it  esteeme  thee, 
And  a  farther  grace  happily  giue  thee. 
Doe  not  seeme  bace,  though  penilesse  thou  art ; 
But  looke  about,  of  whom  to  get  a  part." 
1613.—  The  Vncasing  of  Machivils  Instructions  to  his  Sonne,  p.  15. 

p.  42,  1.  8  from  foot:  what  preuay let h  it  to  be  borne  of  worshipfull  progenie, 
&c.  Compare  Chaucer's  Gentleness  in  Scogan's  Poem  in  Thynne's  Chaucer,  If. 
380,  bk,  col.  I  ;  Urry's,  p.  547,  col.  I  ;  Morris's,  vol.  vi,  p.  296. 

"  This  firste  stoke  was  ful  of  rightwisnesse, 
Trewe  of  his  worde,  soboure,  pitous  and  free, 
Cleene  of  his  gooste,  and  lovid  besynesse, 
Ageynste  the  vice  of  slowthe  in  honeste ; 

238    Notes  on  pp.  42 — 49.     Meris  Dress,  Starch,  &c. 

And,  but  his  heire  loue  vertu,  as  did  he, 
He  nis  not  gentille,  thouhe  him  riche  seme, 
Al  were  he  mytre,  corone,  or  diademe." 

1  The  idea  of  course  is  not  new.  It  is  found  frequently  enough  in  the  Greek 
&  Latin  literature.  It  occurs,  we  believe,  for  the  first  time  in  the  fragments  of 
Epicharmus : — 

dya06f  8'  dvijp 
Kaj>'  'A.i9io4>  icai  SovXos,  ivyfvij£  t<t>v 

and  afterwards  it  is  found  in  Euripides,  Horace,  Juvenal,  — "  Stemmata  quid 
faciunt  ?"  and  lastly  in  Seneca.  Doubtless  Jean  de  Meung  took  it  from  Seneca.' 
— W.  Besant,  in  the  British  Quarterly  Review,  Oct.  1871,  p.  388.  See  Shakspere's 
Meas.  for  Meas. ,  Tennyson's  Lady  Clara  Vere  de  Vere,  &c. 

p.  43,  1.  14 :  tagge  and  ragge.  Compare  John  Partridge  in  The  Worthie 
Historie  of  .  .  Plasidas,  1566,  "To  walles  they  go,  both  tagge  and  ragge,  Their 
citie  to  defende,"  and  the  other  quotations  in  Mr.  H.  B.  Wheatley's  Diet,  of 
Reduplicated  Words,  Philolog.  Soc.  1865,  p.  85-6. 

p.  44.  Pride  &>  Apparel.  —  See  Chaucer's  Parson's  Tale  ( Works,  ed. 
Morris,  iii.  296-8)  on  Pride,  as  shown  "  in  superfluite  of  clotheynge  "  in  his  day, 
the  embroidering,  indenting,  waving,  furring,  chisel-punching,  dagging,  of  gowns, 
their  trailing  in  the  mire ;  the  short  coats  and  tight  parti  colourd  hose  or 
breeches  showing  the  shameful  members  of  man,  and  making  em  look  as  if 
flayn,  &c.  &c.  See  also  Piers  Plowman,  Roberde  of  Brunne's  Handlyng 
Synne,  &c. 

p.  49,  1.  5  '  abhorring  the  Christian  povertie,  &c. 

"  Be  rich,  I  say  ;  nay  boy,  be  rich  and  wise  ! 
Gold  is  an  actious  [so]  mettle  for  the  eyes  . 
:  -'     Why  ?  rich  men  haue  much  monie  and  gaie  geare, 
And  goodly  houses,  and  most  daintie  cheare  ; 
Faire  wiues,  fine  pictures,  playes  and  morris-dances, 
And  many  cheates,  that  come  by  many  chances  ; 
Fine  Ciuet-boxes,  sweet  perfumes,  and  waters, 
And  twentie  other  such  kind  of  matters. 
While  the  poore  man,  that  pines  for  want  of  friends, 
May  sit  and  sigh,  and  picke  his  fingers  ends, 
And  euery  morning  wash  his  face  with  teares, 
And  wipe  his  blubbered  cheekes  with  sheualed  heares. 
It  is  a  heauie  sence,  where  coyne  is  wanting  ; 
At  such  a  time  of  care,  friends  are  scanting. 5: 
1613-  —  The  Vncasing  of  Machivils  Instructions  to  his  Sonne,  p.  22. 

p.  52,  1.  6 :  liquide  matter  which  they  call  Starch.  Howell  relates  that  Mrs. 
Turner,  the  poisoner  of  Sir  Thomas  Overbury,  "the  first  inventress  of  yellmo 
Starch  was  executed  in  a  Cobweb  Lawn  Ruff  of  that  colour  at  Tyburn  ;  and  with 
her  I  believe  that  yellow  Starch,  which  so  much  disfigured  our  Nation,  and 
rendered  them  so  ridiculous  and  fantastic,  will  receive  its  Funeral." — E.pistol<z 
Ho-Eliana,  p.  19,  ed.  1737. — S. 

Notes  on  pp.  49,  60.     Merfs  Dress.  239 

p.  53,  last  line  :  if  they  stand  uppon  their  pantoffles.     See  notes  in  Tell  Troth 
on  p.  55,  last  line. — S. 


See  Harrison's  amusing  Chapter  7,  in  his  Book  II,  our  Part  I,  p.  167 ; 
Father  Hubburds  Tales  at  the  end  of  Dyce's  Middleton,  vol.  v,  &c. 

p.  49,  60.  Spanish,  French,  &•*  Dutch  fashion.  Men's  changeable  fashions  and 
Women's  extravagant  dress  also  movd  Schoolmaster  Averell  to  wrath  in  1588. 
In  his  "A  meruailous  combat  of  contrarieties.  Malignantlie  striuing  in  tht 
members  of  mans  bodie  allegoricallie  representing  vnto  vs  the  enuied  state  of  our 
florishing  Common  wealth :  ivherin  dialogue-wise  by  the  way,  are  touched  the 
extreame  vices  of  this  present  time,  &c.  &c.  by  W.  A."  he  makes  "The  Bellie" 
say  (sig.  B.  I  &  2) :  — 

"  Why,  had  euer  Premetheus  more  shapes,  then  the  backe  sutes  ?  or  ye  Hydra 
more  new  heads  then  the  back  new  Garments  ?  not  so  variable  for  their  matter, 
as  changable  for  their  fashion  :  to  daie  French,  to  morrowe  English,  the  next  day 
Spanish,  to  daie  Italianate,  to  morrow  for  fashion  a  deuill  incarnat,  O  tempora, 
o  mores!  To  daie  you  shine  in  sutes  of  silke,  to  morrow  you  iet  it  out  in  cloth 
of  Golde,  one  daie  in  blacke  for  show  of  grauitie,  an  other  daie  in  white  in  token 
of  brauerie,  this  day  that  cullour,  the  next  day  another,  nowe  short  wasted,  anon 
long  bellied,  by  and  by  after  great  Buttoned,  and  straight  after  plaine  laced,  or 
els  your  Buttons  as  strange  for  smalnes,  as  they  were  monstrous  before  for 
greatnes,  this  yeere  bumbd  like  a  Barrell,  the  next  shottend  like  a  Herring,  nowe 
your  hose  hang  loose  like  a  bowe  case,  the  next  daie  as  straite  as  a  pudding 
skinne,  one  while  buskind  for  lack  of  stocks,  another  while  booted  for  want  of 
shooes,  and  thus  from  you  that  are  the  grand  Maister,  doo  the  inferiour  members 
fetch  their  fashions,  &  these  be  the  mutabilities  of  men," 

[The  continuation  of  the  passage,  on  Women,  is  on  p.  253,  below.] 

See  too  Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  Part  III.  Sect.  2,  Memb.  3,  subs. 
3,  "Artificial  Allurements,"  p.  295  of  edition  1676  : — 

"Women  are  bad,  &  men  worse;  no  difference  at  all  betwixt  their  &  our 
times.  Good  manners  (as  Seneca  complains)  are  extinct  with  wantonness:  in 
tricking  up  themselves  men  go  beyond  women,  they  wear  harlots  colours,  and  do  not 
walk,  but  jet  and  dance,  hie  mulier,  hac  vir,  more  like  Players,  Butterflies, 
Baboons,  Apes,  Anticks,  than  men.  So  ridiculous  moreover  are  we  in  our 
attires,  and  for  cost  so  excessive,  that  as  Hierom  said  of  old,  '  Vno  filo  villarum 
insunt  pretia,  uno  lino  decies  sestertiiim  inseritur ' ;  'tis  an  ordinary  thing  to  put  a 
thousand  Oaks,  &  an  hundred  Oxen  into  a  suit  of  apparel,  to  wear  a  whole 
mannor  on  his  back.  What  with  shoo-ties,  hangers,  points,  caps  and  feathers, 
scarfs,  bands,  cuffs,  &c.,  in  a  short  space  their  whole  patrimonies  are  consumed." 

Compare  also  Harrison,  Pt.  I.  p.  343,  and  Shakspere,  in  Henry  VIII,  I.  i. 
80-85,  '  many  Have  broke  their  backs  with  laying  manors  on  'em  For  this  great 
journey,'  &c.  Also  in  Hislrio-mastix,  by  Peele  and  Marston,  1590-1600,  pr. 

240       Notes  on  pp.  49,  50.     Mens  Hats,  &c. 

1610,  we  find  the  Serving  man  saying  to  his  master  (School  of S ha  kspere,  ii.  47) : — 

"  We  breake  your  backs?    No  !  'tis  your  rich  lac'd  sutes, 
And  straight  lac'd  mutton  :  those  break  all  your  backs. " 

See  too  in  *  A  Supplycacyon  to  .  .  Kynge  Henry  the  Eyght,'  1544  (E.  E.  T.  Soc., 
1871,  p.  52)  :  "Is  there  not  suche  excesse  and  costelynes  of  apparel  /  bycause  of 
dyueryte  and  chaurcge  of  fasshyons,  that  scarce  a  worshipfull  mans  landes,  which 
in  tymes  paste  was  wonte  to  fynde  and  maynteyne  twenty  or  thirty  tall  yowe- 
men  /  a  good  plentyfull  howsholde  for  the  releyfe  and  comforte  of  many  poor  and 
neadye  /  and  the  same  nowe  is  not  suffycyent  and  able  to  maynteyne  the  heyre  of 
the,  same  landes  /  his  wiffe/  her  gentle  woman  or  mayde  /  two  yowmen  /  and  one 
lackey  ?  The  pryncypall  cause  herof  is  their  costly  apparell  /  and  specially  their 
manyfolde  and  dyuerse  chaunges  of  fasshyons  whiche  the  man,  and  specially  the 
woman,  muste  weare  vpon  bothe  headde  and  bodye.  Somtyme  cappe  /  somtyme 
hoode  /  nowe  the  Frenshe  fasshyon,  nowe  the  Spanyshe  fasshyon  ;  than  the  Italyan 
fasshyon  /  and  then  the  Myllen  fasshyon  ;  so  that  there  is  noo  ende  of  consumynge 
of  substaunce  .  .  and  all  to  please  the  prowde  folyshe  man  and  womans  fantasye. 
Hereof  spryngethe  great  myserye  and  neede."  See  too  the  Note  for  p.  53,  1.  4-6, 
p.  245,  below. 

p.  49,  1.  9:  one  sute  for  the  forenoone,  &c.     See  the  note  from  Bp.  Pilkington 
(for  p.  58),  p.  248,  below. 

p.  50:  hats,  standing  collars,  ruffs,  shoestrings,  &c. 

"  Good  Card-makers  (if  there  be  any  goodnes  in  you) 
Apparrell  vs  with  more  respected  Care, 
Put  vs  in  Hats,  our  Caps  are  worne  thread-bare, 
Let  vs  haue  standing  Collers,  in  the  fashion  : 
(All  are  become  a  stiffe-necke  generation) 
Rose  Hat-bands,  with  the  shagged-ragged- Ruffe  : 
Great  Cabbage-shooestrings  (pray  you  bigge  enough) 
French  Doublet,  and  the  Spanish  Hose  to  breech  it : 
Short  Cloakes,  like  old  Mandilions  (wee  beseech  it) 
Exchange  our  Swords,  and  take  away  our  Bils, 
Let  vs  haue  Rapiers,  (knaues  loue  fight  that  kils1) 
Put  vs  in  Bootes,  and  make  vs  leather  legs, 
This,  Harts  most  humbly,  and  his  fellowes,  begs." 
1612. — Samuel  Rowlands,  The  Knave  of  Harts  (1874,  Hunterian  Club,  p.  12-13). 

The  dress  obtaind  is  describd  in  Rowlands's  More  Knaues  yet  ?  (1611  ?)  sign. 
A  4  (ed.  1874  and  p.  5)  :  — 

".   .  now  the  honest  Printer  hath  bin  kinde, 
Bootes,  and  Stockins,  to  our  Legs  doth  finde, 
Garters,  Polonia  Heeles,  and  Rose  Shooe-strings, 
Which  somwhat  vs  two  Knaues  in  fashion  brings  .  .   . 

1  See  the  extract  from  Howes,  in  Harrison,  Pt.  II,  p.  31*. 

Notes  on  pp.  50,  51.     Meiis  Feathers,  &c.      241 

Well,  other  friends  I  hope  we  shall  beseech 

For  the  great  large  abhominable  breech 

Like  Brewers  Hopsackes  :  yet,  since  new  they  be, 

Each  knaue  will  haue  them,  and  why  should  not  wee  ? 

Some  Laundresse  we  also  will  entreate 

For  Bands  and  Ruffes  .... 

Scarffes  we  doe  want  to  hange  our  weapons  by  ... 

hats  of  newest  blocke  "  .  . 

p.  50.     Hat  &  feathers,  &c. 

"  His  hat,  himselfe,  small  crowne  and  huge  great  brim, 
Faire  outward  show,  and  little  wit  within. 
And  all  the  band  vfth  feathers  he  doth  fill, 
Which  is  a  signe  of  a  fantastick  still, 
As  sure  as  (some  doe  tell  me)  evermore 
A  goate  l  doth  stand  before  a  brothell  dore. 
His  clothes  perfum'd,  his  fustic  mouth  is  ayred, 
His  chynne  new  swept,  his  very  cheekes  are  glared." 
1598.— Jn.  Marston,  Satyre  III.     Works,  1856,  iii.  223-4  :  see  p.  216  too. 

p.  51:  feathers,  wings,  breeches,  cloak,  rapier,  hangers,  boots,  spurs.  The 
dress  of  a  young  dandy  in  1604  is  thus  described  by  T.  M.  in  his  Father  Hubburds 
Tales,  reprinted  (in  modern  spelling)  at  the  end  of  vol.  v.  of  Dyce's  ed.  of 
Middleton's  Works,  as  probably  Middleton's.  "  At  last,  to  close  up  the  lament 
able  tragedy  of  us  ploughmen,  enters  our  young  landlord,  so  metamorphosed 
into  the  shape  of  a  French  puppet,  that  at  the  first  we  started,  and  thought  one 
of  the  baboons  had  marched-in  in  man's  apparel.  His  head  was  dressed  up  in 
white  feathers  like  a  shuttlecock,  which  agreed  so  well  with  his  brain,  being 
nothing  but  cork,  that  two  of  the  biggest  of  the  guard  might  very  easily  have 
tossed  him  with  battledores,  and  made  good  sport  with  him  in  his  majesty's  great 
hall.  His  doublet  was  of  a  strange  cut ;  and  shew  the  furye  of  his  humour,  the 
collar  of  it  rose  up  so  high  and  sharp  as  if  it  would  have  cut  his  throat  by  day 
light.  His  wings,2  according  to  the  fashion  now,  were  as  little  and  diminutive 
as  a  puritan's  ruff,  which  shewed  he  ne'er  meant  to  fly  out  of  England,  nor  do 
any  exploit  beyond  sea,  but  live  and  die  about  London,  though  he  begged  in 
Finsbury.  His  breeches,  a  wonder  to  see,  were  full  as  deep  3  as  the  middle  of 
winter,  or  the  roadway  between  London  and  Winchester,  and  so  longe  and  wide 
withal,  that  I  think  within  a  twelvemonth  he  might  very  well  put  all  his  lands  in 

1  The   emblem  of  lechery,  as   the   sparrow  also  was.     See  the  picture  of 
Lechery  in  the   Cambr.    Univ.  Library's  MS.   Gg.  4.  27,    Chaucer's    Parson's 
Tale,  autotyped  for  the  Chaucer  Society. 

2  See  p.  524,  Dyce's  Middleton,  v:  T.  M.'s  Blacke  Booke,  1604:  "apparel 
led  in  villanous  packthread,  in  a  wicked  suit  of  coarse  hop-bags,  the  wings  and 
skirts  faced  with  the  ruins  of  dishclouts."     '  Wings,  lateral  prominencies  extend 
ing  from  each  shoulder.'    Whalley's  note  on  B.  Jonson's  Works,  ii.  103,  ed.  Giff. 

3  *  They  strangle  and  cloke  more  velvet  in  a  deep-gathered  hose,  than  would 
serve  to  line  through  my  lord  What-call-ye-him's  coach.'     1604. — T.  M.,  Blacke 
Booke.     Dyce's  Middleton,  v.  524. 


242     Notes  on  p.  51.    A  Dandy  s  Dress  in  1604. 

them  ;  and  then  you  may  imagine  they  were  big  enough,  when  they  would  out 
reach  a  thousand  acres  :  moreover,  they  differed  so  far  from  our  [old]  fashioned 
hose1  in  the  country,  and  from  his  father's  old  gascoynes,2  that  his  back-part  seemed 
to  us  like  a  monster  ;  the  roll  of  the  breeches  standing  so  low,  that  we  conjectured 
his  house  of  office,  sir-reverence,3  stood  in  his  hams.  All  this  while  his  French 
monkey  bore  his  cloak  of  three  pounds  a  yard,  lined  clean  through  with  purple 
velvet,4  which  did  so  dazzle  our  coarse  eyes,  that  we  thought  we  should  have  been 
purblind  ever  after,  what  with  the  prodigal  aspect  of  that  and  his  glorious  rapier 
and  hangers  all  bost  [  =  embosstj  with  pillars  of  gold,  fairer  in  show  than  the 
pillars  in  Paul's  or  the  tombs  at  Westminster  ;  beside,  it  drunk  up  the  price  of  all 
my  plough-land  in  very  pearl,  which  stuck  as  thick  upon  these  hangers  as  the 
white  measles  upon  a  hog's  flesh.  When  I  had  well  viewed  that  gay  gaudy 
cloak  and  those  unthrifty  wasteful  hangers,  I  muttered  thus  to  myself :  *  That  is 
no  cloak  for  the  pain,  sure ;  nor  those  no  hangers  for  Derrick ' ;  when  of  a 
sudden,  casting  mine  eyes  lower,  I  beheld  a  curious  pair  of  boots  of  king 
Philip's  [=  Spanish]  leather,  in  such  artificial  wrinkles,  sets  and  plaits,  as  if  they 
had  been  starched  lately  and  came  new  from  the  laundress's,  such  was  my  ignor 
ance  and  simple  acquaintance  with  the  fashion,  and  I  dare  swear  my  fellows  and 
neighbours  here  are  all  as  ignorant  as  myself.  But  that  which  struck  us  most 
into  admiration  :  upon  those  fantastical  boots  stood  such  huge  and  wide  tops, 
which  so  swallowed  up  his  thighs,  that  had  he  sworn  as  other  gallants  did,  this 
common  oath,  'would  I  might  sink  as  I  stand!'  all  his  body  might  very  well 
have  sunk  down  and  been  damned  in  his  boots.  Lastly  he  walked  the  chamber 
with  such  a  pestilent  gingle  5  that  his  spurs  oversqueaked  the  lawyer,  and  made 
him  reach  his  voice  three  notes  above  his  fee  ;  but  after  we  had  spied  the  rowels 
of  his  spurs,  how  we  blest  ourselves  !  they  did  so  much  and  so  far  exceed  the 
compass  of  our  fashion,  that  they  looked  more  like  the  forerunners  of  wheel 
barrows.  Thus  was  our  young  landlord  accoutred  in  such  a  strange  and  prodigal 
shape  [=  dress]  that  it  amounted  to  above  two  years'  rent  in  apparel." — T.  M. 
The^Ant  and  the  Nightingale,  or  Father  Htibburds  Tales,  1604. 

"  Asper  .  .     But  that  a  rook,  by  wearing  a  pyed  feather, 
The  cable  hatband,  or  the  three-piled  ruff, 
A  yard  of  shoe-tye,  or  the  Switzer's  knot 

1  breeches.         2  galligaskins.         3  See  note,  Dyce's  Middleton,  ii.  227. 

4  "There  is  no  fool  to  the  satin  fool  the  velvet  fool,  the  perfumed  fool ;  and 
therefore  the  witty  tailors  of  this  age  put  them,  under  colour  of  kindness,  into  a 
pair  of  cloth  bags,  where  a  voider  will  not  serve  the  turn."  1602. — Return 
from  Parnassus.  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  ix.  184. 

6  '  Caused  by  the  large  loose  rowels  which  are  presently  mentioned ;  they  were 
commonly  of  silver. '  Compare — 

11  Fastidious  Brisk.  .  .  my  gray  hobby  .  .  a  fine  fiery  little  slave,  he  runs 
like  a — oh,  excellent,  excellent — with  the  very  sound  of  the  spur. 

Carlo.     How  !  the  sound  of  the  spur  ? 

Fast.  O,  it's  your  only  humour  now  extant,  sir  :  a  good  gingle,  a  good  gingle." 
1599. — Ben  Jonson,  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour ,  II.  i.,  Works,  i.  80,  col.  2  ; 
and  in  II.  ii.  p.  93,  col.  2  : 

"  Fungoso.     I  had  spurs  of  mine  own  before,  but  they  were  not  ginglers." 

Notes  on  p.  51.      Bandless  hats,  &c.  243 

On  his  French  garters,  should  affect  a  humour  ! 
O,  it  is  more  than  most  ridiculous." 

Ben  Jonson,  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour  (acted  1599).  Induction,  Works, 
ed.  Cunningham,  i.  67,  col.  I.  See  the  Cap's  complaint  about  the  Feathers 
stuck  in  him  in  "A  Pleasauntf  Dialogue  or  Disputation  betiueene  the  Cap,\  and 
the  Head. I"  1564,  quoted  in  my  Thynne's  Animadversions  (E.  E.  T.  Soc. ), 
p.  cxxxi. 

p.  51,  1.  3 :  hats  without  bands  ;  feathers  in  hats,  scarfs,  &c. 

"  EPIGRAMS.    Epig.  27. 

Aske  Humors,  why  a  Feather  he  doth  weare  ?      » 

It  is  his  humor  (by  the  Lord)  heele  sweare. 

Or  what  he  doth  with  such  a  Horse-taile  locke  ? 

Or  why  vpon  a  Whoore  he  spendes  his  stocke  ? 

He  hath  a  Humor  doth  determine  so. 

Why  in  the  Stop-throate  fashion  doth  he  go, 

With  Scarfe  about  his  necke  ?     Hat  without  band  ? 

It  is  his  humor,  sweete  sir,  vnderstand  .  .  . 

Obiect,  why  Bootes  and  Spurres  are  still  in  season  ? 

His  Humor  answeres  :     Humor  is  the  reason. 

If  you  perceiue  his  wittes  in  wetting  shrunke, 

It  commeth  of  a  Humor,  to  be  drunke. 

When  you  behould  his  lookes  pale,  thin,  and  poore, 

Th'  occ[a]sion  is,  his  Humor,  and  a  Whore  : 

And  euery  thing  that  he  doth  vndertake, 

It  is  a  vaine,  for  sencelesse  Humors  sake. " 

1600.— S.  Rowlands,  The  Letting  of  Humours  Blood  in  the  Head- Vaine,  sign.  C 
(ed.  1874,  p.  33). 

p.  51,  &c. :  dress,  &  starcht  ruffs  6°  rabatos, — "There  was  then  [in  Adam's 
days]  neither  the  Spanish  slop,  nor  the  skipper's  galligaskin,  the  Switzer's  blistered 
codpiece  *,  nor  the  Danish  sleeve  sagging  down  like  a  Welsh  wallet,  the  Italian's 
close  strosser,  nor  the  French  standing  collar  :  your  treble-quadruple  daedalian 
ruffs,  nor  your  stiffnecked  rabatos,  that  have  more  arches  for  Pride  to  row  under 
than  can  stand  under  five  London  bridges,  durst  not  then  set  themselves  out  in 
print,  for  the  patent  for  starch  could  by  no  means  be  signed.  Fashions  then  was 
counted  a  disease,  and  horses  died  of  it 2  ;  but  now,  thanks  to  folly,  it  is  held  the 
only  rare  physic,  and  the  purest  golden  asses  live  upon  it."  1609.-  T.  Dekker. 
Guls  Hornbook,  ch.  i.,  ed.  1862,  p.  8. 

1  See  Coryafs  Crudities  on  this.     Rowlands  makes  it  Danish:  — 

"  His  faces  chiefest  ornament,  is  nose, 

Full  furnished  with  many  a  Clarret  staine, 
As  large  as  any  Codpiece  of  a  Dane, 
Embossed  curious  :  " 

1600. —  S.  Rowlands,  Letting  of  Humours  Blood,  sign.  D  3  (1874,  p.  53). 
a  Lobado  en  el  cuerpo,  bunches  in  the  flesh,  the  fashion  in  a  horse,  Tuber 
struma.     1591.  R.  Perciuale.    Spanish  Diet.     '  Ldbado,  m.  bunches  in  the  flesh' 
a  disease  in  a  horse,  called  the  fashions.'     1623.  Jn.  Minsheu's  enlargd  Perciuale' 

244       Notes  on  pp.  51,  52.     Men's  Bands,  &c. 

p.  51.     Ruff  &>  Band,  &c.     (See  p.  259  below,  note  on  p.  70-1.,) 

"  Behold,  at  length  in  London  streetes  he  showes. 
His  ruffe  did  eate  more  time  in  neatest  setting, 
Then  Woodstocks  worke  in  painfull  perfecting; 
It  hath  more  doubles  farre  than  Ajax  shield, 
When  he  gainst  Troy  did  furious  battle  weild. 
Nay,  he  doth  weare  an  embleme  bout  his  neck ; 
For  under  that  fayre  rtiffe  so  sprucely  set, 
Appeares  a. fall,  ^.falling-band  forsooth  ! 
O  dapper,  rare,  compleate,  sweet  nittie  youth  ! 
Jesu  Maria  !     How  his  clothes  appeare 
Crost  and  recrost  with  lace  !  sure,  for  some  feare 
Least  that  some  spirit  with  a  tippet  mace 
Should  with  a  gastly  show  affright  his  face." 

1598.— Jn.  Marston,  Satyre  III.,  Works,  1856,  Hi.  223. 

p.  52.  "Lambskin.  My  father  was  a  starch-maker,  and  my  mother  a  laun 
dress  ;  so,  being  partners,  they  did  occupy 1  long  together  before  they  were 
married ;  then  was  I  born."  1632. — Win.  Rowley,  A  Woman  never  vexed,  in 
Hazlitt*s  Dodsley,  xii.  137. 

p.  52,  second  side-note  :  Euery  pesant  hath  his  stately  bands.  See  Fairholt's 
capital  quotations  in  Hist,  of  Costume  in  England,  p.  216,  from  Lodge's  Wits 
Miserie,  1596,  and  Euphttes  Golden  Legacie,  1592.  The  first  is,  "The  plowman, 
that  in  times  past  was  contented  in  russet,  must  now  a  daies  have  his  doublet  of 
the  fashion,  with  wide  cuts,  his  garters  of  fine  silk  of  Granada,  to  meet  his  Sis  on 
Sunday.  The  farmer,  that  was  contented  in  times  past  with  his  russet  frock  and 
mockado  sleeves,  now  sells  a  cow  against  Easter,  to  buy  him  silken  geere  for  his 
credit."  See  too  in  Harrison,  II,  36*,  what  Howes  says  :  "  men  of  meane  ranke 
weare  Garters  and  shooe  Roses,  of  more  then  fiue  pound  price  ;  and  some  weare 
scarffes  from  ten  pounds  a  piece,  vnto  thirtie  pounds  or  more.  The  like  may  be 
truly  said  concerning  wrought  Wastcoates."  The  dresses  of  a  smart  Tailor 
(p.  19),  a  Baker  (p.  29),  a  Dancing-master,  and  a  Vintner  (p.  30),  a  Grasier  (p.  31), 
an  Informer  (p.  32),  a  Husbandman  (p.  33),  a  Cumberland  copyholder's  family 
(p.  35),  are  described  in  The  Debate  between  Pride  and  Loivliness  wrongly  ascribed 
to  Francis  Thynne,  old  Shakesp.  Soc.  1841.  The  author  has  15  men  on  his 
Jury,  and  rejects  3  :  Greene,  in  his  prose  Quip  for  an  Upstart  Courtier,  which  was 
modelled  on  the  earlier  poem,  has  24  men  in  his  Jury,  and  rejects  27  :  this  Quip 
should  be  read  for  its  sketches  of  the  characters.  See  my  Trial- Forewords  to  my 
Six-  7"ext  of  Chaucer's  Canterbury  Tales,  p.  IOI-2. 

1  '  Enjoy,  in  the  sense  of  a  man  having  knowledge  of  a  woman.  Doll  Tear- 
sheet  says  of  Pistol,  in  the  Second  Part  of  Henry  IV,  ' '  These  villains  will  make 
the  word  '  captain '  as  odious  as  the  word  occupy,  which  was  an  excellent  good 
word  before  it  was  ill-sorted."  See  Nares,  edit.  1859  in  v. ;  and  Percy  Folio  MS. 
Loose  and  Humorous  Songs,  p.  29.' 

Notes  on  p.  53.      Cost  of  Men  s  Dress,  &c.     245 

p.  53,  I.  4-6:  result  of  extravagance  in  dress,  &c  : — 

"yet  take  .  .  the  cost  with  the  pleasure,  and  tell  me  then  if  once  In  seauen 
yeares,  when  your  state  is  weakened  and  your  Land  wasted,  your  Woods  un- 
timbered,  your  Pastures  vnstored,  and  your  Houses  decayed  :  then  tell  me 
whether  you  find  the  prouerbe  true,  of  the  Courtier  young  and  old." 1  1618. — N. 
Breton,  The  Court  and  Country  (1868),  p.  178.  See  too  the  interesting  « Health 
to  the  Gentlemanly  profession  of  SeruingmenJ  by  I.  M.,  1598,  in  the  same  vol. 
Hazlitt's  Inedited  Tracts,  1868,  p.  95 ;  also,  Quips  upon,  Questions,  1600, 
sign.  G  2. 

"  Carlo. — First,  to  be  an  accomplished  gentleman,  that  is,  a  gentleman  of  the 
time,  you  must  give  over  housekeeping  in  the  country,  and  live  altogether  in  the 
city  amongst  gallants  ;  where,  at  your  first  appearance,  'twere  good  you  turned 
four  or  five  hundred  acres  of  your  best  land  into  two  or  three  trunks  of  apparel." 
1599. — Ben  Jonson,  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour,  I.  i.,  Works,  ed.  Cunning 
ham,  i.  73,  col.  I.  In  II.  i,  p.  87,  col.  2,  Fungoso  puts  the  cost  of  his  suit  at 
about  ,£40  of  our  money;  "Let  me  see,  the  doublet:  say  fifty  shillings  the 
doublet ;  and  between  three  or  [=  and]  four  pound  the  hose ;  then  boots,  hat, 
and  band :  some  ten  or  eleven  pound  will  do  it  all,  and  suit  me,  for  the  heavens." 
1596-8. — Ben  Jonson,  Every  Man  in  his  Humour,  II.  ii.,  Works,  ed.  Cunning 
ham,  i.  21,  col.  I. 

p.  53  :  shirts.  When  Fastidious  Brisk  is  describing  the  articles  of  his  dress 
injured  in  his  duel,  in  Ben  Jonson's  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour  (acted  A.D. 
1599  ;  410.  1600,  fol.  1616),  IV.  iv,  Carlo  says,  "  I  wonder  he  speaks  not  of  his 
wrought  shirt  "  [he  does,  14  lines  lower]  ;  and  Gifford  notes  :  "  The  linen,  both 
of  men  and  women,  was  either  so  worked  as  to  resemble  the  finest  lace,  or  was 
ornamented,  by  the  needle,  with  representations  of  fruits,  flowers,  passages  of 
history,"  &c.  The  Puritans,  it  appears,  turned  the  mode  to  account,  and  sub 
stituted  texts  of  Scripture  for  the  usual  embellishments.  There  is  a  pleasant 
allusion  to  this  practice  in  the  City  Match  : 

"  Sir,  she's  a  Puritan  at  her  needle  too  : 
My  smock  sleeves  have  such  holy  embroideries, 
And  are  so  learned,  that  I  fear  in  time 
All  my  apparell  will  be  quoted  by 
Some  pure  instructor." 

Works,  ed.  Cunningham,  i.  120,  Act  II,  sc.  ii. 

In  Ben  Jonson's  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour  (1590)  Puntarvolo  describes 
his  dress  in  the  account  of  his  duel  with  Luculento:  "He  again  lights  me  here,— 

1  "  And  if  thou  be  a  Courtier,  know  thy  place  : 
But  do  not  serue  for  onely  shew  of  grace, 
But  let  thy  profit  answere  thy  expence, 
Least  want  do  proue  a  wofull  patience, 
And  thou  do  proue  the  prouerbe  often  tolde, 
'  A  carelesse  Courtier  yong,  a  Begger  olde.' " 

1613. — The  Vncasing  of  Machivils  Instructions  to  his  Sonne :   With  the  Answere 

to  the  same,  p.  7. 

246    Notes  on  pp.  54-6.     Mens  Doublets,  Canions,  &c. 

I  had  on  a  gold  cable  hatband,  then  new  come  up,  which  I  wore  about  a  murrey 
French  hat  I  had, — cuts  my  hatband, — and  yet  it  was  massy  goldsmith's  work — 
cuts  my  brims,  which,  by  good  fortune,  being  thick  embroidered  with  gold  twist 
and  spangles,  disappointed  the  force  of  the  blow :  nevertheless  it  grazed  on  my 
shoulder,  takes  me  away  six  purls  of  an  Italian  cut-work  band  I  wore,  cost  me 
three  pound  in  the  Exchange  but  three  days  before  .  .  .  He,  making  a  reverse 
blow,  falls  upon  my  embossed  girdle — I  had  thrown  off  the  hangers 1  .  .  strikes  off 
a  skirt  of  a  thick-laced  satin  doublet  I  had,  lined  with  four  taffatas,  cuts  off  two 
panes  embroidered  with  pearl,  rends  through  the  drawings-out  of  tissue,  enters 
the  linings,  and  skips  the  flesh  .  .  .  not  having  leisure  to  put  off  my  silver  spurs, 
one  of  the  rowels  catched  hold  of  the  ruffle 2  of  my  boot,  and  being  Spanish 
leather,  and  subject  to  tear,  overthrows  me,  rends  me  two  pair  of  silk  stockings 
that  I  put  on, — being  somewhat  a  raw  morning, — a  peach  colour  and  another, 
and  strikes  me  some  half  inch  deep  into  the  side  of  the  calf ;  he  .  .  takes  horse, 
and  away ;  I,  having  bound  up  my  wound  with  a  piece  of  my  wrought  shirt  .  . 
rid  after  him."  Act  IV.  sc.  iv.  Works,  ed.  Cunningham,  i.  119,  col.  2. 

p.  54:  men  tender  now. — Cp.  Harrison,  Part  I,  p.  337-8,  "when  our  houses 
were  builded  of  willow,  then  had  we  oken  men  ;  but  now  that  our  houses  are 
come  to  be  made  of  oke,  our  men  are  not  onlie  become  willow,  but  a  great 
manie  .  .  altogither  of  straw,"  &c. 

p.  55.  Dublets  -with  great  bellies.  "  Fungoso.  look  you,  that's  the  suit,  sir  : 
I  would  have  mine  such  a  suit  without  difference,  such  stuff,  such  a  wing,  such  a 
sleeve,  such  a  shirt,  belly  and  all ;  therefore,  pray  you  observe  it."  1599. — Ben 
Jonson,  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour,  III.  i.,  Works,  i.  IOI,  col.  I. 

p.  56.  With  Cantons  annexed.  —  See  the  V '  Q\vnQ-canioned  hobbyhorses,  in 
Northward  Ho,  p.  231  above.  "  Canons  de  Chausses,  Cannyons.  Chaussesa  queue 
de  merlus.  Round  breeches  with  strait  cannions  ;  hauing  in  the  seat  a  peece  like 
a  fishes  tayle ;  and  worne  by  old  men,  schollers,  and  such  like  niggardlie  or 
needie  persons."  1611. — Cotgrave.  "  Cantons  were  rolls  of  stuff  which  termi 
nated  the  breeches  or  hose  at  the  knee  (fig.  135,"  [where  2  heavyish  rolls  or 
sausages  all  round  the  knee  are  cut] ),  Fairholt  :  he  refers  to  Henslowe's  diary, 
"under  April,  1598,  he  [H.]  disburses ,£6  8s.  for  a  bugell  doblett  and  a  payer  of 
paned  hose  of  bugell  panes  drawne  out  with  cloth  of  silver  and  canyons  to  the 
same,"  &c. 

p.  56 :  gally-hosen;  also  Gally-gascoynes.     See  that  word  in  Fairholt,  p.  454. 

p.  56:  hosen  of  a  Marke  price. — This  was  an  extravagant  price  in  William 
Rufus's  day,  when  3.5-.  was  the  figure.  See  the  anecdote  about  the  king's  hose  in 
Robert  of  Gloster's  Chronicle,  quoted  by  Fairholt  under  hose,  p.  512. 

p.  56  :  trunk  hose.  — "  Sometimes  I  have  scene  Tarleton  play  the  clowne,  and 
vse  no  other  breeches  than  such  sloppes  or  slivings  as  now  many  gentlemen  weart  : 

1  "'The  fringed  loops  appended  to  the  girdle,  in  which  the  dagger  or  small 
sword  usually  hung." 

2  The  turn-over  fringe  or  scollop  of  fine  leather,  often  edgd  with  gold  lace. 
"Ruffle  your  brow  like  a  new  boot."     Ib.  I.  i.  p.  73. 

Notes  on  pp.  56,  57.     Meris  Trunk-hose,  &c.      247 

they  are  almost  capable  of  a  bushel  of  wheate  ;  and  if  they  be  of  sackecloth,  they 
would  serve  to  carrie  mawlt  to  the  mill.  This  absurd,  clownish,  and  unseemly 
attire,  only  by  custome  now  is  not  misliked,  but  rather  approved."  1601. — Trios. 
Wright.  The  Passions  of  the  Minde  in  generall.  (Dedicated  to  Lord  Southampton  ; 
and  has  Verses  by  Ben  Jonson.)  See  also  the  interesting  extracts  and  cut  in 
Fairholt's  Costume,  p.  217.  He  was  before  me,  I  see,  in  quoting  the  following : — 

"When  Tarlton  clown' d  it  in  a  pleasant  vaine, 
And  with  conceites,  did  good  opinions  gaine 
Vpon  the  Stage,  his  merry  humors  shop, 
Clownes  knew  the  Clowne,  by  his  great  clownish  slop. 
But  now  th'are  gull'd,  for  present  fashion  sayes, 
Dicke  Tarltons  part,  Gentlemens  breeches  playes  : 
In  euery  streete  where  any  Gallant  goes, 
The  swagg'ring  Sloppe,  is  Tarltons  clownish  hose." 

1600.—  S.  Rowlands,  The  Letting  of  Humours  Blood  in  the  Head-Vaine,  C  2,  back 
(ed.  1874,  p.  36).  See  too  the  bit  from  More  Knaves  Yet,  p.  240,  above,  and  Ben 
Jonson's  "  I'll  go  near  to  fill  that  huge  tumbrel-slop  of  yours  with  somewhat,  an 
I  have  good  luck  :  your  Garagantua  breech  cannot  carry  it  away  so."  1598  — 
1601.—  Every  Man  in  his  Humour,  II.  ii,  Works,  i.  18,  col.  I. 

11  And  for  false  cards  and  dice,  let  my  great  slops, 
And  his  big  bellied  dublet  both  be  sercht, 
And  see  which  harbors  most  hypocrisie." 
1606. — No- Body  and  Some- Body,  Simpson's  School  of  Shakspere,  i.  353- 

"The  rest  of  France  takes  the  modell  of  the  court,  as  a  rule  unto  it  selfe  to 
follow.  Let  Courtiers  first  begin  to  leave  off  and  loath  these  filthy  and  apish 
breeches,  that  so  openly  shew  our  secret  parts  :  the  bumbasting  of  long  pease-cod- 
bellied  doublets,  which  makes  us  seeme  so  far  from  what  we  are,  and  which  are 
so  combersome  to  arme :  These  long,  effeminate,  and  dangling  locks  :  That  fond 
custome  to  kisse  what  we  present  to  others,  and  Beso  las  manos  in  saluting  of  our 
friends:  (a  ceremonie  heretofore  only  due  unto  Princes:)"  1603.— J.  Florio, 
Montaignes  Essayes,  1634,  p.  146. 

"  In  our  Old  Plays,  the  humor  Love  and  Passion, 
Like  Doublet,  Hose  and  Cloak,  are  out  of  fashion." 

1667. — Prologue  to  James  Shirley's  Love-Tricks,  first  calld  The  Schoole  of  Com 
plement,  1631.  (Shirley  died  in  Oct.  1666.) 

p.  57 :  nether- stockes,  the  stockings,  as  distinguisht  from  the  hose,  when  the 
latter  became  breeches.  See  the  Debate  between  Pride  and  Loivliness — wrongly 
attributed  to  Francis  Thynne,  from  the  forged  '  F.  Th.'  on  its  title-page— '  The 
neather stockes  of  pure  Granada  silke,'  and  other  authorities  quoted  by  Fairholt, 
Costume  in  England,  1860,  p.  211. 

p.  57  :  shoes. — See  Fairholt,  Costume  in  England,  p.  385-7.  "  Pinsnet, 
apparently  the  same  as  Pinson,  a  thin-soled  shoe.  '  Calceamen  and  calcearium  is 

248      Notes  on  p.  58.     Mens  Boots  and  Coats. 

a  shoo,  pinson,  socke.'—  Wit  Juris*  Dictionarie,  ed.  1608,  p.  211."  Nares,  by 
Halliwell  and  Wright.  Pinion,  pin$onnet  are  not  in  any  French  Dictionary  or 
Glossary  that  Mr.  Henry  Nicol  or  I  can  find ;  and  my  friend  Prof.  Paul  Meyer 
doesn't  know  the  words.  See  p.  266  below. 

p.  58 :  boots  with  wide  tops. — "  if  thy  quicksilver  can  run  so  far  on  thy  errand  as 
to  fetch  thee  boots  out  of  S.  Martin's,  let  it  be  thy  prudence  to  have  the  tops  of 
them  wide  as  the  mouth  of  a  wallet,  and  those  with  fringed  boot-hose  over  them 
to  hang  down  to  thy  ancles."  1609. — T.  Dekker.  Guls  Hornbook ',  ch,  iii.  (1862), 
p.  16. 

Instead  of  high-soled  cork  shoes,  the  earlier  dandies  had  piked  ones  :  See  the 
passage  at  the  end  of  Gregory's  Chronicle,  after  his  death,  p.  238.  Camden  Soc. 
1876.  "  A.D.  1468-9.  Alle  so  that  yere  the  Pope  sende  a  bulle  for  the  Cordyners, 
and  cursyd  thoo  that  made  any  longe  pykys  passynge  ij  yenchys  of  lengthe,  and 
that  no  Cordyner  shuld  not  sylle  no  schone  a-pone  the  Sonday,  ne  put  no  schoo 
a-pon  no  man-ys  fote,  ne  goo  to  noo  fayrys  a-pon  the  Sonday,  uppon  payne  of 
cursynge.  And  the  kynge  grauntyd  in  a  conselle  and  in  the  Parlement  thaf  hyt 
shulde  be  put  in  excecussyon,  and  thys  was  proclaymyd  at  Poulys  Crosse.  And 
sum  men  sayd  that  they  wolde  were  longe  pykys  whethyr  Pope  wylle  or  nylle, 
for  they  sayde  the  Popys  curse  wolde  not  kylle  a  flye.  God  amend  thys ! 
And  within  schorte  tyme  aftyr,  sum  of  the  Cordyners  gate  prevy  selys  and 
proteccyons  to  make  long  Pykys,  and  causyd  tho  same  men  of  hyr  crafte  that 
laboryd  to  the  Pope  for  the  destruccyon  of  longe  pykys  to  be  trobelyd  and  in 
grete  donger." 

"  1582.  In  this  Queenes  dayes  [Anne  of  Bohemia,  Rich.  II's  Queen],  began 
the  detestable  vse  of  piked  shooes,  tyed  to  their  knees  with  chaines  of  siluer  and 
gilt.  Also  noble  women  vsed  high  attire  on  their  heads,  piked  like  homes,  with 
long  trained  gownes,  and  rode  on  side  saddles,  after  the  example  of  the  Queene, 
who  first  brought  that  fashion  into  this  land,  for  before,  women  were  vsed  to  ride 
astride  like  men."  1605.— Jn.  Stowe.  Annales,  p.  471. 

p.  58.     Coats,  &c. 

"  But  these  tender  pernels  must  have  one  gown  for  the  day,  another  for  the 
night ;  one  long,  another  short ;  one  for  winter,  another  for  summer ;  one  furred 
through,  another  but  faced ;  one  for  the  work  day,  another  for  the  holy  day  ;  one 
of  this  colour,  and  another  of  that ;  one  of  cloth,  another  of  silk  or  damask ; 
change  of  apparel,  one  afore  dinner,  another  after,  one  of  Spanish  fashion, 
another  Turkey  ;  and  to  be  brief,  never  content  with  enough,  but  always  devis 
ing  new  fashions  and  strange  ;  yea,  a  ruffian  will  have  more  in  a  ruff  and  his  hose 
than  he  should  spend  in  a  year.  I  read  of  a  painter  that  would  paint  every 
country  man  in  his  accustomed  apparel,  the  Dutch,  the  Spaniard,  the  Italian, 
the  Frenchman  ;  but  when  he  came  to  the  English  man,  he  painted  him  naked, 
English  and  Save  him  clothe,1  and  bad  him  make  it  himself,  for  he  changed  his 
apparel  fashion  so  often,  that  he  knew  not  how  to  make  it ;  such  be  our  fickle 

1  See  the  cut  opposite,  from  Andrew  Boorde. 

Notes  on  pp.  58,  59.    Meris  Dress  and  Selfishness.   249 

and   unstable  heads,   ever  devising  and    desiring  new   toys."     1560. — Bishop 
Pilkington,  Exp.  upon   Aggeus,  Works  (Parker  Soc.,  1842),  p.  56. 

If  I  am  an  English  man,  and  naked  I  stand  here, 
Musyng  in  my  mynde  what  rayment  I  shal  were, 
For  now  I  wyll  were  thys,  and  now  I  wyl  were  that ; 
Now  I  wyl  were  I  cannot  tel  what. 

1542.— ANDREW  BOORDE.     The  Fyrsl  Boke  of  the  Introduction  of  Knowledge, 

chap.  i.  p.  116  of  my  edition,  E.  E.  Text  Soc.,  1870. 

p.  59.     Cold  charitie  to  the  poore. 

"  Wealthye  Cittizens. 

YOu  Cittizens  that  are  of  Diues  Wealth, 
His  costly  cloathing,  and  his  dainty  fare, 
Regarding  nothing  but  selfe-ease  and  health, 
How  euer  Lazarus  lyes  poore  and  bare  : 
Your  Dogges  are  not  so  kinde  to  licke  their  sores, 
But  rather  serue  to  bite  them  from  your  dores. 
You  that  do  make  your  Tables  Poulters  stalles, 
Great  prouocation  to  the  sinfull  flesh, 
And  though  the  famish'd,  hunger-starued,  calles 

250    Notes  on  pp.  59 — 61.    Men's  foreign  fashions. 

'For  Jesus  sake,  with  Crummes  our  wantes  refresh,' 
Your  Dishes  haue  the  food  for  which  they  cry  : 
You  play  with  that,  for  which  they  pine  and  die. 

He  Stabbe  yee." 

1604.  —  $.  Rowlands,  Looke  to  it :  for,  He  Stabbe  ye,  B  2,  back;  p.  12,  ed.  1872. 

Compare   the  corn-hoarder   Sordido,   in   Ben  Jonson's  Every  Alan  out  of  his 

Humour  (1599),  I.  i.,   Works,  i.  78  : 

"  O,  but  (say  some)  the  poor  are  like  to  starve. 
Why,  let  'em  starve ;  what's  that  to  me  ?     Are  bees 
Bound  to  keep  life  in  drones  and  idle  moths?     No." 

p.  59-61.     Jlfen's  Coats,  Cloaks,  Gowns,  Caps,  Chains. 

The  madness  "  To  behold  the  vain  and  foolish  light  fashions  of  apparel  used 
in  their  apparel,  among  us,  it  is  too  much  wonderful.  I  think  no  realm  in  the 
world,  no,  not  among  the  Turks  and  Saracens,  doth  so  much  in  the  vanity  of 
their  apparel,  as  the  Englishmen  do  at  this  present.  Their  coat  must  be  made 
after  the  Italian  fashion,  their  cloak  after  the  use  of  the  Spaniards,  their  gown 
after  the  manner  of  the  Turks  :  their  cap  must  be  of  the  French  fashion  ;  and  at 
the  last  their  dagger  must  be  Scottish  with  a  Venetian  tassel  of  silk.  I  speak 
nothing  of  their  doublets  and  hoses,  which  for  the  most  part  are  so  minced,  cut, 
and  jagged,  that  shortly  after  they  become  both  torn  and  ragged.  I  leave  off  also 
to  speak  of  the  vanity  of  certain  light-brains,  which,  because  nothing  should  want 
to  the  setting  of  their  fondness,  will  rather  wear  a  Martin  chain 1  the  price  of 
eight-pence,  than  they  would  be  unchained.  O  what  a  monster  and  a  beast  of 
many  heads  is  the  Englishman  now  become  !  To  whom  may  he  be  compared 
worthily,  but  to  Esop's  crow  ?  For  as  the  crow  decked  herself  with  feathers  of 
all  kind  of  birds  to  make  herself  beautiful,  even  so  doth  the  vain  Englishman, 
for  the  fond  apparelling  of  himself,  borrow  of  every  nation  to  set  forth  himself 
gallant  in  the  face  of  the  world.  He  is  an  Englishman  :  he  is  also  an  Italian,  a 
Spaniard,  a  Turk,  a  Frenchman,  a  Scot,  a  Venetian,  and,  at  the  last,  what  not  ? 
He  is  not  much  unlike  a  monster  called  chimsera,  which  hath  three  heads,  one 
like  a  lion,  another  like  a  goat,  the  third  like  a  dragon."  ?  1550. — Becon. 
Jeivelafjoy,  in  The  Catechism,  &c.  Parker  Soc.,  1844,  p.  438.  (This  extract  is 
continued  at  p.  255,  below.) 

p.  60.     Spanish,  French,  &>  Dutch  fashion. — Other  articles  of  dress  besides 
Cloakes  were  imported  : — 

"  Behold,  a  most  accomplished  Caualeere, 

That  the  world's  Ape  of  Fashions  doth  appeare, 

Walking  the  streets,  his  humors  to  disclose, 

In  the  French  Doublet,  and  the  Germane  Hose : 

1  Martin  chain  :  of  counterfeit  or  base  metal.  So  also  St.  Martin's  rings. 
"  They  are  like  rings  and  chaines  bought  at  Saint  Martin's,  that  were  faire  for  a 
little  time,  but  shortly  after  will  prove  alchimy  or  rather  pure  copper."  Minshull, 
Essays,  p.  23. 

Notes  on  pp.  60-2.      Meris  foreign  fashions.       251 

The  Muffes  Cloake,  Spanish  Hat,  Toledo  blade, 
Italian  ruffe,  a  Shooe  right  Flemish  made  : 
Like  Lord  of  Misrule,  where  he  comes  hee'le  reuel, 
And  lie  for  wagers  with  the  lying' st  diuell." 

1600.— S.  Rowlands,  The  Letting  of  Humours  Blood  in  the  Head-  Vaine,  ed.  1874, 
Hunterian  Club,  p.  32. 

"  Col.  Tipto*     ...     I  would  put  on 
The  Savoy  chain  about  my  neck,  the  ruff 
And  cuffs  of  Flanders,  then  the  Naples  hat, 
With  the  Rome  hatband  and  the  Florentine  agat, 
The  Milan  sword,  the  cloke  of  Genoa,  set 
With  Brabant  buttons  ;  all  my  given  pieces 
Except  my  gloves,  the  natives  of  Madrid." 
1629. — Ben  Jonson,  The  New  Inn,  II.  ii.,  Works,  ii.  354,  col.  I. 

"  .  .   .   .  but  leather  and  cloth  both  cannot  suffice  us  at  this  time,  be  it 
never  so  fine  and  costious,  except  we  add  thereto  all  kinds  of  silks  and  velvets. 

Against  vain      But  what  do  of  these  things  ?  gold,  silver,  pearl,  precious  stones, 

and  sumptuous  .  r  •    r    • 

apparel  ouches  and  what  not,  is  now-a-days  worn  even  of  mfenor  persons, 

when  the  poor  members  of  Christ  have  neither  wherewith  they  may  clothe 
themselves,  nor  yet  comfort  their  hungry  and  thirsty  bodies.  O  lamentable 
case ! 

Mark  "And  what  shall  I  say  of  the  manifold  and  strange  fashions  of  the 
wel1  garments  that  are  used  now-a-days  ?  I  think  Satan  studieth  not  so  much 
to  invent  new  fashions  to  bring  Christian  men  into  his  snare,  as  the  tailors  now- 
a-days  are  compelled  to  excogitate,  invent,  and  imagine  diversities  of  fashions  for 
apparel,  that  they  may  satisfy  the  foolish  desire  of  certain  light  brains  and  wild 
oats,  which  are  altogether  given  to  new  fangleness.  O  most  vain  vanity  !  Some- 
Nova  times  we  follow  the  fashion  of  the  Frenchmen.  Another  time  we  have  a 
placent  trick  of  the  Spaniards.  Shortly  after,  that  beginneth  to  wax  naught :  we 
must  therefore  now  have  the  Italian  fashion.  Within  few  days  after,  we.  are 
weary  of  all  the  fashions  that  are  used  in  Christendom  ;  we  will  therefore  now, 
and  God  will,  practise  the  manner  of  going  among  the  Turks  and  Saracens  : 
would  God  that  with  the  Turks'  apparel  we  were  not  also  right  Turks  and 
infidels  in  our  life,  conversation  and  manners!"  .  .  .  .  ?  1540-50. — Thomas 
Becon,  The  Nosegay,  in  Early  Works  (Parker  Soc.),  p.  204. 

p.  60.     Cloaks. — See  Fairholt's  Costume,  p.  419. 

p.  6l.  Boot-hose. — Did  these  hose  go  inside  the  boot,  or  were  they  overalls, 
outside  it,  and  so  corresponding,  more  or  less,  to  the  Wife  of  Bath's  '  foot- 
mantel  '  as  shown  in  the  Ellesmere  MS  ?  See  the  woodcut  overleaf.  Cotgrave 
(1611)  has  '  Triquehouse :  f.  A  boot-hose;  or  a  thicke  hose  worne  in  stead  of 
a  boot.' 

p.  62.     Rapiers  :  silver  hilts  &*  velvet  sheaths. 

"  Brain-worm.  I  assure  you  the  blade  may  become  the  side  or  thigh  of  the 
best  prince  in  Europe. 

Notes  on  p.  62.     Mens  Rapiers  and  Daily  Life. 

£.  KnowelL     Ay,  with  a  velvet  scabbard,  I  think. 

Stephen.  Nay,  an't  be  mine,  it  shall  have  a  velvet  scabbard,  coz,  that's  flat  : 
I'd  not  wear  it  as  it  is,  an  you  would  give  me  an  angel. 

Brai.     At  your  worship's  pleasure,  sir  :  nay,  'tis  a  most  pure  Toledo. 

Stephen.  I  had  rather  it  were  a  Spaniard.  But  tell  me  what  shall  I  give  you 
for  it  ?  An  it  had  a  silver  hilt? 

p.  62.  On  how  the  young  men  of  and  about  this  time  spent  their  days,  see 
Sir  John  Davies's  In  Fuscunt,  Epig.  XXXIX.,  Marlowe's  Works  (stereo.),  p. 
269,  quoted  in  Harrison,  I.  Ixxx.  ;  also  Marston's  rebuke  and  ridicule  of  them  in 
his  Scourge  of  Villanie,  1599,  Works,  1856,  iii.  305-6.  Compare  too  Rowlands  : 

"Epig.  7. 

Speake,  Gentlemen,  what  shall  we  do  to  day  ? 
Drinke  some  braue  health  vpon  the  Dutch  carouse  ? 
Or  shall  we  go  to  the  Globe,  and  see  a  Play  ? 
Or  visit  Shorditch,  for  a  bawdie  house  ? 
Lets  call  for  Gardes  or  Dice,  and  haue  a  Game, 
To  sit  thus  idle,  is  both  sinne  and  shame. 

This  speakes  Sir  Reuell,  furnisht  out  with  Fashion, 
From  dish-crownd  Hat,  vnto  th'  Shooes  square  toe  ; 
That  haunts  a  Whore-house  but  for  recreation, 
Playes  but  at  Dice,  to  connycatch,  or  so  ; 


Notes  on  pp.  62,  64.     Meris  Days.    Women.    253 

Drinkes  drunke  in  kindnes,.for  good  fellowship; 

Or  to  the  Play  goes,  but  some  Purse  to  nip." 

1600.— S.  Rowlands,  The  Letting  of  Humours  Blood  in  the  Head-  Vaine,  Hunt. 
Club,  1874,  p.  13.     Again, 

"A  Fantasticall  Knaue. 

!lrra,  come  hither,  I  must  send  you  straight 
To  diuers  places,  about  things  of  waight : 

First  to  my  Barber,  at  his  Bason  signe, 

Bid  him  be  heere  to  morrow  about  nine : 

Next  to  my  Taylor,  and  will  him  be  heere 

About  eleuen,  and  his  Bill  He  cleere  : 

My  Shoomaker  by  twelue,  haste  bid  him  make 

About  the  Russet  Bootes  that  I  bespake. 

Stay,  harke,  I  had  forgot,  at  any  hand, 

First  to  my  Laundresse  for  a  yellow  Band  ; 

And  point  the  Feather-maker  not  to  faile 

To  plume  my  head  with  his  best  Estridge  tayle .  .  . 

Step  to  the  Cutler  for  my  fighting  blade, 

And  know  if  that  my  riding  sword  be  made  ; 

Bid  him  trim  vp  my  walking  Rapier  neat, 

My  dancing  Rapiers  pummell  is  too  great "  .  .  .  . 

1613.— S.  Rowlands,  A  Paire  of  Spy-Knaues,  sign.  B  3,  back  (Hunt.  Club, 
1872,  p.  8). 

"  But  now  of  the  contrarie  let  vs  consider  our  exercises,  and  how  we  vse  to 
reckon  our  faultes,  and  examine  the  whole  day  againe  at  night  ere  we  go  to  rest, 
and  slepe.  Now  are  we  occupied  ?  Verily  we  kepe  ioly  cheare  one  with  another 
in  banquetting,  surfeiting,  and  dronkenesse ;  also  we  vse  all  the  night  long  in 
ranging  from  town  to  town,  and  from  house  to  house,  with  mummeries  and 
maskes,  dice-playing,  carding,  and  dauncing,  hauing  nothing  lesse  in  our 
memories  than  the  day  of  death."  1577. — John  Northbrooke,  A  treatise  against 
Dicing,  etc.,  ed.  1840,  p.  15.  See  p.  265  below,  on  Parents'  neglect. 

KISSING,  &c.,  p.  64. 

Schoolmaster  Averell,  in  his  merualous  Combat  of  Contrarieties,  1588,  quoted 
above  on  p.  239,  says  : — 

"  As  for  women,  you  make  them  through  your  pride  in  lookes  like  Lais,  in 
fashions  like  Flora,  in  maners  like  Thais,  more  wauering  then  the  wind,  and 
more  mutable  then  the  Moone  ;  in  Gate  &  iesture  most  daintie,  in  the  Church 
most  angelicall,  in  the  streetes  modest  &  amiable,  abroade  among  men  in 
finenes  superficiall,  but  at  home  by  themselues  most  sluttish  and  bestiall.  Yet  I 
meane  not  all,  but  the  worst,  and  such  as  entertaine  your  pride,  who  from  the  top 

254      Notes  on  p.  64.      Women  and  their  Dress. 

to  the  toe,  are  so  disguised,  that  though  they  be  in  sexe  Women,  yet  in  attire 
they  appeare  to  be  men,  and  are  like  Androgini,  who  counterfayting  the  shape  of 
either  kind,  are  in  deede  neither,  so  while  they  are  in  condition  women,  and 
woulde  seeme  in  apparrell  men,  they  are  neither  men  nor  women,  but  plaine 

"  Their  heads  set  out  with  strange  hayre,  (to  supply  nature  that  waie 
defeated,  or  rather  by  their  periwigges  infected)  do  appeare  like  the  head  of 
Gorgon,  sauingthat  they  want  the  crawling  Snakes  of  Medusa,  to  hang  sprawling 
in  their  haire  along  their  faces,  &  yet  they  retaine  the  propertie  of  this  Daughter 
of  Phorcus,  for  they  turn  a  number  of  their  beholders  into  stones,  who  while 
they  affectionatlie  gaze  on  their  painted  pride,  doe  lose  the  reason  of  men  and 
become  like  stones,  without  anie  feeling  of  a  vertuous  mind,  the  onelie  Image  of 
a  man. 

"  But  as  they  are  Venerian  Dames,  euen  so  in  their  flatteries  to  beguile  fooles, 

they  imitate  the  nature  of  the  Cyprian  women,  who  comining  into  Syria,  and 

seruing  in  ye  Court  would  coure  downe  and  become  footstooles  for  the  Ladies, 

thereby  to  ascend  into  their  Coaches,  for  which  cause  they  were  called  Climacidae, 

of  Climaca,  which  ye  Assirians  name  a  Ladder ;  but  heerin  onlie  they  differ,  in 

that  our  Phrynae  and  Cytherean  Damsels,  become  not  Ladders  for  Women,  but 

footstooles,  yea,  and  pillowes,  for  Men.     And  therefore  it  is  not  without  cause 

that  Tyresias  saide,  (being  chosen  an  Arbiter  betweene  lupiter  and  luno,)  that 

there  were  In  viero,  tres  anioris  vncice,  in  femina,  nouem,  in  a  man  three  ounces 

of  lust,  in  a  woman  nine ;   for  what  meaneth  els  their  outward  tricking  and 

daintie  trimming  of  their  heads,  the  laying  out  of  their  hayres,  the  painting  and 

washing  of  their  faces,  the  opening  of  their  breasts,  &  discouering  them  to  their 

wastes,  their  bents  of  Whale  bone  to  beare  out  their  buwmes,  their  great  sleeues 

and  bumbasted  shoulders,  squared  in  breadth  to  make  their  wastes  small,  their 

culloured  hose,  their  variable  shooes  ?  and  all  these  are  but  outward  showes.     As 

for  the  rest,  least  their  rehearsall  might  rather  hurt,  then  profit  the  honest  eares, 

I  will  couer  them  with  silence  :  but  all  these  are  your  prouvocations,  these  are  the 

fruites  of  your  pride,  the  signes  of  your  waste,  and  the  abridgment  of  my  fare,  for 

while  you  spend  so  freelie  upon  your  Backe,  the  least  share  falles  to  the  Bellie, 

nay,  I  am  faine  oftentimes  to  fast,  to  beare  out  the  prodigalitie  of  your  pride,  and 

then  wanting  nourishment  to  feede  the  members,  I  am  complained  on  for  your 

fault."    Sign.  B  I  &  2.    See  also  Harrison,  Pt.  I.  p.  170-2,  and  Latimer's  address 

to  his   'sisters,  the  women,'  in  his  last    Sermon   before  Edward  VI,  in  1550 

(Sermons.  Parker  Soc.,  p.  252-4)  :  '•  Yea,  it  is  now  come  to  the  lower  sort,  to 

mean  mens  wives  ;  they  will  rule  and  apparel  themselves  gorgeously,  and  some 

of  them  far  above  their  degrees,  whether  their  husbands  will  or  no  ...   Paul 

saith,  that  '  a  woman  ought  to  have  a  power  on  her  head  '  .  .   But  this  '  power ' 

that  some  of  them  have,  is  disguised  gear  and  strange  fashions.     They  must  wear 

French  hoods,  and  I  cannot  tell  you,  I,  what  to  call  it  .    .     But  now  here  is  a 

vengeance  devil :  we  must  have  our  '  power  '  from  Turkey,  of  velvet ;  and  gay  it 

must  be  ;  far  fetched,  dear  bought;  and  when  it  cometh,  it  is  a  false  sign  .   .  It  is 

a  false  sign  when  it  covereth  not  their  heads  as  it  should  do.     For  if  they  would 

keep  it  under  the  'power  '  as  they  ought  to  do,  there  should  not  any  such  tussocks 

Notes  on  p.  64.     Women  s  Dress,  &c.          255 

noi  tufts  be  seen  as  there  be ;  nor  such  laying  out  of  the  hair,  nor  braiding 
to  have  it  open  .  .  Of  these  tussocks  that  are  laid  out  now-a-days,  there  is 
no  mention  made  in  scriptures,  because  .  .  they  were  not  yet  come  to  be  so 
far  out  of  order  as  to  lay  out  such  tussocks  and  tufts."  And  see  his  (Latimer's) 
Remains,  ed.  1845,  p.  108. 

"  Tactus  .  .  five  hours  ago  I  set  a  dozen  maids  to  attire  a  boy  like  a  nice  gentle 
woman  ;  but  there  is  such  doing  with  their  looking-glasses,  pinning,  unpinning, 
unsetting,  formings  and  conformings  ;  painting  blue  veins  and  cheeks  ;  such  stir 
with  sticks  and  combs,  cascanets,  dressings,  purls,  falls,  squares,  busks,  bodies, 
scarfs,  necklaces,  carcanets,  rebatoes,  borders,  tires,  fans,  palisadoes,  puffs,  ruffs, 
cuffs,  muffs,  pusles,  fusles,  partlets,  frislets,  bandlets,  fillets,  crosslets,  pendulets, 
amulets,  annulets,  bracelets,  and  so  many  lets,  that  yet  she's  scarce  dressed  to  the 
girdle  ;  and  now  there  is  such  calling  for  fardingales,  kirtles,  busk-points,  shoe- 
ties,  &c.,  that  seven  pedlars' shops, — nay,  all  Stourbridge  fair — will  scarce  furnish 
her.  A  ship  is  sooner  rigged  by  far,  than  a  gentlewoman  made  ready."  ?  1602 
(printed  1607),  Lingua,  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  ix.  426.  See  the  extract  from  Dekker's 
Satiromastix,  in  the  Notes  for  p.  150,  below. 

"  Sir  Francis  Ilford  ...  if  thou  wilt  have  their  true  characters,  I'll  give  it 
thee.  Women  are  the  purgatory  of  men's  purses,  the  paradise  of  their  bodies, 
and  the  hell  of  their  minds  :  marry  none  of  them.  Women1  are  in  churches, 
saints;  abroad,  angels  ;  at  home,  devils.  Here  are  married  men  enough  know 
this  ;  marry  none  of  them."  1607. — George  Wilkins,  Miseries  of  Enforced  Mar 
riage.  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  ix.  475. 

The  apparel  "I  Pass  over  tne  light  and  wanton  apparel  of  women  now-a-days, 
of  women  partly  because  it  is  so  monstrous,  and  partly  because  I  haue  not  been, 
nor  yet  am  much  acquainted  with  them,  whereby  I  might  be  the  more  able  to 
describe  their  proud  peacocks'  tails,  if  not  at  the  full,  which  were  an  infinite 
labour,  yet  at  the  least  somewhat  to  set  it  forth  as  a  painter  doth,  before  he  do 
lay  on  colours.  But  of  this  am  I  certain,  that  they  observe  not  in  their  apparel 
the  rule  of  the  holy  scriptures.  For  Saint  Peter  saith,  that  *  the  apparel  of 
honest  and  virtuous  women  should  not  be  outward  with  broided  hair,  and  hang 
ing  on  of  gold,  either  in  putting-on  of  gorgeous  apparel ';....  It  is  enough 
for  chaste  and  pure  maids  to  wear  clean  and  simple  apparel,  as  a 
testimony  of  the  uncorruption  and  cleanness  both  of  their  body  &  mind, 
without  the  flaring  out  and  colouring  of  their  hair,  without  the  painting  of  their 
faces,  without  the  putting-on  of  wanton  and  light  array,  whereby  they  be  enticed 
rather  to  pride  and  whoredom  than  to  humility,  shamefacedness,  and  cleanness  of 
life."  ?  1550.— Becon,  Jewel  of  Joy,  in  The  Catechism,  etc.  (Parker  Soc.  1844), 
P-  439- 

Sir  Thos.  More  reproves  face-painting  in  his  Utopia,  p.  317,  ed.  Roberts, 
1878.  See  the  authorities  referrd-to  there,  and  in  the  Supplemental  Notes,  p. 
402  :  '  The  Loathsomenesse  of  Long  Haire ;  with  an  Appendix  against  painting 
spots,  naked  backs  and  breasts,'  by  Thomas  Hall,  B.D.  London,  1654,  I2mo., 
&c.  [Painting]  "is  the  badge  of  an  harlot;  rotten  posts  are  painted,  and 

1  '  See  Mr.  Steevens's  note  on  Othello^  Act  II,  sc.  i.  But  compare  Middle- 
ton's  Blurt,  Master  Constable,  1602.  Works,  by  Dyce,  i.  280.' 

256    Notes  on  p.  64.    Women's  Face-painting,  &c. 

gilded  nutmegs  are  usually  the  worst  .  .  .  though  I  dare  not  say  they  are  all 
harlots  that  paint,  yet  I  may  safely  say,  they  have  the  harlot's  badge,  and  their 
chastity  is  questionable. "— T.  Hall. 

"Proud  Gentlewomen. 

YOu  gentle-puppets  of  the  proudest  size, 
That  are,  like  Horses,  troubled  with  the  Fashions, 
Not  caring  how  you  do  your  seines  disguise, 
In  sinfull,  shameles,  Hels  abhominations, 
You  whom  the  Deuill  (Prides  father)  doth  perswade 
To  paint  your  face,  &  mende  the  worke  God  made. 

You  with  the  Hood,  the  Falling-band,  and  Ruffe, 
The  Moncky  wast,  the  breeching  like  a  Beare  ; 
The  Perriwig,  the  Maske,  the  Fanne,  the  Muffe, 
The  Bodkin,  and  the  Bussard  in  your  heare  ; 
You  Veluet-cambricke-silken-feather'd  toy, 
That  with  your  pride  do  all  the  world  annoy, 
He  Stabbe  yee." 

1604. — S.  Rowlands,  Look  to  it ;  for,  lie  Stabbe  ye,  sign.  D  2,  back  (Hunt. 
Club,  1872,  p.  28). 

"  The  yong  woman  commeth,  married  to  an  old  man. 

The  young  Another  passeth  on,  passing  portly,  a  sweete  woman,  she  smelleth 
woman.  hither :  and  a  rolling  eye  she  hath,  it  turneth  with  a  trice  on  both 
sides  :  a  faire  haire,  if  it  be  her  owne  :  a  rare  face,  if  it  be  not  painted :  a  white 
skinne,  if  it  be  not  plastered  :  a  full  breast,  if  it  be  not  bolstered  :  a  straite  backe, 
if  it  be  not  helped  ;  a  slender  waste,  if  it  be  not  pinched  ;  a  likely  leg,  if  it  be  not 
lined  ;  a  pretty  foote,  if  it  be  not  in  the  Shoemakers  stockes  ;  a  faire,  rare, 
sweete,  meete  body,  if  it  be  not  dishonest."  1613. — Anthony  Nixon,  A  Straunge 
Foot-Post,  E  I,  back, 

p.  64,  67,  78,  &c.  Women's  coquetry  &>  dress.  —  See  The  Pedlers  Prophecie, 
1595,  attributed  by  the  late  R.  Simpson  to  Robert  Crowley,  (who  printed  Piers 
Plowman  and  wrote  the  Epigrams,  &c.,  and  died  on  June  18,  1588,)  on  the 
strength  of  Greene's  allusions,  in  his  Farewell  to  Folly,  1591,  to  the  Sexton  of 
St.  Giles  Cripplegate  [Crowley 's  Church],  and  "  Theological  poets  which  .  .  . 
get  some  other  Batillus  to  set  his  name  to  their  verses  "  [which  the  writer  of  The 
Pedlers  Prophecie  does  not]. 

"  Proud  lookes,  stretcht  out  neckes,  and  wanton  eies, 
Their  frolike  cheare,  their  fine  walkes,  and  tripping, 
With  all  their  pleasures  which  they  now  do  devise, 
Their  feasting,  disguising,  their  kissing  and  clipping. 
Rich  showes,  strange  funerals,  precious  abilliments, 
Golden  collars,  spangs,  bracelets,  bonnets  and  hoods, 
Painted  and  laid-out  haire,  Slides,  and  nether  ornaments, 
Their  chains  and  sumptuous  apparrell,  that  cost  great  goods, 

Notes  on  p.  64.     Women 's  Dress  and  Paint.     257 

Earing  jewels,  jemmes,  to  set  out  their  faces, 
Chaunge  of  garments,  cassocks,  vales,  launes  fine, 
Needles,  glasses,  partlets,  fillets,  and  bungraces, 
With  cullours  curious,  to  make  the  face  shine." 

'  In  the  interesting  but  extremely  rare  volume  by  John  Dickenson,  entitled 
"GREENE  IN  CONCEIPT  :  new  raised  from  his  graue  to  write  the  Tragique 
Historic  of  Faire  Valeria  of  London,"  1598,  he  tells  of  the  extravagance  in 
costume,  which  is  one  token  of  her  downward  career  : — 

"She  ware  alwaies  such  ouersuwptuous  attyre,  that  many  in  desert  and 
dignitie  farre  exceeding  hir,  were  in  this  as  farre  behind  hir.  No  common 
fashion  could  please  hir  fancie,  but  it  must  be  strange  and  stately,  drawing  many 
eyes  to  gaze  on  hir,  which  aym'd  wholly  at  singularitie,  glorying  to  bee  peerelesse 
in  hir  pompe.  Neuer  was  any  to  hir  power  more  lauish  in  variety  of  wastefull 
vanities  :  neuer  any  so  peruerse  in  pride,  and  with  such  difficulty  to  be  pleased  : 
For  were  the  least  stitch  in  hir  Attyre  not  as  shee  would  haue  it,  though  the 
garment  most  fayre  and  costly,  the  Tailor  most  rare  and  cunning,  yet  would  shee 
furiously  fling  it  from  hir,  with  purpose  neuer  to  weare  it ;  so  that  the  sillye 
workeman  set  at  his  non  plus,  lost  both  his  custome  and  the  creedit  of  his 
workmanshippe "  (p.  24).  Evidently,  Petruchio  knew  the  expensive  habits  of 
ladies  in  regard  to  their  dressmakers,  and  by  his  captious  objections  to  the  hat 
and  the  "sleeves  curiously- cut,"  reads  Katharina  a  lesson.'  J.  VV.  Ebsworth,  p. 
1017,  Bagford  Ballads. 

p.  64.  Face-painting. — "Another  point  that  plainly  struck  Shakspere,  and 
disgusted  him  [coming  from  the  country],  in  London  society,  was,  the  fashion  of 
women — the  good,  like  the  bad — painting  their  faces,  and  wearing  sham  hair, — 
which  latter  [tho'  'tis  now  happily  gone  out  of  fashion]  has  long  offended  many 
of  us  Victorian  men  too.  He  alludes  to  the  face-painting,  not  only  in  this,  his 
first  play  {Love's  Labours  Lost'],  IV.  iii.  259,  'painting  and  usurping  hair,'  but  in 
his  Sonnets  also,  67,  1.  5  :  68,  1.  2-8,  and  again  and  again  in  his  later  plays.1 " — 
My  Leopold  Sh.  Introd.  p.  xxiii.  See  the  Montaigne  note,  p.  261  below 

" Maquerelle.  .  .  Do  you  know  Doctor  Plaster-face?  By  this  curde,  hee  is 
the  most  exquisite  in  forging  of  veines,  sprightning  of  eyes,  dying  of  haire,  sleek 
ing  of  skinnes,  blushing  of  cheekes,  surphleing  of  breastes,  blanching  and  bleach 
ing  of  teeth,  that  ever  made  an  old  lady  gracious  by  torch-light,  — by  this  curd, 
law  !  "  1604.— Jn.  Marston,  The  Malcontent,  II.  iv.  Works,  1856,  ii.  233. 

See  also  Drayton's  Muses'  Elysium  (A.  D.  1630),  Nymphal  VII.,  Works,  1793, 
p.  626,  col.  i,  on  the  '  night  -masks,  plaster'd  well  within,  to  supp'e  wrinkles,' 
the  paper 

"  In  which  was  painting,  both  for  white  and  red  ; 
And  next,  a  piece  of  silk,  wherein  there  lies 
For  the  decay 'd,  false  breasts,  false  teeth,  false  eyes." 

i   Two  Gent.  II.  i.  55-58  :  Meas.  for  Meas.  III.  ii.  80;  IV.  ii.  38  ;  Ham'et, 
III.  i.  148 ;  V.  i.  201  ;  Ant.  <Sr»  Cleop.  I.  ii.  18 ;   Winter's  Tale,  IV.  iii.  101,  &c. 

258  Notes  on  pp.  67 — 70. 

p.  67.     women's  hair  and  painted  faces. 
"These    flaming    heads    with    staring 

These  wyers  turnde  like  homes  of 


These     painted     faces    which    they 


Can   any   tell    from   whence   they 

cam  ? 
Dan   Sathan,    Lord    of    fayned 

All    these     new    fangeles    did 

I595'6- — St.  Gosson,  Pleasant  Quippes,  Hazlitt's  E.  E.  Pop.  Poetry,  1866,  p.  252. 

p.  68  :  false  hair:— See  Shakspere,  Love's  Labours  lost,  IV.  iii.  259  ;  Merchant 
of  Venice,  III.  ii.  92-6  ;  Henry  V,  III.  vii.  60 ;  Sonnets  68,  1.  2-8. 
"  I  cannot  tell  the  greate  foole  hee  is  wise, 
Nor  tell  fowle  ladies,  they  are  wondrous  faire ; 
I  ne're  applaude  aboue  heauns-spangled  skies, 
The  curFd-worne  tresses  of  dead-borrowd  haire. 

Like  Northern  blaste,  I  breathe  my  critick  aire  : 
I  am  noe  Mirny ck  ape ;  I  loathe  and  hate 
Each  light-braind  giddy-head,  to  Imytate." 

?  1611. — W.  Goddard.     A  Satyricall  Dialogue,  sign.  B,  back, 
p.  69, 1.  3  :  cappe. — See  Petruchio's  ridicule  of  the  one  brought  for  Katherine * ; 
and  her  '  gentlewomen  wear  such  caps  as  these,'  in  the  Taming  of  the  Shrew,  IV. 
iii.  63-70,  and  81-5.     And  Kitely  says  in  Every  Man  in  his  Humour,  Ben  Jon- 
son's  Works,  i.  28,  col.  I  (see  the  note  there)  : 

"Our  great  heads 

Within  this  city,  never  were  in  safety 
Since  our  wives  wore  these  little  caps  :  I'll  change  'em. 
I'll  change  em  straight  in  mine  :  mine  shall  no  more 
Wear  three-piled  acorns,  to  make  my  horns  ake. " 
p.  69.      Cawles  : — 

"These  glittering  cawles  of  golden 

Wherewith  their  heads  are  richlie 

Make  them  to  seeme  an  angels  mate 

In  judgement  of  the  simple  sect : 
To  peacockes  I  compare  them 

That  glorieth  in  their  feathers 

bright."     (Seep.  259,  271.) 

1595-6.— St.  Gosson,  Pleasant  Quippes,  1866,  iv.  252. 
p.  70.     Ruffes,  Starch,  Supportasses  :  see  the  woodcuts  above. 

"  This  starch,  and  these  rebating  props, 
As  though  ruffes  *  were  some  rotten 

All    this  new    pelfe    now    sold    in 


In  value  true  not  worth  a  louse  ; 
They  are  his  dogs  [the  Devil's], 

he,  hunter  sharp  ; 
By  them  a  thousand  he  doth 

1595-6.  — Stephen  Gosson,  Pleasant  Quippes,  iv.  253. 

i  "Why,  this  was  moulded  on  a  porringer  ; 
A  velvet  dish  :  fie,  fie  !  'tis  lewd  and  filthy  : 
Why  'tis  a  cockle  or  a  walnut-shell, 
A  knack,  a  toy,  a  trick,  a  baby's  cap."— 64-7. 
2  See  the  long  and  interesting  note  in  Hazlitt,  E.  E.  Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  252-3. 

Notes  on  pp.  70,  71.  259 

Gosson's  'rebating  props  '  were  Stubbes's  ' supportasses, '  I  suppose.     The 
Ruffs  were  got  into  shape  by  poking-sticks  : — 

' '  What  lack  ye  ?    What  lack  ye  ? 
What  is  it  you  will  buy  ? 
Any  points,  pins,  or  laces, 
Any  laces,  points  or  pins  ? 
Fine  gloves,  fine  glasses, 
Any  busks  or  masks  ? 
Or  any  other  pretty  things  ? 

Come,  cheap l  for  love,  or  buy  for  money. 

Any  coney,  coney-skins, 

For  laces,  points,  or  pins  ? 

Fair  maids,  come  choose  or  buy. 

I  have  pretty  poking- sticks, 

And  many  other  tricks  ; 

Come,  choose  for  love,  or  buy  for  money." 

I $98, — A.  Munday  and  H.  Chettle,  Doivnfall  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Huntingdon. 
Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  viii.  161. 

See  the  interesting  extract  from  the  Second  Part  of  Stubbes's  Anatomic  about 
Peking-Sticks,  Ruffs,  &c.,  in  my  notes  to  Captain  Cox  or  Laneham's  Letter, 
1575,  p.  72-3  (Ballad  Soc.).  I've  already  noted  from  Stowe,  in  Harrison,  II, 
34*,  that  about  the  16  Eliz.,  Novr.  1573-4,  '  began  the  making  of  steele  poking- 
stickes  ;  and  vntill  that  time  all  Lawndresses  used  setting  stick es,  made  of  wood 
or  bone.' 

p.  70,  1.  I :  wanton  Stmpronians. — There  seems  to  be  an  allusion  here  to 
Sempronia,  a  Roman  matron  who  took  part  in  Cataline's  conspiracy.  Stubbes 
was  perhaps  thinking  of  Sallust's  description  of  her,  in  some  such  words  as 
these  :  '  libidine  sic  accensa  Sempronia  ut  viros  scepius  peteret  quant  peteretur. ' — 
Catalina,  xxv. — S. 

p.  70-1  :  ruffs, — These  seem  to  have  been  succeeded  by  falling  bands, 
unless  the  following  passage  is  a  'double  entente.'  (See  p.  244  above.) 

"  Maquarelle.  And  by  my  troth,  beauties,  why  do  you  not  put  you  into  the 
fashion?  This  is  a  stale  cut ;  you  must  come  in  fashion.  Looke  yee,  you  must 
be  all  felt — fealt  and  feather — a  fealt  upon  your  bare  hair.  Looke  ye,  these 
tiring  thinges  are  justly  out  of  request  now  :  and  do  ye  heare  ?  you  must  weare 
falling  bands ;  you  must  come  into  the  falling  fashion.  There  is  such  a  deal  a 
pinning  these  ruffles,  when  a  fine  cleaned/a//  is  worth  all ;  and  agen,  if  you  should 
chance  to  take  a  nap  in  the  afternoone,  your  falling  band  requires  no  poting 
sticke  to  recover  his  forme.  Believe  me,  no  fashion  to  the  falling,  say  I." 
1604.— Jn.  Marston,  The  Malcontent,  V.  iii.  Works,  1856,  ii.  284-5. 

p.  71-2.  Stubbes's  story  of  the  gentlewoman  of  Antwerp  is  alluded  to  in 
Green's  Tu  Quoque,  by  John  Cooke. 

"  *  *  *  for  pride,  the  woman  that  had  her  ruff  poak'd  by  the  devil,  is  but 
a  puritan  to  her. " — Dodsley's  Old  Plays,  ed.  Reed,  1780,  vol.  vii.  p.  19.— S. 

p.  71.  Women' s  fashions. — "1611.  Wm.  Goddard.  A/ Satiry/call  Dialo/gve 
or  a  shar/plye-invectiue  conference,  be/tweene  Allexander  the  great,  and/  that 
truelye  woman-hater  Diogyjnes.  Imprinted  in  the  Lowcountryes  for  allj  such 

Bargain,  deal :  A.  Sax.  ceapian. 


Notes  on  pp.  71 — 73. 

gentlewomen  as  are  not  alto\geather  Idle  nor  yet  well  OCVPYED.    (I  have  this,  & 
Goddard's  other  two  known  tracts  in  type,  for  private  issue  at  a  guinea  each. ) 
[sign.  E,  back]  "The  gossiping  vviues  complaint 

against  hir  riche  churlishe  husband  .... 

"  Tivo  thinges  I  loue ;  two  vsuall  thinges 

they  are  ; 
Thefirste,  newe-fashiond  doathes  I  loue 

to  ^ueare, 
Newe  tires,  newe  ruffes ;  I,  and  neive 

gesture  too : 

In  all  newe  fashions,  I  doe  loue  to  goe. 
The  second  thing  I  loue,  is  this,  I  weene, 
To  ride  aboute  to  haue  those  newe  doathes 

seene  : 

At  eu'rye  gossipping  I  am  at,  still, 
And  euer  wilbe,  maie  I  haue  my  will, 
For,  at  ons  owne  howse,  praie,  who  is't 

cann  see 
Howe  fyne  in  newe-found  fas  frond  tires 

wee  bee  ? 
Vnles  our  husbandes  :  faithe!  but  very 

fewe  ! 
And  whoo* d  goe gaie,  to  please  a  husbands 

veiwe  ? 

Alas,  we  wiues  doe  take  but  smale  delight 
Yf  none  (besides  our  husbands]  sees  that 


It  ioyes  ourheartes,  to  heere  an  other  man 
Praise  this  or  that  attire,  that  we  weare 

p.  72  :  starch—City  Night  Cap. 

Wee  iocond  are,    o-nd  think   our  sehies 

much  graste 
Yfwe  heare  some  one  saie  '  faire  wenche, 

faithe,  in  waste 
This  straight-girt  gowne    becomes  you 

passing  well ; 
From  other  Taylors,  yours  doth  beare  the 

Oh,  her  that  well  cann  acte-out  such 

sweete  partes, 
Throwes-vp  the  lure  which  wynns  our 

verye  hartes. 
When  we  are  stubborns't,  then  let  men 

with  skill 
RubUes  well  with  th'  oyle  of  praise  ;  and 

bend  we  will, 
That  smoothe-fyne  supple  oyle  of  praise 

doth  soften  vs  soe, 

As  what  ist  then,  we  will  not  yield  vnto  ? 
Meetings  and bratierye  were  my  delight" 

Old  Plays,  vol.  II,  p.  309:— 

"  My  chambermaid 
Putting  a  little  saffron  in  her  starch, 
I  most  unmercifully  broke  her  head." — Southey,  Com.  PL  Bk.  i.  514. 

p.  73:  wings:  starch,  laundresses,  &e. 

"  Chloe  ,  .  And  will  the  ladies  be  anything  familiar  with  me,  think  you? 

Cytheris.  O  Juno  !  why,  you  shall  see  them  flock  about  you  with  their  puff- 
wings,1  and  ask  you  where  you  bought  your  lawn,  and  what  you  paid  for  it? 
who  starches  you  ?  and  entreat  you  to  help  'em  to  some  pure  laundresses  2  out  of 
the  city."  1601. — Ben  Jonson,  Poetaster,  IV.  i.  Works,  i.  236,  col.  2. 

1  "  That  part  of  their  dress  which  sprung  from  the  shoulders,  and  had  the 
appearance  of  a  wing,  inflated  or  blown  up."     See  p.  241  above. 

2  "  This  is  a  hit  at  the  Puritans,  many  of  whom  followed  the  business  of  tire 
women,  clear-starchers,  feather-makers,  &c.    It  is  not  a  little  singular  that  while 
they  declaimed  most  vehemently  against  the  idol,    Fashion,   they  should  be 
among  the  most  zealous  in  administering  to  its  caprice.    Jonson  notices  this  with 
good  effect  in  his  Bartholomew  Fair ;  and  Randolph  ridicules  it  no  less  success 
fully  in  the  commencement  of  his  Muses'  Looking- Glass.  .  ." 

Notes  on  pp.  73 — 75.  261 

P-  73'5-  Women's  Doublets,  Gowns,  &c.  The  Farthingales  worn  by  Eliza 
bethan  women  are  not  denounct  here,  though  they  were  by  Latimer  : 

"I  think  Mary  had  not  much  fine  linen;  she  was  not  trimmed  up  as  our 
women  be  now-a-days.  I  think  indeed  Mary  had  never  a  vardingal ;  for  she  used 
no  such  superfluities  as  our  fine  damsels  do  now-a-days ;  for  in  the  old  time 
women  were  content  with  honest  and  single  garments.  Now  they  have  found  out 
these  round-abouts  ;  they  were  not  invented  then ;  the  devil  was  not  so  cunning 
to  make  such  gear,  he  found  it  out  afterwards.  Therefore  Mary  had  it  not  .  . 
it  is  nothing  but  a  token  of  fair  pride  to  wear  such  vardingals ;  and  I  therefore 
think  that  every  godly  woman  should  set  them  aside.  St.  Paul  speaketh  of  such 
instruments  of  pride  as  was  used  in  his  time  :  Non  tortis  crinibus,  '  Not  with  lay 
ing  out  the  hair  artificially  ; '  Non  plicatura  capillorum,  *  Not  with  laying  out  the 
tussocks.'  I  doubt  not  but  if  vardingals  had  been  used  in  that  time,  St.  Paul 
would  have  spoken  against  them  too,  like  as  he  spake  against  other  things  which 
women  used  at  that  time,  to  shew  their  wantonness  and  foolishness."  1552. — 
Latimer,  Sermon  at  Grimsthorpe.  Remains,  1845,  p.  108. 

"All  high  and  more  than  humane  Sciences  are  decked  and  enrobed  with  a 
Poeticall  stile.  Even  as  women,  when  their  naturall  teeth  faile  them,  use  some 
of  yuorie,  and  in  stead  of  a  true  beautie,  or  lively  colour,  lay-on  some  artificiall 
hew  ;  and  as  they  make  trunk-sleeves  of  wyre,  and  whale-bone  bodies,  backes  of 
lathes,  and  stiffe  bumbasted  verdugals,  and,  to  the  open-view  of  all  men,  paint 
and  embellish  themselves  with  counterfeit  and  borrowed  beauties  ;  so  doth 
learning."  1603.— J.  Florio,  Montaignes  Essayes  (writ.  1580)— p.  301,  ed.  1634. 

Stubbes  doesn't  seem  to  notice  the  Fans,  Busks,  Stays,  Hoops,  and  Aprons, 
which  Gosson  condemns,  though  Stowe  says  (Harrison,  Pt.  II,  p.  34*)  that 
"Womens  Maskes,  Buskes,  Mufs,  Fanns,  Perewigs,  and  Bodkins,"  having  been 
invented  "in  Italy  by  Curtezans,"  came  thro'  France  into  England  about  the 
time  of  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  24  Aug.  1572.  So,  as  they  were  in  use 
in  Elizabeth's  time,  I  print  Gosson's  stanzas  about  them  : — 

"This  cloth  of  price,  all  cut  in  ragges, 

These  monstrous  bones  that  compasse  armes  ; 
These  buttons,  pinches,  fringes,  jagges, 

With  them  he  [the  Devil]  weaveth  wofull  harmes. 
He  fisher  is,  they  are  his  baytes, 
Wherewith  to  hell  he  draweth  huge  heaps." 
Gosson,  Pleasant  Quippes,  in  Hazlitt's  E.  E.  Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  p.  254. 

fans.     Gosson,  p.  255. 

"  Were  fannes  and  flappes  of  feathers  fond, 

To  flit  away  the  flisking  flies, 
As  taile  of  mare  that  hangs  on  ground, 
When  heat  of  summer  doth  arrise, 
The  wit  of  women  we  might  praise, 
For  finding  out  so  great  an  ease ; 

But  seeing  they  are  stil  in  hand, 
In  house,  in  field,  in  church,  in  street, 

262         Notes  on  p.  75.     W omens  tight-lacing. 

In  summer,  winter,  water,  land, 
In  cold,  in  heate,  in  drie,  in  weet, 
I  judge  they  are  for  wives  such  tooles, 
As  babies  are  in  playes  for  fooles. 

The  baudie  buske  that  keepes  downe  flat 

The  bed  wherein  the  babe  should  breed, 
What  doth  it  els  but  point  at  that 

Which  faine  would  have  somewhat  to  feede  ; 
Where  bellie  want  might  shadow  vale, 
The  buske  sets  bellie  all  to  sale  .  .  . 

[And]  seeing  such  as  whome  they  arme, 

Of  all  the  rest  do  soonest  yeeld, 
And  that  by  shot  they  take  most  harme, 
When  lustie  gamesters  come  in  field, 
I  guess  buskes  are  but  signes  to  tell 
Where  launderers  for  the  campe  do  dwell. " 
I59S-6.— St.  Gosson,  Pleasant  Quippes,  1866,  p.  255  6. 

Secret  coats  or  stays, — Gosson,  p.  256. 

' '  These  privie  coates,  by  art  made  strong 

With  bones,1  with  past,  with  such  like  ware, 
Whereby  their  backe  and  sides  grow  long, 
And  now  they  harnest  gallants  are  ; 
Were  they  for  use  against  the  foe, 
Our  dames  for  Amazones  might  goe. 

But  seeing  they  doe  only  stay 

The  course  that  nature  doth  intend, 
And  mothers  often  by  them  slay 
Their  daughters  young,  and  worke  their  end,2 
What  are  they  els  but  armours  stout, 
Wherein  like  gyants,  Jove  they  flout  ?  " 

1  "  Winifride  .  .     Oh,  I  could  cracke  my  Whalebones,  break  my  Buske,  to 
Ihinke  what  laughter  may  arise  from  this."    1600  (ed.  1616),  JackeDrum,  Act  IV. 
Simpson's  School  of  Shakspere,  ii.  182. 

2  John  Bulwer  in  1650  inveighs  against  the  abuse  of  tight-lacing.     Doctors 
and  all  sensible  folk  have  done  so  ever  since  ;  but  English  women — whose  God, 
Fashion  is,  and  who  regularly  sacrifice  to  it  their  bodies  and  health,  and  often  their 
souls — still  immolate  their  daughters  and  themselves  on  their  Demon's  shrine. 

"Another  foolish  affection  there  is  in  young  Virgins,  though  grown  big 
enough  to  be  wiser,  but  they  are  led  blind-fold  by  custome  to  a  fashion  pernitious 
beyond  imagination  ;  who  thinking  a  Slender-waste  a  great  beauty,  strive  all  that 
they  possibly  can  by  streight-lacing  themselves,  to  attain  unto  a  wand-like  smalnesse 
of  Waste,  never  thinking  themselves  fine  enough  untill  they  can  span  their  Waste. 
By  which  deadly  artifice  they  reduce  their  Breasts  into  such  streights  that  they  soon 
purchase  a  stinking  breath  ;  and  while  they  ignorantly  affect  an  angust  or  narrow 
Breast,  and  to  that  end  by  strong  compulsion  shut  up  their  Wastes  in  a  Whale-bone 

Notes  on  p.  75.      Women's  Stays  and  Hoops.      263 

hoops,  p.  257  (cp.  crinolines,  happily  gone  out  of  fashion,  for  ever,  let  us  hope). 

"  These  hoopes,  that  hippes  and  haunch  do  hide, 

And  heave  aloft  the  gay  hoyst  traine, 
As  they  are  now  in  use  for  pride, 
So  did  they  first  beginne  of  paine  : 
When  whores  in  stewes  had  gotten  poxe, 
This  French  device  kept  coats  from  smocks. 

I  not  gainsay  but  bastards  sprout 

Might  arses  greate  at  first  begin ; 
And  that  when  paunch  of  whore  grew  out, 
These  hoopes  did  helpe  to  hide  their  sinne  ; 
And  therefore  tub-tailes  all  may  rue, 
That  they  came  from  so  vile  a  crue. 

prison  or  little-ease  ;  they  open  a  door  to  Consumptions,  and  a  withering  rottennesse. 
Hence  such  are  justly  derided  by  Terence  in  Eunucho. 

Haud  similis  virgo,  est  virginum  nostrarum,  quas  matres  student :  Demissis 
humeris  esse,  vincto  pectore,  ut  graciles  fient. 

si  qua  est  habitor  paulo,  pugilem  esse  aiunt,  aeaucunt  cibum, 

Tamet  si  bona  est  natura,  reddunt  curvatura  junceos. 

So  that  it  seems  this  foolish  fashion  was  in  request  in  the  time  that  Terence  lived. 

"  Paraeus  where  he  propounds  Instruments  for  the  mending  such  deformities, 
observes  that  the  Bodies  of  young  Maids  or  Girls  (by  reason  they  are  more  moist 
and  tender  then  the  bodies  of  Boyes)  are  made  crooked  in  processe  of  time  : 
Especially,  by  the  wrenching  aside,  and  crookednesse  of  the  backbone ;  the  most 
frequent  cause  whereof  is  the  unhandsome  and  undecent  scituation  of  their  bodies, 
when  they  are  young  and  tender,  either  in  carrying,  sitting  or  standing  (and 
especially,  when  they  are  taught  to  go  too  soon)  saluting,  serving,  writing,  or  in 
doing  any  such  like  thing.  In  the  mean  while  he  omits  not  the  occasion  of 
crookednes,  that  happens  seldome  to  the  Country  people,  but  is  much  incident 
to  the  inhabitants  of  great  Towns  and  Cities,  which  is  by  reason  of  the  straitnesse 
and  narrownesse  of  the  garments  that  are  worn  by  them  ;  which  is  occasioned  by 
the  folly  of  Mothers,  who  while  they  covet  to  have  their  young  Daughters  Bodies 
so  small  in  the  middle  as  may  be  possible,  pluck  and  draw  their  bones  awry,  and 
make  them  crooked." — Anthropometamorphosis :  Man  Transformed,  or  the  Arti 
ficial  Changeling,  etc.,  byj.[ohn].  B.[ulwer],  1650 

Bulwer  also  denounces  the  Absurd,  tho'  now  happily  abandona  custom  of 
swathing  children  in  tight  bands : — 

"We  in  England  are  noted  to  have  a  most  perverse  custome  of  Swathing 
Children,  and  streightening  their  Breasts.  Which  narrownesse  of  Breast  occa 
sioned  by  hard  and  strict  swadling  them,  is  the  cause  of  many  inconveniences 
and  dangerous  consequences.  For,  all  the  bones  of  new-bom  Infants,  especially 
the  Ribs  of  the  Breast,  are  very  tender  &  flexible,  that  you  may  draw  them  to 
what  figure  you  please  ;  which  when  they  are  too  strictly  swathed  with  Bands, 
reduce  the  Breast  to  so  narrow  a  scantling,  as  is  apt  to  endanger  not  only  the 
health,  but  the  life  of  children.  For  hence  it  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  us  are 
so  subject  to  a  Consumption  and  Distillations,  which  shorten  our  dayes,  and  bring 
us  to  an  untimely  Grave."  1650. — Anthropometamorphosis :  Man  Transform'd  ; 
or,  the  Artificial  Changeling,  etc.  J.[ohn]  B.[ulwer],  p.  186. 

264     Notes  on  p.  75.     Women  s  Hoops,  Aprons,  &c. 

If  barreld  bums  l  were  full  of  ale, 
They  well  might  serve  Tom  Tapsters  turne  ; 
But  yeelding  nought  but  filth  and  stale, 
No  losse  it  were,  if  they  did  burne  .  .  ." 


"These  aprones  white  of  finest  thrid, 

So  choicelie  tide,  so  dearlie  bought, 
So  finely  fringed,  so  nicelie  spred, 
So  quaintlie  cut,  so  richlie  wrought ; 
Were  they  in  worke  to  save  their  cotes, 
They  need  not  cost  so  many  grotes. 

When  shooters  aime  at  buttes  and  prickes, 

They  set  up  whites,  and  shew  the  pinne  ; 
It  may  be,  aprones  are  like  tricks, 

To  teach  where  rovers,  game  may  winne. 
Brave  archers  soone  will  find  the  marke, 
But  bunglers  hit  it  in  the  darke." 

1 59S-&     Stephen  Gosson,  Pleasant  Quizes.     Hazlitt's  E.  E.  Popular  Poetry, 
iv.  257-8. 

p.  74-      Gown  layed  with  lace,  &c. 

"  Girtred.  .  .  O  sister  Mildred,  though  my  father  bee  a  low-capt  tradesman, 
yet  I  must  be  a  ladie,  and  I  praise  God  my  mother  must  call  me  '  Madam '. 
Does  he  come?  Off  with  this  gowne  for  shames  sake  !  off  with  this  gowne  !  let 
not  my  knight  take  me  in  the  cittie-cut,  in  my  hand !  .  .  I  tell  you  I  cannot 
indure  it ;  I  must  bee  a  lady  !  Doe  you  weare  your  quoiffe  with  a  London  licket, 
your  stamen  peticoate  with  two  guardes,  the  buffin  gowne  with  the  tuff-taffitie 
cape  and  the  velvet  lace  ?  I  must  be  a  lady,  and  I  will  be  a  lady  !  I  like  some 
humors  of  the  Citty  dames  well  .  .  to  eate  cherries  onely  at  an  angell  a  pound, 
good ;  to  die  rich  scarlet,  black,  prety  ;  to  line  a  grogarom  gowne  cleane  through 
with  velvet,  tollerable  ;  their  pure  linen,  their  smocks  of  3  li.  a  smock,  are  to  be 
borne  withall.  But  your  minsing  niceries,  taffata  pipkins,  durance  petticotes, 
and  silver  bodkins— Gods  my  life,  as  I  shall  be  a  lady,  I  cannot  indure  it." 
1605.— Jn.  Marston,  Eastward  Hoe,  I.  i.,  Works,  1856,  iii.  9. 

p.  75,  1.  13.  Cost  of  dress. — See  Rowlands's  "  To  Maddam  Maske  and  Francis 
fan,"  as  to  how  woods  are  cut  down,  and  tenants  rackt,  to  provide  money  for 
women's  dress,  &c.,  in  his  Knaue  of  Spades,  ?i6n  (Hunt.  Club,  1874,  P-  37)« 
See  too  the  extract  from  Bp.  Pilkington  in  the  Note  for  p.  81,  below. 

1  An  earlier  satirist,  Charles  Bansley,  in  The  Pryde  and  Abuse  of  Women, 
ab.  1550  (Hazlitt's  Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  229),  says — 

"  Downe,  for  shame,  wyth  these  bottell  arste  bummes, 

And  theyr  trappynge  trinkets  so  vayne  ! 
A  boun  singe  packsadel  for  the  devyll  to  ryde  on, 
To  spurre  theym  to  sorowe  and  payne." — p.  238. 

Notes  on  pp.  75-7.  Parents  neglect  of  Children,  &c.  265 

p.  75.  Parents  to  blame.  "Who  seeth  not  how  fondly  fathers  and  mothers 
bring  vp  their  children  in  cockering  and  pampering  them  ?  from  their  infancie 
they  bee  giuen  to  none  other  thing  but  to  pride,  delicious  fare,  and  vain  idle 
pleasures  and  pastimes. 

"  What  prodigious  apparel,  what  vndecent  behauiour,  what  boasting,  brag 
ging,  quarelling,  and  ietting  vp  and  down,  what  quaffing,  feasting,  rioting,  play 
ing,  dauncing  and  diceing,  with  other  like  fellowship  that  is  among  them,  it  is 
a  wonder  to  see  :  and  the  parents  can  hereat  reioice  and  laugh  with  them,  and 
giue  libertie  to  theire  children  to  doe  what  they  liste,  neuer  endeauouring  to  tame 
and  salue  their  wilde  appetites.  What  marueylle  is  it  if  they  bee  found  thus 
naughtie  and  vicious,  when  they  come  to  their  full  yeares  and  mans  state,  which 
haue  of  children  been  trayned  and  entered  with  such  vice  ?  .  . 

"  Consider,  I  pray  thee  (good  reader)  what  jolly  yonkers  and  lusty  [=  lustfull] 
brutes,  these  wil  be  when  they  come  to  be  citizens,  and  intermedlers  of  the 
common- welth,  which  by  their  fathers  have  beene  thus  wantonly  cockered  up, 
neuer  correcting  them,  or  chasting  them  for  any  faults  and  offences  whatsoever  ? 
What  other  thing  but  this,  is  the  cause  that  there  be  now  so  many  adulterers, 
vnchast,  and  lewde  persons,  and  idle  rogues? — that  we  haue  such  plentie  of  dicers, 
carders,  mummers,  and  dauncers  ?  and  that  such  wickednesse,  and  filthy  liuers 
are  spred  about  in  euery  quarter, — but  onely  naughty  education  and  bringing  vp.  .  . 

"  Also  the  slacknesse  and  vnreadinesse  of  the  magistrates  to  doe  and  execute 
their  office,  is  a  great  cause  of  this :  if  they  that  vse  tauernes,  playing  and  walk 
ing  vp  and  downe  the  streetes  in  time  of  a  sermon ;  if  disobedient  children  to 
their  parents,  if  dicers,  mummers,  ydellers,  dronkerds,  swearers,  rogues,  and 
dauncers,  and  such  as  haue  spent  and  made  away  their  liuing  in  belly  cheare  and 
vnthriftinesse,  were  straightly  punished,  surely  there  shud  be  lesse  occasion  giuen 
to  offend,  and  also  good  men  should  not  haue  so  great  cause  to  complain  of  the 
maners  of  men  of  this  age.  Therefore,  the  magistrate  must  remember  his  office." 
Ab.  1577.— Jn.  Northbrooke,  Against  Dicing,  Dancing,  Plays  and  Interludes,  &c. 
(Shakespeare  Soc.  1843),  p.  11-12.  See  too  the  Note  for  p.  186,  below. 

p.  76-7.     Nether  stockes,  korked  shooes,  &c. 

These  worsted  stockes  of  bravest  die, 

And  silken  garters  fring'd  with  gold ; 

These  corked  shooestobeare  them  hie, 

Makes  them  to  trip  it  on  the  molde  : 

They  mince  it  with  a  pace  so 


Like  untam'd  heifers,  when  they 

To  carrie  all  this  pelfe  and  trash, 
Because  their  bodies  are  unfit, 

Our  wantons  now  in  coaches  dash, 
From  house  to  house,  from  street  to 

1595-6.— St.  Gosson,  Pleasant  Quippes 

for   Vpstart  Newfangled  Gentlewomen, 

Hazlitt,  1866,  p.  258. 

"  Crispinell.  Nay,  good,  let  me  still  sit ;  we  lowe  statures  love  still  to  sit, 
least  when  we  stand,  we  may  be  supposed  to  sit. 

Tissefew.  Dost  not  weare  high  corke  shooes— chopines  ?  [Cp.  Hamlet,  II. 
ii.  447.] 

Crisp.  Monstrous  on's.  I  am,  as  many  other  are,  peec'd  above,  and  peec'd 
beneath."— 1605.  Jn.  Marston,  The  Dutch  Courtezan,  III.  i.  Works,  1856,  ii.  147. 

266    Notes  on  pp.  77,  78.    Womerts  Shoes,  Scents,  &c. 

P-  77>  1.  2,  pinsnets,1  pumps,  thin  shoes.  See  p.  247-8  above.  I  don't  know 
pinsnet  except  in  Stubbes.  Pinson  is  common  in  early  writers  :  see  Way's  edition 
of  the  Promptorium,  p.  400,  col.  2,  and  his  note  3,  which  ought  to  be  4  :  'the 
pynson-showes,  les  eschapins— Duwes .'  In  the  Articles  ordained  on  Deer.  31, 
1494,  by  Henry  VII,  in  that  '  As  for  the  receaving  of  a  Queene,  and  the  Corona 
tion  of  her,'  "when  masse  is  donne,  [in  Westminster  Abbey,  the  barefooted  Queen 
is]  to  come  downe  againe  to  the  highe  altar,  and  there  to  bee  howselled,  and  then 
to  goe  into  a  closett,  and  the  Abbott  to  putt  St.  Edwards  Pinsons  on  her 
feete." — Household  Ordinances  (1791),  p.  124.  Mr.  Heritage  has  sent  me  the 
following  :  "  A  Pynson  hec  pedibromita.  e.  focitur  a  pes,  -dw,  &  brico,  &  mitos 
gutta."—  Catholicon.  Addit.  MS.  15,562,  Brit.  Mus. 

"  Pedibomita  /  te.  anglice  (a  pynson)." — f.  p.  [feminine,  1st.  decl.]  Ortus 
Vocabulorum.  W.  de  Worde.  1532. 

"  Calcearium.  A  shoe,  pinson,  socke/' — Withals.  "Apinsone,  osa."-— 
Manipulus  Vocab.  "  Pynson,  sho,  cafignon."— Palsgrave,  p.  254,  col.  2 ;  but 
"Cassignon:  m.  a  pump,  or  thin-soled  shoe." — Cotgrave.  "  Soccatus.  That 
weareth  stertups  or  pinsons."— Elyot.  "  Detrahere  soccos  alicui ;  to  pull  off  one's 
pinsons  or  his  stertups." — Cooper.  "  Calcearium.  A  shoe,  pinson,  or  socke." 
Calceo.  To  put  on  shoes,  sockes,  or  pinsons.  — ib. 

p.  77,  1.  10  from  foot.     Pomanders. 

"ist.  Boy.  Your  only  way  to  make  a  good  pomander ;  is  this :— Take  an 
ounce  of  the  purest  garden  mould,  cleansed  and  steeped  seven  days  in  change  of 
motherless  rosewater;  then  take  the  best  ladanum,  benzoine,  both  storaxes, 
ambergris,  civet,  and  musk  :  incorporate  them  together,  and  work  them  into 
what  form  you  please.  This,  if  your  breath  be  not  too  valiant,  will  make  you 
smell  as  sweet  as  my  lady's  dog."  1602  (pr.  1607),  Lingua.  Hazlitt's  Dodsley, 
ix.  419. — See  the  note  there,  referring  to  another  recipe  in  Markham's  English 
Housewife,  p.  151,  ed.  1631 ;  also  printed,  from  ed.  1675,  P-  IO9>  m  Marston's 
Works,  1856,  ii.  302.  "  Why,  any  sensible  snout  may  wind  Master  Amoretto 
and  his  pomander."  1602. — Lingua,  Dodsley,  ix.  181. 

p.  77, 1.  IO  from  foot  '.fragrant  Pomanders.  "  Perfumed  paste,  generally  rolled 
into  a  ball,  but  sometimes  moulded  into  other  forms  :  it  was  carried  in  the 
pocket,  or  hung  about  the  neck,  and  was  considered  a  preservative  against 
infection.  A  silver  case  filled  with  perfumes  was  sometimes  called  a  pomander." 
— Dyce's  Webster,  ed.  1871,  note  on  the  Malcontent,  V.  i.  p.  354. — S. 

p.  78,  1.  2  :  droye. — "  Droil.  A  drudge,  or  servant.  North. — See  Malone's 
Shakespeare,  xviii.  42;  Tusser's  Husbandry,  p.  256."—  HaMiwelFs  Dict.—S. 

p.  78,  1.  3:  pussle.  —  Compare  "Pucelle  or  puzzel,  dolphin  .or  dogfish," 
I  Hen.  VI,  I.  iv.  107,  Globe  ed.  "  Puzel  or  Pussel,  Dolphin  or  Dog-fish." 
—  Fol.  1623 .  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples,  fell  in  love  with  his  physician's  daughter, 
"kpuzell  verie  beautifull."— Holinshed,  ed.  1587,  iii.  5457  1/52.— S.  "Then, 
three  prety  puzels  az  bright  az  a  breast  of  bacon,  of  a  thirtie  yeere  old  a  pees." 
1575.—  Laneham's  Letter,  my  ed.  p.  23. 

Notes  on  p.  78.      Womeit*  bare  Breasts.       267 

p.  78 :  naked  breasts. — See  Harrison,  Pt.  i.  p.  170.  Cp.  Ben  Jonson's  side-notes 
in  his  The  Devil  is  an  Ass,  Works,  ed.  Cunningham,  ii.  237,  on  the  lines, 

.    .     .     .     "since  Love  hath  the  honour  to  approach 
These  sister-swelling  breasts  and  touch  this  soft 
And  rosy  hand." 

"  Here  he  grows  more  familiar  in  his  courtship. "  "  Wittipol  plays  with  her  paps, 
kisses  her  hands,"  &c. ;  and  in  Cynthia; 's  Revels,  iii.  2,  p.  168  (ed.  Gifford), 
"  Plays  with  his  mistress's  paps,  salutes  her  pumps." — P.  A.  D. 

"  Bellula.     Let  pinching  citty-dames  orecloud  their  eyes  : 
Our  brests  lie  forth,  like  conduicts  of  delight, 
Able  to  tice  the  nicest  appetite. 
Mistresse  Pinckanie,  shall  I  have  this  Fanne  ? 

Pink.     Madam,  not  this  weake,  do  what  I  can." 

?  1590-1600,  pr.  1610. — Peele  &  Marston,  Histrio-Mastix,  Act  III.  R.  Simp 
son's  School  ofShakspere,  ii.  50. 

"Then  silly  old  Fops,  that  kiss  but  like  popes, 

And  call  us  Night  Walkers  and  Faries, 
Go  fumble  old  Joan,  and  let  us  alone, 

And  never  come  near  our  canary's  : 
We'll  wear  our  breasts  bare, *  and  curl  up  our  hair, 

1  Mr.  Ebsworth's  note  is,  '  The  immodest  exposure  of  the  bosom  had  been 
assailed,  not  alone  by  the  Puritans,  but  by  many  satirists,  who  could  scarcely 
be  deemed  righteous  over-much.  But  none  of  these  had  exceeded  the  stern 
rebuke  uttered  by  Dante  in  the  Purgatorio,  Canto  xxiii. : — 

"O  dolce  frate,  che  vuoi  tu,  ch'  io  dica? 
Tempo  future  m'  e  gia  nel  cospetto, 
Cui  non  sara  quest'  ora  molto  antica,"  etc. 

'  Thus  rendered  by  H.  F.  Gary  :— 

"  What  wouldst  thou  have  me  say  ?    A  time  to  come 
Stands  full  within  my  view,  to  which  this  hour 
Shall  not  be  counted  of  an  ancient  date, 
When  from  the  pulpit  shall  be  loudly  warn'd 
The  unblushing  dames  of  Florence,  lest  they  bare 
Unkerchief  d  bosoms  to  the  common  gaze.  * 
What  savage  women  hath  the  world  e'er  seen, 
What  Saracens,  for  whom  there  needed  scourge 
Of  spiritual  or  other  discipline, 
To  force  them  walk  with  covering  on  their  limbs. 
But  did  they  see,  the  shameless  ones,  what  Heaven 
Wafts  on  swift  wing  toward  them  while  I  speak, 
Their  mouths  were  op'd  for  howling  :  they  shall  taste 
Of  sorrow  (unless  foresight  cheat  me  here)." 

1  After  the  Restoration,  in  1678,  had  appeared  a  pamphlet  "Just  and  reason 
able  Reprehensions  of  Naked  Breasts  and  Shoulders" 

*  On  the  Venetian  courtesans'  like  undress,  see  Coryat's  Crudities,  1611. 

268         Notes  on  p.  78.      Women's  bare  Breasts. 

And  shew  our  Commodes  to  the  people ; 

But,  as  I'm  a  w ,  if  that  you  talk  more, 

We'll  raise  them  as  high  as  Bow-steeple." 

"  The  Vindication  of  Top  Knots  and  Commodes,"  To 
the  tune  of  London  Top  Knofs. — Bagford  Collec 
tion,  i.  124  (908,  967).  Ballad  Society,  1876. 

Puppies  and  books  were  occasionally  housd  in  the  same  soft  receptacle  as 
Stubbes's  nosegays.  Topsell's  Four-footed  Beasts  (1607)  says  of  the  little 
Melitean  or  Sicilian  dogs,  "They  are  not  above  a  foot,  or  half  a  foot  long,  and 
alway  the  lesser,  the  more  delicate  and  precious.  .  .  There  be  some  wanton 
women  which  admit  them  to  their  beds,  and  bring  up  their  young  ones  in  their 
own  bosomes,  for  they  are  so  tender,  that  they  seldom  bring  above  one  at  a  time, 
but  they  lose  their  life." — ed.  1658,  J.  Rowland,  M.D.,  p.  128.  And  Mr.  R. 
Roberts  cites  from  Richard  Brath wait's  The  English  Gentleman,  1630,  4to, 
p.  28  :— 

"But  alas;  to  what  height  of  licentious  libertie  are  these  corrupte  times 
growne  ?  When  that  Sex,  where  Modesty  should  claime  a  native  prerogative, 
gives  way  to  foments  of  exposed  loosenesse ;  by  not  only  attending  to  the  wanton 
discourse  of  immodest  Lovers,  but  carrying  about  them  (even  in  their  naked 
Bosomes,  where  chastest  desires  should  only  lodge)  the  amorous  toyes  of  Venus 
and  Adonis:  which  Poem,  with  others  of  like  nature,  they  heare  with  such  atten 
tion,  peruse  with  such  devotion,  and  retaine  with  such  delectation,  as  no  subject 
can  equally  relish  their  unseasoned  palate,  like  those  lighter  discourses." 

'  So  early  as  1595,  in  Pleasant  Quippes  for  upstart  new-fangled  Gentlewomen, 
Stephen  Gosson  had  assailed  a  similar  exposure,  in  Puritanical  pride  writing 
thus  (Collier's  Pref.  to  Gosson's  School  of  Abuse,  ed.  1841,  p.  xiii)  : — 

"  These  Holland  smockes,  so  white  as  snowe, 

and  gorgets  brave  with  drawne-worke  wrought, 
A  tempting  ware  they  are,  you  know, 

wherewith  (as  nets)  vaine  youths  are  caught,"  etc. 
' '  These  perriwigges,  ruffes  armed  with  pinnes, 

these  spangles,  chaines  and  laces  all ; 
These  naked  paps,  the  Devils  ginnes, 

to  worke  vaine  gazers  painefull  thrall : 
[He  fowler  is,  they  are  his  nets, 
Wherewith  of  fooles  great  store  he  gets. ]  " 

'  These  satirists  and  cynics  who  are  perpetually  decrying  immodesty  of  feminine 
apparel,  are  invariably  themselves  of  impure  dispositions.  They  have  a  prurient 
longing  to  offensively  rebuke  offence. 

"  Fie  on  thee !  I  can  tell  what  thou  would'st  do  .   ... 
Most  mischievous  foul  sin,  in  chiding  sin  : 
For  thou  thyself  hast  been  a  libertine, 
As  sensual  as  the  brutish  sting  itself : 
And  all  the  embossed  sores  and  headed  evils, 
That  thou  with  license  of  free  foot  hast  caught, 
Would'st  thou  disgorge  into  the  general  world." 

As  You  Like  It,  Act  ii.  sc.  7.' 

Notes  on  p.  78.     Kissing  of  Women.          269 

p.  78,  1.  7  :  kissing. — "  I  hold  that  the  greatest  cause  of  dissolutenesse  in  some 
women  in  England  is  this  custome  of  kissing  publiquely,  for  that  by  this  meanes 
they  lose  their  shamefastnesse,  and  at  the  very  touch  of  the  kisse  there  entreth 
into  them  a  poison  which  doth  infect  them."  [In  Spain  they  don't  do  it]  "  because 
we  are  so  wanton,  that  we  need  nothing  to  helpe  our  appetite,  to  make  a  thousand 
ill  matches  which  would  fall  out  if  we  should  haue  this  occasion."  1623. — 
J.  Minsheu,  Pleasant  and  Delightfull  Dialogues >  p.  51-2.  On  p.  39  he  notes  the 
sodomising  of  pages  by  their  masters  (see  Harrison,  Pt.  I.  p.  130),  on  which 
Marston  has  a  long  passage  in  his  Scourge  of  Villanie,  1599,  Works,  1856,  iii. 
256-7.  That  kissing  (smick-smack)  was  apt  to  lead  to  something  further,  see 
Lusty  Juventus,  1550,  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  ii.  85  : — 

"  What  a  hurly-burly  is  here  ! 
Smick  smack,  and  all  this  gear  ! 
You  will  to  tick-tack,1  I  fear, 
If  you  had  time  : 

Well,  wanton,  well : 

Iwis  I  can  tell 

That  such  smock-smell 

Will  set  your  nose  out  of  tune." 

See  Beatrice's  protest  against  the  custom  of  indiscriminate  kissing,  in  Marston's 
Dutch  Courtezan  (1605),  Act  III.  sc.  i ;  Works,  1856,  ii.  144.  She's  one  of  Sir 
Herbert's  daughters,  and  says,  "  boddy  a  beautie  !  tis  one  of  the  most  unpleasing, 
injurious  customes  to  ladyes ;  any  fellow  that  has  but  one  nose  on  his  face,  and 
standing  collor,  and  skirtes  also  lined  with  taffety  sarcenet,  must  salute  us  on  the 
lipps  as  familierly.  Soft  skins  save  us  !  There  was  a  stub-bearded  John-a-stile, 
with  a  ploydens  face,  saluted  me  last  day,  and  stroke  his  bristles  through  my 
lippes  :  I  ha  spent  ten  shillings  in  pomatum  since,  to  skinne  them  againe,"  &c.  &c. 
A.  D.  1792,  "  there  are  many  practices  openly  made  use  of  betwixt  the  sexes  which 
with  us  [the  French]  are  considered  as  marks  of  the  greatest  familiarity.  On  the 
stage  the  actor  applies  his  lips  to  those  of  the  actress,  when  he  salutes  her  ;  the 
same  is  practised  by  the  people  in  general ;  the  kiss  of  love,  and  the  kiss  of  friend 
ship  are  impressed  alike  on  the  lips."  H.  Meister  (Swiss  by  birth).  Lettej-s  on 
England,  englisht  1799,  p.  287-8. 

p.  jB.     Sweet  smells  of  musks,  &c. 

"  Their  odorous  smelles  of  Muske  so  sweete, 

Their  waters  made  of  seemely  sent, 
Are  lures  of  Luste,  and  farre  unmeete, 

Except  where  needes  they  must  be  spent." 

I579-— W.  A.,  A  speciall Remedie  against  .  .  la-wlesse  Love.     Collier's  BibL  Cat. 
ii.  237. 

"  Mercatore. — [I  do]  lack  some  pretty  fine  toy,  or  some  fantastic  new  knack  ; 
For  da  gentlewomans  in  England  buy  much  tings  for  fantasy  .  .   . 

Gerontus  .  .  As  musk,  amber,  sweet-powders,  fine  odours,  pleasant  per 
fumes,  and  many  such  toys, 
Wherein  I  perceive  consisteth  that  countryf's]  gentlewomen's  joys. 

1  See  Meas.  for  Meas.t  I.  ii.  196. 

270  Notes  on  pp.  78,  79.    Women  s  Toys,  Scents,  &c. 

Besides,  I  have  diamonds,  rubies,  emeralds,  sapphires,  smaradines,  opals, 
onacles,  jacinths,  agates,  turquoise,  and  almost  of  all  kind  of  precious 

And  many  mo  fit  things  to  suck  a  way  money  from,  such  green-headed  wantons." 
1584.— R.  W.,  The  Three  Ladies  of  London,  Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  vi.  330. 

Snuffe,  the  Clown  of  the  Curtain  Theatre,  is  more  reasonable  than  Stubbes  :— 

' '  What  smels  sweete  ? 

Muske,  Ciuet,  Amber,  and  a  thousand  thinges 
Long  to  rehearse,  from  which  sweete  odours  springes  : 
Flowers  are  sweete,  and  sweetest  in  my  minde, 
For  they  are  sweete  by  nature  and  by  kinde. 
Faire  Women  that  in  bosoms  nosegays  weare, 
Kisse  bvt  their  lippes,  and  say  what  sent  they  beare, 
Their  breath  perfume,  their  flowers  sweetly  smell, 
Both  ioyned  to  her  lippes,  do  exceeding  well." 

1600. — Quips  upon  Questions  .  .  By  Clunnyco  de  Curtanio  Snuffe.  F  4,  back. 
I  do  not  trust  the  evidence  that  has  induced  Mr.  Ouvry,  in  his  reprint,  1875, 
to  assign  the  tract  to  John  Singer :  "  Mr.  Collier  informs  me  that  the  name 
J.  Singer  was  written  in  his  own  autograph  [  ?]  on  the  title-page  of  the  volume. " 

p.  78-9.     Feathers,  wide-gowns,  face-painting. 


Hat  feather'd  fowle  is  this  that  doth  approach 
As  if  it  were  an  Estredge  in  a  Coach  ? 
Three  yards  of  feather  round  about  her  hat, 
And  in  her  hand  a  bable  like  to  that : 
As  full  of  Birdes  attire,  as  Owle,  or  Goose  ; 
And  like  vnto  her  gowne,  her  selfe  seemes  loose *, 
Cri  'ye  mercie,  Ladie,  lewdnes  are  you  there  ? 
Light  feather'd  stuffe  befits  you  best  to  weare."   (Sign.  B  2,  p.  n.) 
1608.— S.  Rowlands,  Humors  Looking- Glasse  (Hunterian  Club,  1872) 

Gentleman,  a  verie  friend  of  mine, 

Hath  a  young  wife,  and  she  is  monstrous  fine  : 
Shee's  of  the  new  fantastique  humor  right, 
In  her  attire  an  angell  of  the  light 
Is  she  an  Angell  ?     I  :  it  may  be  well, 
Not  of  the  light,  she  is  a  light  Angell. 
Forsooth  his  dome  must  suffer  alteration, 
To  entertaine  her  mightie  huge  Bom-fashion. 
A  hood's  to  base,  a  hat,  which  she  doth  make 

1  "  Tailor.  Inprimis,  a  loose-bodied  gown  : 

Grumio.  Master,  if  euer  I  said  loose-bodied  gowne,  sow  me  in  the  skirts 
of  it,  and  beate  me  to  death  with  a  bottome  of  browne  thred  :  I  said  a  gowne." 
— ?  1596-7.— Shakspere,  Taming  of  the  Shrew,  IV.  iii.  135-8.  Folio,  p.  224, 
col.  2. 


Notes  on  pp.  79,  80.      W omens  Feathers,  &c.  271 

With  brauest  feathers  in  the  Estridge  tayle, 

She  scornes  to  treade  our  former  proud  wiues  traces, 

That  put  their  glory  in  their  o[w]n  fair  faces  ; 

In  her  conceit  it  is  not  faire  enough, 

She  must  reforme  it  with  her  painters  stufife ; 

And  she  is  neuer  merry  at  the  heart, 

Till  she  be  got  into  her  leatherne  Cart. 

Some  halfe  a  mile  the  Coach-man  guides  the  raynes, 

Then  home  againe  ;  birladie,  she  takes  paines. 

My  friend,  seeing  what  humours  haunt  a  wife, 

If  he  were  loose,  would  lead  a  single  life." 

The  Humors  that  haunt  a  Wife  (ib.  B  3,  back,  p.  14). 

p.  79.     Looking-glasses :  mirrors  in  hats,  &c. 

"  Amorphus  .  .  .  Where  is  your  page  ?  call  for  your  casting-bottle,  and 
place  your  mirror  in  your  hat,1  as  I  told  you  :  so  !  "  1600. — Ben  Jonson, 
Cynthia's  Revels,  II.  i. 

p.  79  :  bracelets,  rings t  &c. 

"and  now,  my  honie  Loue, 
Will  we  returne  vnto  thy  Fathers  house 
And  reuell  it  as  brauely  as  the  best, 
With  silken  coats  and  caps,  and  golden  Rings, 
With  Ruffes  and  Cuffes,  and  Fardingales  and  things  ; 
With  Scarfes  and  Fannes,  &  double  change  of  brau'ry, 
With  Amber  Bracelets,  Beades,  and  all  this  knau'ry." 
?  1596-7. — Shakspere,  Taming  of  the  Shrew,  IV.  iii.  52-8.   Folio,  p.  223,00!.  2. 

p.  80.     Masks,  face-painting,  &c. 

"  Peace,  Cynick  ;  see,  what  yonder  doth  approach  ! 
A  cart  ?  a  tumbrell  ?     No  a  badge'd  coach. 
What's  in't  ?    Some  man  ?    No,  nor  yet  woman  kinde, 
But  a  celestiall  angell,  faire,  refinde. 
The  divell  as  soone  !     Her  maske  so  hinders  me, 
I  cannot  see  her  beauties  deitie, 
Now  that  is  off,  she  is  so  vizarded, 
So  steept  in  lemons  juyce,  so  surphuled, 
I  cannot  see  her  face.     Under  one  hoode 
Two  faces  :  but  I  never  understood 
Or  saw  one  face  under  two  hoods  till  now  : 
'Tis  the  right  semblance  of  old  Janus  brow. 
Her  maske,  her  -vizard,  her  loose-hanging  gowne 
(For  her  loose-lying  body),  her  bright  spangled  crowne, 

1  Both  sexes  wore  them  publicly;  the  men,  as  brooches  or  ornaments  in 
their  hats,  and  the  women  at  their  girdles  (see  Massinger,  vol.  iv.  p.  8),  or  on  their 
breasts ;  nay,  sometimes  in  the  centre  of  their  fans,  which  were  then  made  of 
feathers,  inserted  into  silver  or  ivory  tubes.  Lovelace  has  a  poem  on  his  mis- 
tresses's  fan,  'with  a  looking-glass  in  it.'  Gifford,  in  Works,  i.  160,  col.  2. 

2J2     Notes  on  pp.  80,  81.     Women  s  Masks,  &c. 

Her  long  slit  sleeves,  stiffe  buske,  puffe  verdingall, 

Is  all  that  makes  her  thus  angelicall. 

Alas  !  her  soule  struts  round  about  her  neck  ; 

Her  seate  of  sense  is  her  rebate  set ; 

Her  intellectuall  is  a  fained  nicenesse, 

Nothing  but  clothes  and  simpring  precisenesse. 

Out  on  these  puppets,  painted  images, 
Haberdashers  shops,  torch-light  maskeries, 
Perfuming  pans,  Dutch  ancients,  glowe-worms  bright 
That  soyle  our  soules,  and  dampe  our  reasons  light  ! 
Away  !  away  !  hence  !  coach-man,  goe  inshrine 
Thy  new-glas'd  puppet  in  port  Esqueline  !  " 
599.— Jn.  Marston,  Scourge  of  Villanie.      Works,  1856,  iii.  283. 

p.  80.      Visors  made  of  veluet :    Of  Masks,   Gosson  says,  Pleasant  Quizes, 
E.  E.  Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  254  :— 

".  .  on  each  wight,  now  are  they  scene, 

The  tallow-pale,  the  browning-bay, 
The  swarthie-blacke,  the  grassie-greene, 
The  pudding  red,  the  dapple  graie, 
So    might    we  judge  them   toyes 

What  else  do  maskes  but  maskers  show? 

And  maskers  can  both  dance  and  play : 

Our  masking  dames  can  sport,  youknowe, 

Sometime  by  night,  some  time  by  day : 

'Can  you  hit    it'1  is    oft    their 


To  keepe  sweet  beautie  still    in          Deuse-ace2  fals    stil    to  be  their 
plight.  chance." 

"  Higgen.     We  stand  here  for  an  epilogue 
Ladies,  your  bounties  first !  the  rest  will  follow  ; 
For  women's  favours  are  a  leading  alms  : 
If  you  be  pleas' d,  look  cheerly,  throw  your  eyes 
Out  at  your  masks. 

Prigg.  And  let  your  beauties  sparkle  !  " 

1622.— Fletcher.     The  Beggars  Bush,  Works,  i.  231. 

p.  81  :  makers  of  new  fashions. — Compare  Massinger,  in  his  Picture,  1629-30. 
Act  II,  sc.  ii,  p.  220,  col.  i,  Moxon's  ed. — 

"  Etibulus There  are  some  of  you, 

Whom  I  forbear  to  name,  whose  coining  heads 
Are  the  mints  of  all  new  fashions,  that  have  done 
More  hurt  to  the  kingdom  by  superfluous  bravery, 
Which  the  foolish  gentry  imitate,  than  a  war 
Or  a  long  famine.     All  the  treasure,  by 
This  foul  excess,  is  got  into  the  merchant, 
Embroiderer,  silkman,  jeweller,  tailor's  hand, 
And  the  third  part  of  the  land  too,  the  nobility 
Engrossing  titles  only." 

1  Compare  Rosaline:  'Thou  canst  not  hit  it,  my  good  man,' Z.  L.  Lost, 
IV.  ii.  ;  Ritson's  Robin  Hood,  ii.  213  ;  Wily  BeguiVd  (1602-3),  in  Hazlitt,  p. 
254-5,  and  p.  371.  2  A  male's  genitals. 

Notes  on  p.  81.     W omens  Pride  and  Dress.     273 

p.  81.     Heathen  women  an  example  to  Christian  ones. 

"  And  all  dainty  dames  may  here  learn  of  these  gentlewomen  to  set  more  by 
working  at  God's  house  than  by  trimming  of  themselves.  Would  God  they 
would  spend  that  on  the  poor  members  of  Christ  and  citizens  of  this  spiritual 
Jerusalem,  that  they  wastefully  bestow  on  themselves,  and  would  pity  their 
poverty  something  like  as  they  pamper  themselves  !  St.  Peter  biddeth  them 
leave  their  '  gold  and  frizzled  hair,  and  their  costly  apparel '  and  so  modestly 
behave  themselves  that  '  their  husbands,  seeing  their  honest  behaviour,  may 
be  won '  to  the  Lord  by  them ;  for  so  Sara  and  other  holy  women  did  attire 
themselves,  &c. 

"  But  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  many  desire  rather  to  be  like  dallying  Dinah  than 
sober  Sara.  And  if  the  husband  will  not  maintain  it,  though  he  sell  a  piece  of 
land,  break  up  house,  borrow  on  interest,  raise  rents,  or  make  like  hard  shifts, 
little  obedience  will  be  shewed.  Placilla  the  empress,  the  worthy  wife  of  Theo- 
dosius  the  emperor  would  visit  the  sick  folks  in  their  houses  herself,  and  help 
them  ;  would  taste  of  their  broths,  how  they  were  made,  bring  them  dishes  to  lay 
their  meat  in,  and  wash  their  cups ;  and  if  any  would  forbid  her,  she  said  she 
offered  her  labour  for  the  empire,  to  God  that  gave  it.  And  she  would  oft  say  to 
her  husband,  *  Remember  what  ye  were,  and  who  ye  be  now,  and  so  shall  ye 
always,  be  thankful  unto  God.'  It  were  comfortable  to  hear  of  such  great 
women  in  these  days,  where  the  most  part  are  so  fine  that  they  cannot  abide  to 
look  at  a  poor  body,  and  so  costly  in  apparel  that  that  will  not  suffice  them  in 
jewels,  which  their  elders  would  have  kept  good  hospitality  withal.  When 
Moses  moved  the  people  to  bring  such  stuff  as  was  meet  for  the  making  of  God's 
tabernacle  and  other  jewels  in  it,  the  women  were  as  ready  as  the  men,  and  they 
'  brought  their  bracelets,  ear-rings,  rings,  and  chains,  all  of  gold ; '  and  the 
women  *  did  spin  with  their  own  hands '  both  silk  and  goats  hair  :  they 
wrought  and  brought  so  much  willingly,  that  Moses  made  proclamation  they 
should  bring  no  more. 

"  Compare  this  people's  devotion  with  ours  that  be  called  Christians,  and  ye 
shall  find  that  all  that  may  be  scratched  is  too  little  to  buy  jewels  for  my  mistress, 
though  she  be  but  of  mean  degree ;  and  if  anything  can  be  pulled  from  God's 
house,  or  any  that  serveth  in  it,  that  is  well  gotten,  and  all  is  too  little  for  them. 
God  grant  such  costly  dames  to  consider  what  metal  they  be  made  of !  for  if 
they  were  so  fine  of  themselves  as  they  would  seem  to  be,  none  of  these  glorious 
things  needed  to  be  hanged  upon  them  to  make  them  gay  withal.  Filthy  things 
need  washing,  painting,  colouring,  and  trimming,  and  not  those  that  be  cleanly 
and  comely  of  themselves  :  such  decking  and  colouring  maketh  wise  men  to  think, 
that  all  is  not  well  underneath  :  content  yourselves  with  that  colour,  comeliness, 
and  shape,  that  God  hath  given  you  by  nature,  and  disfigure  not  yourselves  with 
your  own  devices  ;  ye  cannot  amend  God's  doings,  nor  beautify  that  which  he 
hath  in  that  order  appointed."  .  .  .  1575- — Bishop  Pilkington  on  Nehemiah 
(pr.  1585),  Works  (Parker  Soc.  1842),  pp.  385-387. 

p.  82,  1.  IO  from  foot.     In  High  Germany  the  Women  use  in  effect  one  kind  of 
apparel,  &c. — Munster  (Cosmography,  bk.  iii,  p.  325,  ed.  1550)  says  that  when  he 
was  a  boy  (circa  1497)  his  countrymen  dressed  plainly   now  they  follow  foreign 

274  Notes  on  p.  87.     A  Woman  s  Day. 

fashions,  but  the  German  women  have  returned  to  the  ancient  frugality  in  apparel 
which  distinguished  the  men.  ' '  Hse  depositis  multiplicibus  &  pjicatissimis 
peplis,  quibus  grand ia  olim  faciebant  capita,  unico  tantum  hodie  uelantur, 
modestiusque  incedunt.  Satis  honestus  hodie  est  quarundam  mulierum  uestitus, 
nisi  qu6d  superne  nimium  excauatur." — S. 

p.  87.      Women's  dress  :  its  motive : — 

"  For,  why  is  all  this  rigging  and  fine  tackle,  mistress, 
If  your  neat  handsome  vessels,  of  good  sail, 
Put  not  forth  ever  and  anon  with  your  nets 
Abroad  into  the  world  ?     It  is  your  fishing. 
There,  you  shall  choose  your  friends,  your  servants,  lady, 
Your  squires  of  honour.     I'll  convey  your  letters, 
Fetch  answers,  do  you  all  the  offices 
That  can  belong  to  your  blood  and  beauty." 

1616. — Ben  Jonson.     The Devilis  an  Ass,  Act  II.  sc.  i.  p.  352,  col.  2. 
p.  87. — How  the  day's  spent  by  Women  : — 

"Daily  till  ten  a  clocke  a  bed  she  lyes, 
And  then  againe  her  Lady-ship  x  doth  rise, 
Her  Maid  must  make  a  fire,  and  attend 
To  make  her  ready ;  then  for  wine  sheele  send, 
(A  morning  pinte)  she  sayes  her  stomach's  weake, 
And  counterfeits  as  if  shee  could  not  speake, 
Vntill  eleuen,  or  a  little  past, 
About  which  time,  euer  she  breakes  her  fast ; 
Then  (very  sullen)  she  wil  pout  and  loitre, 
And  sit  downe  by  the  fire  some  halfe  an  houre. 
At  twelue  a  clocke  her  dinner  time  she  keepes, 
Then  gets  into  her  chaire,  and  there  she  sleepes 
Perhaps  til  foure,  or  somewhat  thereabout ; 
And  when  that  lazie  humour  is  worne  out, 
She  cals  her  dog,  and  takes  him  in  her  lap, 
Or  fals  a  beating  of  her  maid  (perhap) 
Or  hath  a  Gossip  come  to  tell  a  Tale, 
Or  else  at  me  sheele  curse,  and  sweare,  and  rale, 
Or  walke  a  turne  or  two  about  the  Hall, 
And  so  to  supper  and  to  bed  :  heeres  all 
This  paines  she  takes  ;  and  yet  I  do  abuse  her  ! 
But  no  wise  man,  I  thinke,  so  kind  would  vse  her.2  .   .  ." 

1600,. — S.  Rowlands,  A  ivhole  crew  of  kind  Gossips,  all  met  to  be  merry,  sign. 
D  3  (Hunt.  Club,  1876,  p.  29).  See  the  rest  of  this  amusing  piece,  on  the  faults 
the  Six  Wives  find  with  their  Husbands,  and  the  latters'  answers  finding  fault 
with  their  Wives. 

1  Ironical.     She  has  no  title. 

2  See  S«  Rowlands's  sketch  of  a  Jealous  husband,  in  his  Diogines  Lanthorne, 
1607,  sign.  B  3  (ed.  1873,  p.  13). 

Notes  on  p.  87.      A  IVomans  Day.  275 

p.  87.     And  see  in  Rowlands's  Looke  to  it :  for,  He  Stable  ye,  1604,  the  Idie- 
huswife,  sign.  E,  back,  p.  34,  of  the  Hunterian  Club  reprint,  1872  :— 

"  TJVne,  neate,  and  curious  mistris  Butter  flie, 
Jj    The  Idle-toy  to  please  an  Idiots  eye, 
You  that  wish  all  Good-huswiues  hangM  for  why  ; 
Your  dayes  work's  done  each  morning  when  you  rise, 
Put  on  your  Gowne,  your  Ruffe,  your  Masske,  your  Chaine, 
Then  dine  &  sup,  &  go  to  bed  againe. 
You  that  will  call  your  Husband  '  Gull  &  Clowne,' 
If  he  refuse  to  let  you  haue  your  Will : 
You  that  will  poute  and  lowere,  and  fret  and  frowne, 
Vnlesse  his  purse  be  lauish  open  still, 
You  that  will  haue  it,  get  it  how  he  can, 
Or  he  shall  weare  a  Vulcans  brow,  poore  man, 
He  Stabbe  thee." 

Compare  too  an  older  complaint  in  The  Schole- House  of  Women,  1541  (ect. 
1572),  in  Hazlitt's  E.  E.  Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  111-112  :— 

U  Wed  them  once,  and  then  adue, 
Farwel,  all  trust  and  huswifery  ; 
Keep  their  chambers,  and  them 

self  mew, 
For    staining    of     their    fisnamy 


And  in  their  bed  all  day  doo  lye  ; 
Must,  once  or  twise  euery  week, 
Fain  them  self  for  to  be  sick. 

f  Send  for  this,  and  send  for  that ; 
Little  or  nothing  may  them  please  ; 
Come  in,  good  gossip,  and  keep 

me  chat, 

I  trust  it  shall  do  me  great  ease ; 
Complain  of  many  asundry  disease ; 
A  gossips  cup  between  vs  twain, 
Til  we  be  gotten  vp  again. 

IT  Then  must  she  haue  maidens  two  or 

That    may    then    gossips    togither 

bring ; 

Set  them  to  labour  to  blere  the  eye  ; 
Them  self  wil  neither  wash  ne  wring, 
Bake  ne  brue,  ne  any  thing  ; 
Sit  by  the  fire,  let  the  maidens  trot, 
Brew  of  the  best  in  a  halfpeny  pot. 

IT  Play  who  wil,  the  man  must  labour, 
And  bring  to  house  all  that  he  may  ; 
The  wife  again  dooth  nought  but 


And  holde  him  vp  with  yea  and  nay ; 
But  of  her  cup  he  shall  not  assay, 
Other  she  saith,  it  is  to  thin, 
Or  els,  iwis,  there  is  nothing  in."  &c. 

p.  87, 1.  10  from  foot.  Othersomc  spende  the  greatest  parte  of  the  date,  in  sittyng 
at  thedoore. — "They  [Englishwomen]  sit  before  their  doors,  decked  out  in  fine 
clothes,  in  order  to  see  and  be  seen  by  the  passers-by. ''  Emanuel  van  Meteren's 
History  of  the  Netherlands,  in  Rye's  England  as  seen  by  Foreigners,  p.  72 ; 
Harrison,  Pt.  I,  p.  Ixiii. — S. 

"Butler.  I  am  now  going  to  their  place  of  resi  lence,  situate  in  the  choicest 
place  of  the  city,  and  at  the  sign  of  the  Wolf,  just  against  Goldsmiths'  Row  [see 
Harrison,  Part  II,  Forewords,  §  l],  where  you  shall  meet  me  ;  but  ask  not  for 

276      Notes  on  p.  87.     Shopkeepers   Wives  used. 

me,  only  walk  to  and  fro  ;  and,  to  avoid  suspicion,  you  may  spend  some  con 
ference  with  the  shopkeepers'  wives  :  they  have  seats  built  a  purpose  im  such  familiar 
entertainment."  1607.  —  G.  Wilkins,  The  Miseries  of  Enforced  Marriage, 
Hazlitt's  Dodsley,  ix.  537-8. 

That  tradesmen  us'd  their  wives  as  lures,  seems  certain.  Compare,  in 
Marston's  Dutch.  Courtezan  (1605),  Act  III.  sc.  i.  (Works,  1856,  ii.  155).  Mis- 
tresse  Mulligrub  speaking  to  Lionell,  the  man  of  Mister  Burnish,  a  Goldsmith, 
about  his  master  and  mistress  : — 

"An  honest  man  hee  is,  and  a  crafty.  Hee  comes  forward  in  the  world  well, 
I  warrant  him ;  and  his  wife  is  a  proper  woman ;  that  she  is  !  Well,  she  has 
ben  as  proper  a  woman  as  any  in  Cheape.  She  paints  now,  and  yet  she  keeps 
her  husbands  old  customers  to  him  still.  In  troth,  a  fine-fac'd  wife,  in  a  wain- 
scot-carv'd  seat,  is  a  worthy  ornament  to  a  tradesmans  shop,  and  an  attractive,  I 
warrant :  her  husband  shall  find  it  in  the  custome  of  his  ware,  He  assure  him." 
And  at  p.  157,  Master  Mulligrub  says, 

"All  thinges  with  me  shall  seeme  honest  that  can  be  profitable. 
He  must  nere  winch,  that  would  or  thrive  or  save, 
To  be  cald  nigard,  cuckold,  cut-throat,  knave  !  " 

And  in  his  Satyre  I,  1598,  Works,  iii.  215,  Marston  says  : — 

"  Who  would  not  chuck  to  see  such  pleasing  sport, 
To  see  such  troupes  of  gallants  still  resort 
Unto  Cornutos  shop?     What  other  cause 
But  chast  Brownetta,  Sporo  thether  drawes  ?  " 

Machiavelli's  Instructions  to  his  Son  how  to  make  money  and  get  on  in  life, — 
which,  if  not  meant  as  a  Satire,  is  an  utterly  base  and  mean-in-spirit,  tho' 
worldly-wise  book — says  on  this  subject : — 

"  If  t'hat  thy  wife  be  faire,  and  thou  but  poore, 
Let  her  stand  like  a  picture  at  thy  doore, 
Where,  though  she  do  but  pick  her  fingers  ends, 
Faire  eies,  fond  lookes,  will  gaine  a  world  of  friends.  - 
Taske  her  not  to  worke,  if  she  be  prettie  ; 
Bid  her  forbeare  ;  her  toyle  makes  thee  pittie  ; 
Shee  may  with  ease,  haue  meanes  for  greater  gaines, 
With  rich  rewards,  and  pleasure  for  her  paines. 
Play  at  bo-peepe,  see  me  and  see  me  not ; 
It  comes  off  well,  that  is  so  closely  got ; 
And  euermore  say,  '  aye !  well  fare  the  vent 
That  paies  the  charges  of  the  house,  and  rent  ! ' 
Come,  come,  tis  no  matter,  be  rul'd  by  this, 
The  finest  Dames  doth  some  times  do  amisse, 
Yet  walke  demure,  like  puritants  indeede, 
And  earely  rise  to  a  Sermon  for  a  neede, 
And  make  great  shew  of  deuoutest  praier, 
When  she  only  goes  to  meete  her  louer. 

Notes  on  p.  87.    Shopkeepers' Daughters  and  Maids.   277 

Turning  backe,  poore  foole  desires  the  text ; 
Shee  tels  him  any  thing  that  cometh  next ; 
And  turning  o're  the  leafe  to  reade  the  verse, 
Scarse  for  laughing,  one  word  can  rehearse, 
But  prettily  turnes  it  off  with  some  iest : 
He  beares  with  all ;  he  knowes  it  is  his  best. 

If  that  thy  wife  be  olde,  thy  Daughters  yong, 
And  faire  of  face,  and  of  a  fluent  tongue, 
If  by  her  sutors,  siluer  may  be  had, 
Beare  with  small  faults  ;  the  good  will  help  the  bad. 
Be  not  too  seuere,  time  may  mend  their  faults  ; 
He  is  a  foole,  before  a  cripple  haults  ; 
Or  he  that  findes  a  fault  where  gaine  comes  in, 
Tis  pittie  but  his  cheekes  should  e're  look  thin : 
What  though  thou  knowst  that  vice  doe  gaine  it  all ; 
Will  vertue  helpe,  when  thou  beginst  to  fall  ? 
This  is  no  world  for  vertuous  men  to  thriue ; 
Tis  worke  enough  to  keepe  thy  selfe  aliue. 
Let  Wife  and  Daughters  loue  to  make  thee  wealthie  ; 
Thou  knowst  that  gold  will  seeke  to  make  thee  healthie. 

If  thy  maid-seruants  be  kinde-hearted  wenches, 
And  closely  make  kinde  bargins  on  the  benches, 
Let  them  haue  libertie,  loue  and  pleasure  ; 
All  these  are  helpes  to  bring  in  thy  treasure  ; 
Let  them  laugh  and  be  merrie  ;  it  yeelds  content  j 
Thei'le  humor  all,  till  all  their  coyne  is  spent. 
If  by  their  pleasures,  may  thy  profit  grow, 
Winke  at  a  wanton  who  hath  not  beene  so." 
1613. — The  Vneasing  of  Mac hiuils  Instructions  to  his  Sonne,  p.  13-14. 

"The  Answer  to  Machiavels  Vneasing  "  says,  ib.  sign.  F  2,  back  : — 

"  An  honest  minde  in  euery  trade  doth  well, 
The  winde  blowes  ill,  that  blowes  the  soule  to  hell. 
Doe  not  before  the  Diuell  a  Candle  hold, 
Seeke  no  corrupt  meanes  for  siluer  or  gold. 

If  that  thy  wife  be  faire,  be  thou  not  foule, 
To  let  her  play  the  Ape,  and  thou  the  Owle. 
Winke  at  no  faults  ;  it  is  but  misery, 
By  bestiall  meanes  to  releeue  necessity. 
If  thou  bee  a  Husband,  gouerne  so  thy  wife, 
That  her  peeuish  meanes  worke  not  thy  strife  ; 
Giue  her  not  too  much  lawe,  to  run  before  ; 
Too  much  boldnesse  doth  bring  thy  ouerthrow  ; 
Yet  abridge  her  not  too  much  by  any  meane  ; 
But  let  her  still  be  thy  companion. 

278   Notes  on  p.  87.      Parents'  Treatment  of  Children. 

And  to  thy  daughter  proue  a  better  sire, 
Then  [—  than],  like  a  hacknie,  let  her  out  to  hire. 
What  a  greeuous  case  were  this  for  thee, 
To  extoll  thy  selfe  to  prosperity 
By  such  insatiat  meanes  !  a  heauy  sense 
Deseruing  nought  but  hell  for  recompence." 

Then  the  Answer  goes  on  to  advise  that  austerity  and  distance  between  Father 
and  Child  which  is  in  such  markt  contrast  with  our  modern  notions  and  practice, 
but  is  recommended  in  King  Solomon 's  Book  of  Wisdom,  in  my  Adam  Davie  (E. 
E.  T.  Soc.,  1878),  and  other  early  books  on  the  treatment  of  children  (see  my 
Babecs  Book,  &c.,  E.  E.  Text  Soc.)  :— 

"Like  a  kinde  father,  loue  thy  children  deare, 
Yet  to  outward  view  let  not  loue  appeare, 
Least  too  boldly  they,  presuming  on  thy  loue, 
By  audacious  meanes  doe  audacious  proue, 
Seeme  not  a  companion  in  any  case 
To  thy  children  :  learne  them  know  who's  in  place, 
That  due  obedience  to  thee  be  done  ; 
The  end  must  nedes  be  good,  that' swell  begonne. 
Thus  may  thy  children  be  at  thy  commaund, 
With  willing  heart,  still  helpefull  at  thy  hand. 
Familiarity,  contempt  doth  breed  ; 
By  no  meanes  doe  thou  stoope  vnto  thy  seede  : 
Whilst  the  twig  is  yong,  bend  it  as  thou  list ; 
Once  being  growne,  thei'll  stubbornely  resist, 
Caring  not  for  parents  nor  their  talking, 
Commending  their  owne  wits  ;  age  is  doting. 
Looke  well  to  youth  and  how  their  time  is  spent, 
Least  thou  by  leasure  afterwards  repent  .  .   . 
Vse  no  corrections  in  an  angry  vaine, 
Which  will  but  vexe  thee  much,  increase  thy  paine  .  .  . 
The  greefe  is  thine,  when  children  goe  astray  ; 
Giue  them  not  too  much  liberty  to  play, 
Least  that  they  doe  to  a  custome  bring  it, 
And  euer  after  forbeare  to  leaue  it." 
[sign.  G  2]  "  Machiauels  rules,  let  Machiauels  reade  ; 
Loue  thou  thy  God ;  his  spirit  be  thy  speede." 

p.  87-8.     The  following  applies  to  a  woman  who  keeps  a  shop  herself : — 

' '  Tell  mistris  minkes,  shee  that  keepes  the  shop, 
Shee  is  a  Ship  that  beares  a  gallant  top  ; 
Shee  is  a  Lady  for  her  louely  face, 
And  her  countenance  hath  a  Princes  grace, 
And  that  her  beautie  hath  inthrald  thee  soe, 

Notes  on  pp.  87,  88.     Shopwomen,  Gardens.    279 

Except  shee  yeelds  remorse,  shee  workes  thy  woe  ; 
Then  cast  thine  eye  vpon  her  beautious  cheeke, 
Protesting  that  thou  neuer  saw'st  the  like  : 
Her  smooth  forehead  and  her  comly  dressing  ; 
Her  louely  Breasts,  cause  loues  increasing  ; 
Her  luorie  teeth,  her  lip  and  chin  ; 
Her  snow  white  hand,  the  like  was  neuer  scene  ; 
Her  leg  and  foote,  with  her  gate  so  comlie, 
Her  apparel's  worne  so  neate  and  seemely  : 
Thus  o're-worne  with  care  thou  mai'st  seeme  to  be, 
Till  thou  hast  made  her  proude  herselfe  to  see  ; 
Then  she  nods  the  head  with  smiling  fauor, 
That  thou  shouldst  bestow  such  loue  vpon  her. 
Then  bite  the  lip,  winke  and  hang  the  head, 
And  giue  a  sigh,  as  though  thy  heart  were  dead  ; 
And  shew  strange  passions  of  affections  sence, 
That  she  may  pittie  loue  sirreuerence, 
Wishing  her  selfe  worthie  of  thy  fauor, 
Which  is  a  meanes  to  gaine  some  thing  by  her. 
Thus  let  the  issue  of  this  cunning  be, 
That  from  her  purse,  some  profit  come  to  thee, 
A  peece  of  Sattin,  Fustian,  or  some  Stuffe, 
A  Falling- Band,  or  a  three  Double-ruffe  ; 
A  Hat,  a  Shirt,  a  Cloack-cloath  or  a  Ring, 
Kniues,  Purses,  Gloues,  or  some  such  prettie  thing, 
Some-what  hath  some  sauour,  'tis  this  gaine 
That  still  inuention  giues  his  sweetest  vaine." 
1615. — The  Vncasing  of  Machiuils  Instructions  to  his  Sonne,  p.  11-12. 

p.  88,  h  8  :  t/tei  have  Gardens,  &>c. — Compare  the  description  of  Angelo's 
garden  in  Measure  for  Measure,  IV.  i.  28 — 33.  In  it  was  a  garden-house,  V.i.  212. 
Corisca  says,  "  I  have  a  couch  and  a  banque  ting-house  in  my  orchard,  Where 
many  a  man  of  honour  has  not  scorn'd  To  spend  an  afternoon." — Massinger's 
Bondman,  ed.  Gifford,  1840,  Act  I.  sc.  Hi.  p.  93,  col.  I. — S. 

"This  yeare  is  like  to  prouefatall  to  such  as  followe  the  Garden  Alleyes,  for,  as 
some  haue  gone  before,  so  the  rest  are  like  to  followe,  and  marre  their  drinking 
with  an  hempen  twist  vnlesse  they  leaue  Harlotte-hunting,  with  more  good  will 
then  Millers  haue  minde  to  morning  prayer  if  the  winde  serue  them  in  any  corner 
on  Sundaies."  1606.— Anthony  Nixon,  The  Black  Yeare,  C  3,  back. 

In  Skialetheia,  1598,  mention  is  made  of  an  old  citizen, 

"  who,  comming  from  the. 

Curtaine  [in  Shoreditch]  sneaketh  in 

To  some  odde  garden  noted  house  of  sinne  ; " 

and  West,  in  a  rare  poem,  The  Court  of  Conscience,  1607,  tells  a  libertine, 
"  Towards  the  Curtaine  then  you  must  be  gon, 

2,80    Notes  on  pp.  88-90.        Gardens,  Harlots,  &c. 

The  garden  alleyes  paled  on  either  side  ; 
Ift  be  too  narrow  walking,  there  you  slide." 

(See  p.  308  below.)     Halliwell's  Illustrations,  p.  38. 
Also  in  1606,  No-Body  and  Some-Body,  Simpson's  School  of  Shakspire,  i.  352  : — 

"  Somebody  doth  maintaine  a  common  strumpet 
Ith  Garden-allies,  and  undid  himselfe." 


p.  89,  90.  Harlots  &>  Brothels. — See  S.  Rowlands's  Doctor  Merrie-Man% 
1609,  sign.  C  3  (p.  21,  Hunt.  Club,  1877),  and  the  fun  she  makes  of  the  men 
she  takes  in  :  — 

"  I  am  a  profest  Courtezan, 
That  Hue  by  peoples  sinne  : 
With  halfe  a  dozen  Puncks  I  keepe, 
I  haue  great  comming  in. 
Such  store  of  Traders  haunt  my  house, 
To  finde  a  lusty  Wench, 
That  twentie  Gallants  in  a  weeke, 
Doe  entertaine  the  French  ; 
Your  Courtier,  and  your  Citizen, 
Your  very  rustique  Clowne, 
Will  spend  an  Angell  on  the  Poxe, 
Euen  ready  mony  downe. 
1  striue  to  Hue  most  Lady-like, 
And  scorne  those  foolish  Queanes, 
That  doe  not  rattle  in  their  Silkes 
And  yet  haue  able  meanes 
I  haue  my  Coach,  as  if  I  were 
A  Countesse,  I  protest, 
I  haue  my  daintie  Musicke  playes 
When  I  would  take  my  rest. 
I  haue  my  Seruing-men  that  waite 
Vpon  mee  in  blew  Coates  ; 

I  haue  my  Oares  that  [do]  attend 

My  pleasure,  with  their  boates  : 

I  haue  my  Champions  that  will  fight, 

My  Louers  that  do  fawne  : 

I  haue  my  Hat,  my  Hood1,  my  Maske, 

My  Fanne,  my  Cobweb  Lawne  ; 

To  giue  my  Gloue  vnto  a  Gull, 

Is  mighty  fauour  found, 

When  for  the  wearing  of  the  same, 

It  costs  him  twentie  pound. 

My  Garter,  as  a  gracious  thing, 

Another  takes  away  : 

And  for  the  same,  a  silken  Goune 

The  Prodigall  doth  pay.  .  .  . 

Another  lowly-minded  youth, 

Forsooth  my  Shooe-string  craues, 

And  that  he  putteth  through  his  eare, 

Calling  the  rest,  bace  slaues. 

Thus  fit  I  Fooles  in  humours  still, 

That  come  to  me  for  game, 

I  punish  them  for  Venerie, 
Leauing  their  Purses  lame." 

And  see  Macilente's  chaff  of  Fastidious  Brisk  in  prison,  brought  there  by  buy 
ing  presents  for  smart  ladies  : 

"What,  do  you  sigh?  this  it  is  to  kiss  the  hand  of  a  countess,  to  have  her 
coach  sent  for  you,  to  hang  poniards  in  ladies'  garters,  to  wear  bracelets  of  their 
hair,  and  for  every  one  of  these  great  favours,  to  give  some  slight  jewel  of  five 

1  "Alice.  The  poor  common  whores  can  have  no  traffic  for  the  priuy  rich 
ones ;  your  caps  and  hoods  of  velvet  call  away  our  customers,  and  lick  the  fat 
from  us."  1616. — Benjonson,  Bartholomew  Fair,  IV.  iii.  Works,  ii.  192,  col.  I. 

Notes  on  pp.  97,  98.      Whoredom  in  London.    281 

hundred  crowns  or  so  :  why,  'tis  nothing  !  Now,  monsieur,  you  see  the  plague 
that  treads  on  the  heels  o'  your  foppery  :  well,  go  your  ways  in,  remove  yourself 
to  the  two-penny  ward  quickly  to  save  charges."  1599- — Ben  Jonson,  Every  Man 
out  of  his  Humour,  V.  vii.  ;  Works,  i.  p.  138,  col.  2. 

p.  97,  1.  13  :  huggle,  to  embrace  closely. 

"  Lye  still,  lye  still,  thou  little  Musgrave, 

And  huggle  me  from  the  cold." 

Little  Musgrave  and,  Lady  Barnard,  11.  61-2.  Percy's  Reliques  of  Ancient 
Poetry.— S. 

p.  97.  Cottages  in  euery  lane  end.  Against  this  evil  was  passt,  in  1589,  the 
Act  31  Eliz.  c.  7.  "  An  acte  againste  erectinge  and  mayntayninge  of  Cottages. 
For  the  avoydinge  of  the  great  Inconvenience  whiche  are  founde  by  experience  to 
growe  by  the  erectinge  and  buyldinge  of  great  nombers  and  multitude  of  Cottage,' 
w>foVh  are  daylie  more  and  more  increased  in  manye  parto  of  this  Realme  :  Be  it 
enacted  .  .  That  .  .  noe  person  shall,  within  this  Realme  of  England,  make 
buylde  or  erect  .  .  any  manner  of  Cottage  for  habitaabn  or  dwelling,  nor  con 
vert  or  ordeyne  anye  Buyldinge  or  Howsinge  .  .  as  a  Cottage  for  habitac/on  or 
dwellinge,  unlesse  the  same  person  doe  assigne  and  laye  to  the  same  Cottage  or 
Buyldinge  fower  acres  of  Grownde  at  the  least  .  .  beinge  his  or  her  owne  Free 
hold  and  Inheritaunce  lienge  nere  to  the  said  Cottage,  to  be  contynuallie  occupied 
&  manured  therewith,  so  longe  as  the  same  Cottage  shalbe  inhabited."  The  Penalty 
for  breaking  the  Act  was  £10,  and  405.  a  Month  for  keeping  such  a  Cottage. 

p.  98.      Whoredom  to  be  punisht. 

"  In  this  Treatise  (louing  countrimen)  you  shall  see  what  .  .  .  inconuenience 
may  come  by  following  flattering  strumpets.  I  know  not,  I,  what  should  be  the 
cause  why  so  innumerable  harlots  and  Curtizans  abide  about  London,  but  because 
that  good  lawes  are  not  looked  vnto  :  is  there  not  one  appointed  for  the  appre 
hending  of  such  hell-moths,  that  eat  a  man  out  of  bodie  &  soule  ?  And  yet 
there  be  more  notorious  strumpets  &  their  mates  about  the  Citie  and  the 
suburbs,  than  euer  were  before  the  Marshall  was  appointed :  idle  mates,  I  meane, 
that  vnder  the  habit  of  a  Gentleman  or  seruing  man,  think  themselues  free  from 
the  whip,  although  they  can  giue  no  honest  account  of  their  life."  1602. — S. 
Rowlands,  Greenes  Ghost  haunting  Coniecatchers,  sign.  A  2,  back  (Hunterian 
Club,  1872,  p.  4-5). 

Compare  in  C.  Bansley's  Pryde  and  Abuse  of  Women,  ab.  1550,  Hazlitt's  E. 
Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  233  : 

Take  no  example  by  shyre  townes, 
Nor  of  the  Cytie  of  London  : 

For    therein  dwell    proude  wycked 

The  poyson  of  all  this  region. 

For  a  stewde  strumpet  can  not  so  soone 
Gette  up  a  lyght  lewde  fashyon, 

But  everye  wanton  Jelot  wyll  lyke  it 

And  catch  it  up  anon." 

And  Latimer's  6th  Sermon,  in  1549,  before  Edward  VI.  :  "O  Lord,  what 
whoredom  is  used  now-a-days  .  .  how  God  is  dishonoured  by  whoredom  in  this 
city  of  London  ;  yea,  the  Bank  [Southwark],  when  it  stood,  was  never  so 
common  !  .  .  It  is  wonderful  that  the  city  of  London  doth  suffer  such  whoredom 

2,82  Notes  on  pp.  99,  100.     Whoredom  to  be  punisht. 

unpunished  .  .  .  There  is  some  place  in  London  [the  precinct  of  St.  Martin-le- 
Grand],  as  they  say,  '  Immunity,  impunity  : '  what  should  I  call  it  !  A  privi 
leged  place  for  whoredom.  The  lord  mayor  hath  nothing  to  do  there ;  the 
sheriffs,  they  cannot  meddle  with  it ;  and  the  quest,  they  do  not  inquire  of  it  : 
and  there  men  do  bring  their  whores,  yea,  other  men's  wives,  and  there  is  no 
reformation  of  it."  Sermons,  Parker  Soc.  1844,  p.  196.  See  the  further  extract 
in  the  note  for  p.  174,  on  p.  317  below. 

But  that  the  complaint  was  in  the  country  too,  see  the  "manifolde  Enormities  " 
in  Lancashire  and  Cheshire,  about  1590: 

"  XXV.  Sundrie  notoriowse  vises  abowndinge,  by  meanes  of  ye  former  con 
fusion  in  ye  Ecclesiasticall  state. 

1 .  Vnlawfull  and  vnresonable  vsurie,  in  no  Cuntrie  more  Common. 

2.  ffornication  and  Adttlterie  in  all  sortes  shamefully  prostituted.  [  ?  practist.] 

3.  Drunkennes  maintayned  by  the  multitude  of  Alehouses,  and  vnresonable 
strength  of  Ale  soulde  with  owte  sise  of  Statute  :  a  vise  altogether  vnpunished, 
and  not  any  way  punishable  that  we  knowe.     (See  the  old  Exeter  regulations 
against  it  in  Mr.  A.  Hamilton's  Quarter-Sessions  from  Q.  Elizabeth  to  Q.  Anne.} 

4.  Seditiowse  and  mutinowse  talkinge  vppon  the  Alebench,  and  openly  in 
their  street  assemblies,  tendinge  to  the  depravinge  of  Religion  and  the  ministerie 
now  established,  and  to  the  advancement  of  Poperie  and  Popishe  practises. 

5.  Continuall  sweringe  and  Blaspheminge  the  name  of  god  in  the  mouthe  of 
owlde  and  young,  Riche  and  poore  ;  no  way  punished  or  punishable." 

Remains,  Hist.  6°  Lit.     Chetham  Soc.  1875,  p.  12. 

p.  99  :  punishment  for  Whoredom.  Compare  Latimer,  last  Sermon  before 
Edward  VI.,  in  1550  : — "I  would  therefore  wish  that  there  were  a  law  provided 
in  this  behalf  for  adulterers,  and  that  adultery  should  be  punished  with  death  ; 
and  that  might  be  a  remedy  for  all  this  matter.  There  would  not  be  then  so 
much  adultery,  whoredom,  and  lechery  in  England  as  there  is  .  .  I  would  wish 
that  adultery  should  be  punished  with  death  ...  If  this  law  were  made,  there 
would  not  be  so  much  adultery  nor  lechery  used  in  the  realm  as  there  is.  Well, 
I  trust  once  yet,  as  old  as  I  am,  to  see  the  day  that  lechery  shall  be  punished  :  it 
was  never  more  need,  for  there  was  never  more  lechery  used  in  England  than  is 
at  this  day,  and  maintained.  It  is  made  but  a  laughing  matter,  and  a  trifle  ;  but 
it  is  a  sad  matter,  and  an  earnest  matter,  for  lechery  is  a  great  sin."  Sermons, 
Parker  Soc.  1844,  p.  244  :  and  see  the  note  there  from  Sir  T.  More  and 
Dr.  Legh.  Harrison  would  have  made  adulterers  slaves  :  I.  326. 

p.  100, 1.  9.  There  was  a  man  whose  name  was  IV.  Ratsurb. — "  On  the  third  of 
Februarie  [1583-4]  being  sundaie,  William  Bruistar  habardasher  (a  man  of  more 
than  threescore  yeares  old)  being  lodged  ouer  the  south-west  porch  of  saint  Brides 
church  in  Fleetstreet,  with  a  woman  named  Marie  Breame  (whome  the  same  Bruistar 
had  bailed  out  of  Bridewell)  were  both  found  smothered  to  death,  in  maner  follow 
ing.  On  the  same  sundaie  in  the  morning,  a  marriage  being  solemnized  in  that 
church,  a  strong  sauour  was  felt,  which  was  thought  to  haue  beene  the  burning  of  old 
shooes  or  such  like,  in  some  gentlemans  chamber  there  about,  thereby  to  sup- 
presse  the  infection  of  the  plague.  But  in  the  afternoone  before  euening  praier, 
the  parishioners  espied  a  smoke  to  issue  out  of  Bruistars  chamber,  and  there vpon 

Notes  on  p.  101.     Judgment  on  a  Whoremonger.    2,83 

made  hast  to  the  dore,  which  they  found  fast  locked,  and  were  forced  to  breake  it 
open,  but  could  not  enter,  till  they  had  ripped  vp  the  lead  and  roofe  of  the  cham 
ber  to  let  out  the  smothering  stench  :  which  being  doone,they  found  Bruistar  dead, 
sitting  on  a  settle  by  his  beds  side  (in  his  apparell  and  close  trussed)  his  right 
thigh  &  right  arme  vp  to  the  elbow  burnt  or  scorched  with  the  fire  of  a  small 
pan  of  coales  that  stood  before  him,  but  now  being  cleane  quenched  with  the  dampe 
or  lacke  of  aire.  The  woman  also  laie  dead  ouer  the  pan,  so  that  hir  armes  were 
likewise  burnt,  with  the  nether  part  of  hir  bodie  before  to  hir  brest,  and  behind 
to  the  shoulders,  and  nothing  else  in  the  chamber  burnt,  but  the  bottome  of  the 
settle  whereon  Bruistar  sat.  "—Holinshed,  ed.  1587,  p.  1353,  coll.  I  &  2,  11.  60 — 15. 
There  were  various  surmises  about  this  affair,  but  it  was  never  explained. 
Pamphlets  were  written  on  it. — S.  Holinshed's  account  is,  as  usual,  from  Stow's 
Annales,  ed.  1605,  p.  1173.  Stow  adds:  "Marie  Breame  had  bene  accused 
by  her  husband  to  be  a  nice  [foolish,  bad]  woman  of  her  bodie,  but  her  husband 
being  a  bad  man,  and  hauing  spent  faire  and  large  possessions  and  all  whatsoever, 
hauing  but  two  pence  left  in  his  purse,  hung  himselfe  on  a  tree,  against  a  stone 
wall  at  Marten  abbey  in  Surrey  about  Whitsontide,  in  Anno  1592." 

p.  101. — See  the  fourth  Gossip's  complaint  of  her  stingy  gambling  Husband, 
in  S.  Rowlands's  Crewofkinde  Gossips,  1609,  sign.  B  3  (Hunt.  Club,  1876,  p.  13) : 

u  Looke,  heere's  the  best  apparrell  that  I  haue, 
The  very  wedding  Gowne  my  Father  gaue. 
He  [my  Husband]  neuer  gaue  me  yet  a  paire  of  Gloues, 
I  am  beholding  more  to  others  loues 
Then  vnto  him, — in  honest  manner  tho,     [irony] 
And  (Gossips)  I  beseech  you  take  it  so. — 
There  are  kinde  Gentlemen,  some  two  or  three, 
And  they  indeed  my  louing  Kinsmen  be, 
Which  will  not  see  me  want,  I  know  it,  I : 
Two  of  them  at  my  house  in  Terme  time  lye, 
And  comfort  me  with  iests  and  odde  deuice, 
When  as  my  Husbands  out  a  nights  at  Dice. 
For  if  I  were  without  a  merry  friend, 
I  could  not  Hue  a  twelue-month  to  an  end  ; 
One  of  them  gaue  me  this  same  Ruffe  of  Lawne, — 
It  cost  three  pound,  but  last  week  in  the  Pawne, — 
Do  y*  thinke  my  husband  would  haue  bin  so  free  ? 
Alas  he  neuer  made  so  much  of  mee." 

(See  the  rest,  about  the  Hat  she  sees  in  church,  and  the  Husband's  answer, 
p.  28.) 

p.  101.      Wives  live  by  whoredom. 

"  Knockem.  .  .  I'll  provide  you  a  coach  to  take  the  air  in. 
Mrs.  Littleivit.     But  do  you  think  you  can  get  one  ? 

Knockem.     O,  they  are  common  as  wheelbarrows  where  there  are  great 
dunghills.     Every  pettifogger's  wife  has  'em ;  for  first  he  buys  a  coach  that  he 

284      Notes  on  p.  102.      Gluttony,  Drunkenness. 

may  marry,  and  then  he  marries  that  he  may  be  made  cuckold  in't ;  for  if  their 
wives  ride  not  to  their  cuckolding,  they  do  them  no  credit."  1614. — Ben 
Jonson,  Bartholomew  fair,  IV.  iii.  Works,  ed.  Cunningham,  ii.  192,  col.  2. 


p.  102  :  ghitton. — "  What  good  can  the  great  gloton  do  w'  his  bely  standing  a 
strote,  like  a  taber,  &  his  noil  toty  with  drink,  but  balk  vp  his  brewes  in  ye  middes 
of  his  matters,  or  lye  down  and  slepe  like  a  swine.  And  who  douteth  but  ye  the 
body  dilicately  fed,  maketh,  as  ye  rumour  saith,  anvnchast  bed."  d.  1535,  Sir  T. 
More,  Works  (\$*fl\  p.  100.— R.  Roberts. 

"  London,  look  on,  this  matter  nips  thee  near  : 
Leave  off  thy  riot,  pride,  and  sumptuous  cheer ; 
Spend  less  at  board,  and  spare  not  at  the  door^ 
But  aid  the  infant,  and  relieve  the  poor  ; 
Else,  seeking  mercy,  being  merciless, 
Thou  be  adjudg'd  to  endless  heaviness." 

Lodge  &  Greene's  Looking-  Glass  for  London  6°  England, 
pr.  1594;  p.  1 20,  col.  ii.,  ed.  Dyce. 

p.  IO2.  Gluttony  :  see  the  '  Gluttone '  in  Rowlands's  lie  Stabbe  yee,  1604 
(1872,  p.  36);  S.  Rowlands,  'To  a  Gormandizing  Glutton',  in  his  Knaue  of 
Spades  (1  \6\\),  ed.  1874,  p.  35;  his  Letting  of  Humours  Blood  (1600),  ed. 
1874,  p.  85.  See  too  W.  Averell,  in  1588,  on  Gluttony  and  Drunkenness  : — 

"  What  should  I  speake  of  your  two  greatest  Gods  Tro\v<j>aaia  and  7ro\U7ro<na, 
gluttonous  feeding  and  excessiue  drinking,  by  which  you  make  a  number,  not  men 
but  beastes,  that  haue  their  soules  but  in  stedde  of  salt,  to  keepe  their  bodies 
from  noysome  stincke,  who,  though  they  appeare  men,  are  indeede  but  Ventres, 
that  place  their  pleasure  in  long  feeding,  and  their  delight  in  strong  drinking. 

"  I  [the  Back]  am  not  so  changable  in  fashions,  as  you  [the  Belly]  are  choyse 
in  dishes :  what  boyling,  what  baking,  what  roasting,  what  stewing,  what  curious 
and  daintie  consenting,  what  Syrropes,  what  sauces,  with  a  thousand  deuices  to 
moue  an  appetite  without  necessitie,  and  charge  nature  without  neede.  I  talke 
not  of  other  effects  that  accompany  your  gluttonous  bellie  whew  it  is  fant  vfiih 
wine.  What  lasciuiousnes  in  wordes,  what  wantonnes  in  gestures,  what  filthines 
in  deedes,  what  swearing  and  blaspheming,  what  quarrelling  and  brawling,  what 
murder  and  bloodshed,  nay  what  wickednes  is  not  vntemperat  belly  subiect  to, 
and  most  readie  to  accomplish  ? 

"Besides,  howe  doth  your  gluttonie  chaunge  Natures  cowlines  into  foule 
deformednes  ?  how  do  the  eyes  flame  with  fierines,  the  face  flush  with  rednes,  the 
hands  shake  wyth  vnstedfastnes,  and  the  feete  reele  through  drunkeneses  ?  the 
head  swimmes,  the  eyes  dazell,  the  tongue  stammers,  the  stomack  is  ouercharged, 
the  body  distempered,  and  the  feeble  legges  ouerburdened,  which  beeing  not  able 

Notes  on  p.  102.     Drunkenness.  285 

to  beare  an  vnrulie  Lord,  doo  lay  him  in  ye  durt  like  an  ouer  ruled  slaue  ;  and  so 
through  your  distemperature,  your  selfe  not  alone  weakened,  but  the  other 
members  so  diseased,  as  to  reckon  vppe  the  sicknesses  and  sores  of  which  the 
Bellie  is  cause,  were  to  purge  the  stables  of  Augea  king  of  Elis,  or  to  sette  them 
downe  which  were  neuer  knowne  to  Auicen,  Galien,  Hippocrates,  nor  all  the 
Phisitions  that  euer  liued,  so  that  by  these  meanes  it  may  be  saide,  that  a  glut 
tonous  Bellye  makes  rich  Phisitions  and  fat  Churchyardes."  —  A  meruailous 
combat  of  contrarieties,  by  W.[illiam]  A.[verell]  1588,  sign.  B  2,  back,  B  3. 

p.  102.  Drunkard  :  see  S.  Rowlands'  sketch  of  one  in  his  lie  Stabbe  yee, 
1604,  C  3,  p.  21  ;  Diogines  Lanthorne,  1607  (ed.  1873,  p.  7-8)  ;  also  his  Epigrams 
21  and  22  in  his  Letting  of  Humours  Blood,  1600  (ed.  1874,  p.  27-8)  ;  and  his 
praise  of  good  liquor  in  Letting,  &c.,  p.  76-8.  On  '  How  to  make  Drunken  folk 
Sober,'  see  Sir  Wm.  Vaughan's  Naturall  and  Artificiall  Directions  for  Health, 
1608.  Compare  also  the  Act  :  — 

A.D.  1606-7.  4  James  I,  chap.  v.  "An  Acte  for  repressinge  the  odious 
and  loathsome  synne  of  Drunckenes.  Whereas  the  loathsome  and  odyous  Synne 
of  Drunkennes  is  of  late  growen  into  common  use  within  this  Realme,  beinge  the 
roote  and  foundacion  of  many  other  enonnious  Synnes,  as  Bloodshed,  Stabbinge, 
Murder,  Swearinge,  Fornicacion,  Adulterye,  and  such  lyke,  to  the  great  dishonour 
of  God  and  of  our  Nacion,  the  overthrowe  of  many  good  Artes  and  Manuell 
Trades,  the  disablinge  of  dyvers  Workmen,  and  the  gen^rall  ympowrishing  of 
many  good  Subjects  abusievely  wasting  the  good  Creatures  of  God  :  Be  it  there 
fore  enacted  .  .  That  all  and  every  person  or  p<<rsons  which,  after  Fortie  Dayes 
next  followinge  the  end  of  this  present  Session  of  Parliament,  shalbe  drunke,  and 
of  the  same  Offence  of  Drunkennes  shall  be  lawfullie  convicted,  shall  for  every 
such  Offence  forfeite  and  loose  Fyve  Shillinges  .  .  to  be  paid  within  one  week 
next  after  his  her  or  their  Conviccion  thereof,  to  the  Handes  of  the  Churchwardens 
of  that  Parish  where  the  Offence  shalbe  co;wmytted,  who  shalbe  accompable 
therefore  to  the  use  of  the  Poore  of  the  same  Parishe.  ." 

§  III  puts  a  Penalty  of  35.  4^.,  or  the  Stocke,  on  Persons  found  tippling,  on 
View  of  any  Mayor,  Justices,  &c.  (On  Church-  Ales,  &c.,  see  p.  307-9  below.  ) 

See  too  in  Lupton's  Sivquila  (Aliquis),  1580,  p.  57-60,  the  judgment  on  a 
rich  drunkard  and  a  poor  one,  in  Nusquam  or  Nowhere,  Lupton's  '  Utopia  '  :— 
Ni    ardl  "A>  th°U  churle>  more  churlish  tha«  a  hog  or  swine!  for  though 

dSunken  sometimes  they  driue  their  fellowes  from  thz  meat,  and  eate  by 
themselues,  yet  when  they  haue  filled  themselues  sufficiently,  they 
goe  awaye,  and  leaue  the  reste,  eate  it  who  wil.  But  thou,  greedie 
cormorant,  when  thou  hast  taken  more  than  is  sufficient,  thou  dost  not  only  con 
sume  more  on  thy  selfe,  but  also  the  rest  thou  keepest  from  the  poore  hungrie 
brother,  and  wilt  not  leaue  anye  thing  for  him,  as  the  swine  doth.  And  now, 
seeing  Gods  lawe  cannot  moue  thee  to  go  vnto  Heauen,  I  will  see  if  our  law  can 
stay  thee  from  Hel.  Therfore,  bycause  thou  hast  so  much  welth  thai  thou 
cawst  not  tel  how  to  bestow  the  same  wel,  and  more  liuing  than  thou  art  worthy 
A  good  iudge-  of  '  tnerefore  J  wil>  according  to  the  lawe  made  for  drunkards, 
ment  giuen  vpon  that  thou  shalt  giue  yerely  during  thy  life,  a  prechers  stipend 
a  drunkarde.  an>  for  hig  better  maintenance  .  wj 


286    Notes  on  p.  102.     A  Drunkard's  punishment. 

be  bounde  euery  weeke,  three  times,  during  thy  life,  not  only  to 
Preach e^to*       attend  vpon  thee  one  halfe  houre  at  a  time,  then  instructing  thee 

preach  to  him      (by  the  Scriptures)  thy  dutie  to  God  and  maw.  and  the  way  to 
3  times  a  week,]  v   *  ; '       y  y , 

saluation,  persuading  thee  also  from  drunkewnesse,  and  shewing 

also  howe  detestable  it  is  before  God,  and  what  is  the  gaine  thereof ;  But  also 
[&  3  times  a         shall  preache  three  dayes  euery  weeke  in  the  parishe  Churche 

week  in  his          where  thou  dwellest.     And  thou  shalt  sitte  also   three   market 
parish  church.  I      ......  , ,     , 

dayes  in  the  open  Market,  with  a  pot  in  thy  hand,  &  a  wryting 

market'dfys3  on  th>"  forehead,  as  folio weth  :  '  This  is  the  Drunkarde  that 
with  a  pot  in  spente  as  muche  dayly  at  the  Tauernes  and  for  wine,  as  tenne  of  his 
"* Drunkard"  nexte  neyghboures  .did  spende  day  lye  in  their  houses?  And  this, 
on  his  forehead.]  being  ended,  thou  shalte  remayne  one  halfe  yeare  in  prison,  and 
3.  go  to  prison  there  thou  shalt  be  taught  to  fast  for  thy  long  excesse  :  for 
for  half  a  yeare.  euerye  Dinner  thou  shalte  be  allowed  not  aboue  a  grote,  in  breade, 
drinke,  and  meate  :  and  thou  shalte  be  allowed  nothing  but  breade  and 
drinke  at  night  in  steade  of  thy  supper,  whiche  shall  not  be  aboue  the  value  of  a 
pennye."  The  poor  man  who  is  a  drunkard  is  to  "  sitte  in  the  open  market  as 
the  riche  man  did,  but  he  shal  not  be  imprisoned,  ,  .  he  must  not  drinke  in  anye 
Tipling-house  or  Tauerne  the  space  of  one  whole  yeare  after.  And  bycause  he 
may  be  knowen,  he  shall  weare  on  his  bosome  the  picture  of  a  swine,  al  that 
while,  whensoeuer  he  shall  be  out  of  his  owne  house  .  .  and  euery  Sondaye  during 
that  yere,  he  shal  sit  before  the  Pulpit  al  the  Sermon  tyme,  to  heare  the  word  of 
God,  and  learne  to  auoyde  drunkennesse. "  Then,  after  complaining  of  the  richer 
drunkards  in  England,  Sivquila  says  "  And  the  poorer  sort,  thoughe  they  are 
not  so  able  as  they  (the  rich),  nor  can  not  so  conueniently  as  they,  yet  on  the 
Sundaye  at  the  furthest  they  wyll  bee  euen  wyth  them,  (if  one  days  drinking  will 
serue)  for  they  wyll  so  tipple  almost  al  the  daye,  and  perhaps  the  next  night, 
that  all  their  whole  weekes  worke  will  scantly  paye  their  Sundayes  shotte  :  but 
some  of  them  (not  worth  verye  much)  if  they  worke  one  day,  they  will  loyter  and 
drinke  three  for  it,  (I  will  not  saye  they  will  be  drunketwo  and  a  halfe  of  the  same.)  " 

See  also  the  extract  on  drunkards  from  Bullein  in  my  Babees  Book,  p.  247, 
and  Andrew  Boorde's  Introduction,  my  edn.,  p.  147,  149,  337-8. 

"And  I  would  to  God,  that  in  our  time  also  wee  had  not  iust  cause  to 
complaine  of  this  vicious  plant  of  unmeasurable  Boalling  [bowl-ing]  ....  For  it  is 
not  sufferable  in  a  Christian  Countrie,  that  men  should  thus  labour  with  great 
contention,  and  strive,  for  the  maistrie  (as  it  were)  to  offende  God,  in  so  wilfull 
waste  of  his  gratious  benefits."  1570-1601. — W.  Lambarde.  Perambulation  of 
Kent,  1826  reprint,  p.  320-1. 

"Awake,  thou  noblest  drunkard  Bacchus  ;  thou  must  likewise  stand  to  me, 
if  thou  canst  for  reeling.  Teach  me,  you  sovereign  skinker,  how  to  take  the 
German's  upsy-freeze,  the  Danish  rousa,  the  Switzer's  stoop  of  rhenish,  the 
Italian's  parmizant,  the  Englishmans  healths,  his  hoops,  cans,  half-cans,  gloves, 
frolics,  and  flapdragons,  together  with  the  most  notorious  qualities  of  the 
truest  tosspots,  as,  when  to  cast,  when  to  quarrel,  when  to  fight,  and  where  to 
sleep  :  hide  not  a  drop  of  thy  moist  mystery  from  me,  thou  plumpest  swill-bowl; 
but,  like  an  honest  red-nosed  wine-bibber,  lay  open  all  thy  secrets,  and  the 
mystical  hieroglyphic  of  rashers  o'  th'  coals,  modicums,  and  shoeing-horns,  and 

Notes  on  p.  103.     Fare  in  Edward  PL's  time.    287 

why  they  were  invented,  for  what  occupations,  and  when  to  be  used."     1609. 
T.  Dekker.     Guls  Hornbook,  Prcemium,  ed.  1862,  p.  4. 

My  friend  Prof.  Paul  Meyer,  in  his  interesting  Preface  to  his  edition  of  Le 
Dtbatdes  Htrants  d'Armes  (ab.  1546),  and  John  Coke's  Answer  to  it  (1550),  for 
his  Societ^  des  Anciens  Textes  Francais,  1877,  notes,  that  among  the  kindly 
remarks  on  England  of  the  French  Middle- Age  writers — for  France  and  England 
were  then  nearly  one, — the  only  reproach  was  that  A nglia  potat !,  or  Li  mieldre 
buveor  en  Angleterre?  though  William  of  Normandy  says  in  his  Besant 3  that  Pride 
has  married  in  England  her  3  eldest  daughters,  Envy,  Lechery,  Drunkenness. 
The  most  fertile  source  of  early  chaff  against  the  English  was  the  legend  of  their 
having  tails,  being  Anglici  caudati,  as  their  apostle  St.  Augustine  bare  witness. 
See  the  article  caudati  in  Du  Cange  ;  A  de  Montaiglon,  An$iennes  Poesies  Fran- 
faises  VI,  347,  &c.  P.  Meyer.  See  also  Robert  of  Brunne's  Chronicle. 

p.  103.  England  better  in  old  times. — See  the  other  side  of  the  question,  in 
S.  Rowlands's  "Twas  a  merry  world  in  the  old  time*  in  his  A  Fooles  Bolt  is 
sooneshot,  1614  (ed.  1873,  Hunterian  Club,  p.  28-9). 

p.  103:  rough  fare  of  our  Forefathers  .*  roots,  pttlse,  herbes,  &c.  Compare  the 
Ploughman's  food  in  Will's  Vision,  Text  B,  Passus  VI,  1.  282,  321,  p.  107-110, 
E.  E.  T.  Soc. ,  ed.  Skeat,  bearing  out  this  assertion,  more  or  less.  In  Edward 
VI.'s  time,  Win.  Forrest  says  in  his  Pleasaunt  Poesye  of  Princelie Practise  (Starkey's 
Life  &  Letters,  E.  E.  T.  Soc.  1878,  Extra  Series,  ed.  Herrtage)  :— 

MS.  Reg.  170  III.  If  61  (dated,  on  If  8,  A.  D.  1548). 
"  So,  for  that  Oxe  whiche  hathe  beene  the  like  solde, 
for  ffortie  shealingis  no  we  takethe  hee  fyue  pownde  : 
yea,  seauyn  is  more,  I  haue  herde  it  so  tolde  : 
hee  cannot  els  lyue  ;  so  deeare  is  his  grownde. 
Sheepe,  thoughe  they  neauer  so  plentie  abownde, 
suche  price  they  beare  whiche  shame  is  to  here  tell, 
that  scace  the  pooareman  can  bye  a  morsell. 

Twoe  pense  (in  Beeif)  hee  cannot  haue  serued, 

other  in  Mutton,  the  price  is  so  hye  : 

vndre  a  groate  hee  can  haue  none  kerued  : 

so  goethe  hee  (and  his)  to  bedde  hungrelye, 

and  risethe  agayne  withe  bellies  emptie, 

whiche  turnethe  to  tawnye  their  white  englisch  skyn, 

like  to  the  swarthie  coelored  Fflawndrekyn. 

Wheare  they  weare  valiaunt,  stronge,  sturdy  &  stowte,      lif  <5r,  back.] 
to  shoote,  to  wrastle,  to  dooe  anye  mannys  feate  : 
to  matche  all  natyons  dwell  inge  heere  abowte, 
as  hitherto  (manlye)  they  holde  the  chief  seate  ; 

1  Reliquiae  Antiquae,  Wright  &  Halliwell,  i.  5  (Cotton  MS.  Vesp.  B  xiii). 
Archives  des  Missions,  2nd  series,  iii.  183  (Digby  MS.  53,  Bodleian  Library). 

2  Le  Roux  de  Lincy,  Livre  des  Proverbes,  ii.  281. 

3  ed.  Martin,  1.  2000-3  :  cp.  the  editor's  note  on  this  passage. 

288     Notes  on  pp.  105,  116.     Neglect  of  the  Poor. 

if  they  bee  pinched  and  weyned  from  meate, 
I  wisse,  O  kynge,  they,  in  penurye  thus  pende, 
shall  not  bee  able  thye  Royalme  to  defende. 

Owre  Englische  nature  cannot  lyue  by  Rooatis, 
by  water  herbys.  or  suche  beggerye  baggage, 
that  maye  well  serue  for  vile  owtelandische  Cooatis  • 
geeue  Englische  men  meate,  after  their  olde  vsage, 
Beeif,  Mutton,  Veale,  to  cheare  their  courage  ; 
and  then  I  dare  to  this  byll  sett  my  hande  : 
they  shall  defende  this  owre  noble  Englande.'5 


p.  105.  Stinginess  of  the  Rich  to  the  Poor. — "The  poore  with  vs,  woulde 
thinke  themselues  happy,  if  they  mighte  haue  a  messe  of  potage,  or  the  scraps 
that  come  from  the  Rich  mens  tables,  two  or  three  houres  after  they  begin  their 
dinner,  or  supper,  and  to  haue  the  same  giuen  them  at  their  doore.  But  many  of 
The  wicked  and  *^e  sa^e  ficn  greedie  guttes,  caring  for  nothing,  but  for  the  hilling 
cruel  vsing  of  and  filling  of  their  owne  backe  and  bellie,  can  not  be  content  to 
goe  by  their  poore  pitiful  brethren  and  giue  them  nothing,  but 
they  will  moste  vncharitably  and  vnchristianly  rebuke  them,  chide  them,  rattle 
them,  yea,  and  threat  them,  that  the  poore,  being  checkt  of  them  that  shoulde 
chearishe  them,  are  almost  driuen  to  despaire."  1580. — T.  Lupton.  Sivquila, 
p.  28-9. 

p.  116.  Neglect  of  the  poor. — See  Robert  Copland's  most  interesting  account 
of  the  Beggars,  Ne'er-do-weels,  and  Unthrifts  of  Henry  VIII's  time  in  his  Hye 
Way  to  the  Spyttel  Hous  (The  folk  who  come  to  St.  Bartholomew's  Hospital), 
about  1532-5  A.D.,  in  Hazlitt's  Popular  Poetry,  iv.  17-72.  On  the  poor  dying 
in  the  streets,  and  vagrants  lying  there,  he  says,  p.  30-1  : — 

' .  .  .  I  haue  sene  at  sondry  hospytalles 
That  many  haue  lyne  dead  without  the  walles, 
And  for  lacke  of  socour  haue  dyed  wretchedly^ 
Unto  your  foundacyon,  I  thynke,  contrary. 
Moche  people  resort  here,  and  haue  lodgyng  ; 
But  yet  I  maruell  greatly  of  one  thyng, 
That  in  the  nyght  so  many  lodge  without : 
For  in  the  whatche  whan  that  we  go  about, 
Under  the  stalles,  in  porches,  and  in  doores, 
(I  wote  not  whither  they  be  theues  or  hoores, 
But  surely,)  euery  nyght  ther  is  found 
One  or  other  lyeng  by  the  pound, 
In  the  shepe-cootes,  or  in  the  hey-loft  ; 
And  at  Saynt  Barthylmews  chyrch  dore  full  ofte. 

Notes  on  pp.  116 — 118.    Inclosures,  Lawyers.     289 

And  euen  here  by  this  brycke  wall 

We  do  them  fynd,  that  do  bothe  chyde  and  brail ; 

And  lyke  as  bestes  togyder  they  be  throng, 

Bothe  lame,  and  seke,  and  hole,  them  among, 

And  in  many  corners  wher  that  we  go, 

Wherof  I  wondre  greatly  why  they  do  so, 

But  oftymes  when  they  vs  se, 

They  do  rewne  a  great  deal  faster  than  we." 

p.  1 1 6.  Inclosures.  See  the  series  of  extracts  on  this  subject -in  my  Ballads 
from  MSS.,  Part  I,  Ballad  Society  ;  the  Supplications  edited  by  Mr.  J.  M.  Cowper 
and  me  for  the  E.  E.  Text  Soc.,  1871,  and  his  edition  of  Starkey's  England  in 
Henry  VIIPs  Time,  E.  E.  Text  Soc.  1871  j  Harrison,  Pt.  I.  p.  306-7,  &c.  &c. 
And  let  us  always  remember  that  Shakspere,  before  he  died,  "  told  Mr.  J.  Greene 
that  he  was  not  able  to  beare  the  enclosing  of  Welcombe  ",  the  open  landbrow — 
since  enclosed — whence  one  best  sees  his  Stratford.  (Leap.  Sh.  Introd.,  p.  cix.) 

"  Where,  by  the  way,  the  country  Rook  deplor'd 
The  grip  and  hunger  of  his  ravenous  lord, 
The  cruel  Castrel,  which,  with  devilish  claws 
Scratcheth  out  of  the  miserable  jaws 
Of  thee,  poor  tenant,  to  his  ruin  bent, 
Raising  new  fines,  redoubling  ancient  rent, 
And,  by  th'  inclosure  of  old  common  land, 
Racks  the  dear  sweat  from  his  laborious  hand  ; 
Whilst  he  that  digs  for  breath  out  of  the  stones, 
Cracks  his  stiff  sinew,  and  consumes  his  bones  .  . 

and  when  he  can  no  more, 

The  needy  Rook  is  turn'd  out  of  the  door, 
And  lastly  doth  his  wretchedness  bewail, 
A  bond-slave  to  the  miserable  jail." 
1604.— M.  Drayton,  The  Owl.     Works,  1793,  p.  568,  col.  2. 

p.  117.  Lawyers.  —  See  Harrison,  Part  I.  p.  204-7;  Father  Hubbartfs 
Tales  (1604)  in  the  last  volume  of  Dyce's  Middleton,  &c.  The  complaint  starts 
from  long  before  Piers  Plowman  (Text  B,  Prol.  1.  214-15,  ed.  Skeat),  and  even 
still  continues,  more  or  less. 

"  Oh,  the  innumerabyl  wyles,  craftys,  sotyltes  and  delayes,  that  be  in  the  lawe, 
which  the  lawyers  wil  neuer  spye,  because  of  their  priuate  lucres  sake  ;  wherby 
the  comon  welth  is  robbed.  Thei  be  almost  as  euyl  as  the  wicked  bisshops  and 
prestes  of  Antichryst,  saue  only  that  thei  robbe  us  but  of  our  temporal  goodys, 
and  not  of  our  fayth."  Ab.  1542.— Hy.  Brinklow,  Complaynt  of  Roderick  Mors, 
E.  E.  T.  Soc.  1874,  p.  21. 

p.  1 1 8.  Dearth  (dearness,  cost). — See  my  Stafford's  Compendious  Examina 
tion  of  certeyne  ordinary  Complaints,  1581.  New  Shaksp.  Soc.  1876. 

"  What  saies  the  craftie  Clowne  in  clowted  shooes, 
Time  was  ordain'd  to  get,  and  not  to  loose. 


290     Notes  on  p.  119.     Grasping  Landlords,  &c. 

What  though  the  poore  lye  startling  in  the  ditch  ? 
It  is  the  dearth  of  Corne  makes  Farmers  rich." 
1613. — The  Vncasing  of  Machivils  Instructions  to  his  Sonne,  p.  8. 

p.  119,  1.  1 2  from  foot.  Notwithstanding  some  mercilesse  tygers,  &c. —  "Sivqila. 
I  knewe  one  that  was  empouerished  bothe  by  the  losse  of  the  Sea,  and  by  sureti- 
ship,  yet  notwithstanding  he  was  caste  into  prison  of  his-  cruel  Creditors,  who 
hauing  not  sufficient  lefte  to  satisfie  them,  offered  to  giue  them  all  that  he  hatlde, 
and  to  leaue  himselfe  nothing  in  the  worlde  but  the  simple  clothes  he  went  in 
(which  were  not  worth  the  value  of  a  Noble),  and  yet  these  mercilesse  wretches 
wold  not  release  him  out  of  prison,  but  kept  him  there,  saying,  they  woulde 
make  Dice  of  his  bones,  if  they  hadde  nothing  else." — Thomas  Lupton's  Sivqilat 
P«  35-  I58o- — S.  See  p.  293  below. 

p.  119.     Covetous  men  buying  tip  poor  men's  land. 

' '  Cormerauntes,  gredye  guiles,  yea,  men  that  would  eate  vp  menne,  women,  & 
chyldren,  are  the  causes  of  Sedition  !  They  take  our  houses  ouer  our  headdes, 
they  bye  our  growndes  out  of  our  handes,  they  reyse  our  rentes,  they  leauie 
great  (yea,  vnreasonable)  fines,  they  enclose  oure  commens  !  .  .  we  knowe  not 
whyche  waye  to  turne  vs  to  lyue  ...  In  the  countrey  we  can  not  tarye,  but  we 
must  be.  theyr  slaues,  and  laboure  tyll  our  hertes  brast,  and  then  they  must  haue 
al.  And  to  go  to  the  cities  we  haue  no  hope,  for  there  we  heare  that  these 
vnsaciable  beastes  haue  all  in  theyr  handes.  Some  haue  purchased,  and  some 
taken  by  leases,  whole  allyes,  whole  rentes,  whole  rowes,  yea,  whole  streats 
and  lanes,  so  that  the  rentes  be  reysed,  some  double,  some  triple,  and  some  four 
fould  to  that  they  were  wythin  these  .xii.  yeres  last  past.  Yea,  ther  is  not  so 
much  as  a  garden  grownd  fre  from  them."  1550. — R.  Crowley,  The  Way  to 
Wealth.  Select  Works,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  1872,  p.  132-3. 

Hear  also  Becon,  who  died  in  1570: — "  The  cause  of  all  thys  wretchednesse 

Gentlemen     and  beggery  in  the  common  weale  are  the  gredy  Gentylmen,  whyche 

Shepmowgers.  are  shepemongers  and  grasyars.     Whyle  they  study  for  their  owne 

priuate  commoditie,  the  common  weale  is  lyke  to  decay.     Since  they  began  to  be 

shepe  Maysters  and  feders  of  cattell  we  neyther  had  vyttayle  nor  cloth  of  any 

reasonable  pryce.     No  meruayle,  for  these  forstallars  of  the  market,  as  they  vse 

to  saye  haue  gotten  al  thynges  so  into  theyr  handes,  that  the  poore  man  muste 

eyther  bye  it  at  their  pryce,  or  else  miserably  starue  for  hongar,  and  wretchedly 

dye  for  colde.    For  they  are  touched  with  no  pity  toward  the  poore.    It  is  founde 

true  in  them  that  S.  Paul  wrighteth.    Al  seke  their  own  aduawtage, 

and  not  those  thinges  which   belong  vnto    lesu   Christ.      They 

whiche  in  tymes  past  wer  wont  to  be  fathers  of  the  contry,  are  now  pollers  and 

pyllers  of  the  contry.     They  which  in  times  past  wer  wont  to  be  the  defenders 

of  the  poore,  are  now  become  the  destroiers  of  the  same.     They  by  whow  the 

common  weale  sometime  was  preserued,  are  now  become  the  Caterpillers  of  the 

common  weale,  and  suche  as  seme  by  their  maners  to  haue  made  a  solemne  vow 

vtterly  to  subuert  the  common  weale,  and  to  procure  ye  final  destruction  of  the 

same.     They  are  insatiable  woulfes.     They  know  no  measure.     So  they  may 

reigne,  they  care  not  who  suffer  pain.     So  they  may  abound,  they  care  not  who 

Notes  on  p.  119.     Avaritlous  land-buyers,  &c.   291 

fal  to  the  grounde.    So  they  may  be  enriched,  they  care  not  who  be  enpouerished. 
Thei  ar  right  brothers  of  Cain,  which  had  rather  slea  his  brother  Abel,  thaw  he 
should  haue  any  part  with  him  of  worldly  possessions.    The  wyse        Gene.  Hit. 
man  sayeth  the  bread  of  the  nedy  is  the  life  of  the  pore,  he  yl  Ecde-  ****&.  [21] 
defraudeth  him  of  it,  is  a  mansleare.     Do  not  these  ryche  worldlynges  defraud 
the  pore  man  of  his  bread,  whereby  is  vnderstand  al  things  neces-   Bread  what  it 
sary  for  a  mans  lyfe,  which  through  their  insaciable  couetousnes  sel      signifieth. 
al  things  at  so  hie  price,  and  suffer  townes  so  to  decay  that  the  pore  hath  not 
what  to  eate  nor  yet  where  to  dwell !     What  other  are  they  thaw,  but 
very   mawslears  ?      They    abhorre    the   names    of    Monkes,    Friers, 
Chanons,  Non;/es,  &c.  but  their  goods  they  gredely  gripe."    Becon,  Jeiuel  of  Joy. 
Works,  1564,  Vol.  II.  fol.  xvi.  back— fol.  xvii.— S.  J.  Herrtage. 

1  Les  gros  poissons  mangent  les  petis :  Pro.  Justly  applyed  to  the  vniust 
world,  wherein  the  rich  deuoure  the  poore,  the  strong  the  weake,  the  mightie  the 
meane.'  1611. — Cotgrave. 

p.  119:  misers,  or  rich  men,  addingland  to  land. — "  Though  all  put  their  trust  in 
God,  with  you,  the  most  put  their  trust  in  themselues  with  vs  :  for  if  they  did  not, 
thei  would  not  so  greedily  gather  their  goods  togither,  &  lay  lands  to  lands,  houses 
to  houses,  and  riches  to  riches,  as  they  do.  Some  that  are  worth  thousands, 
though  they  loke  euery  day  to  die,  (being  of  such  extreame  age)  haue  so  little  trust 
and  confidence  in  God,  that  gaue  them  all  they  haue,  that  they  are  so  sparing  to 
themselues,  so  niggardly  to  theyr  neighbours,  and  so  pinching  to  the  pouertie,  as 
though  they  should  liue  here  euer,  or  else  as  though  they  had  not  ynough  to  fincle 
themselues  one  day."  1580. — T.  Lupton.  Sivquila,  p.  70-1. 

"  What  mettayle  is  this  money  that  makes  men  so  mad? 

What  mischiefe  is  it  thereby  is  not  wrought  ? 

What  earthly  thing  is  not  therefore  to  be  had  ? 

What  hath  been  so  loved,  but  money  hath  bought  ? 

What  vertue,  or  goodness,  of  us  so  much  sought  ? 

'Who  doth  not  wish  for  money,'  each  one  doth  say. 

How  many  for  money  have  been  robbed  and  murthered  ? 

How  many  false  witnesses,  and  for  money  perjured? 

How  many  wives  from  their  husbands  have  been  enticed  ? 

How  many  maydens  to  folly  for  money  allured  ? 

How  many  for  money  have  spirits  and  divells  coniured  ? 

How  many  friends,  for  money  have  beene  mortall  foes  ? 

Mo  mischieves  for  money  then  I  can  disclose  ! 

How  many  kings  and  princes  for  money  have  been  poisoned  ? 

How  many  betrayers  of  their  country  for  money  every  day  ? 

How  many  for  money  from  true  iudgment  are  led  ? 

Did  not  the  prophet  Balaam  curse  God's  people  for  money  ? 

Did  not  ludas,  for  money,  his  master  Christ  betray?"  &c.  &c. 
1578.— T.  Lupton,  All  for  Money,  in  Halli well's  Lit.  of  i6//fc  &>  i^th  Centuries, 
p.  107.     He  also  gives  the  other  side  of  the  question  : 

"  Pleasure.  In  what  case  were  the  worlde,  were  it  not  for  money  ? 
Without  ioye  and  pleasure,  better  be  dead  then  aliue : 

292         Notes  on  pp.  123 — 127.     Usurers,  &c. 

To  liue  like  dome  [dumb]  goddes,  who  would  not  be  wearie  ? 
To  satisfie  mans  nature  with  pleasures,  I  can  contrive, 
But  I  conteyne  them  at  this  time  and  hower, 
Hawking  and  hunting,  shooting  and  fishing, 
Eating  and  drinking,  dysing  and  carding, 
Riding  and  running,  swimming  and  singing, 
Daunsing  and  leaping,  with  all  kinde  of  playing, 
Banketing  with  fine  meates,  and  wine  of  all  sortes, 
Dallying  with  faier  women,  with  other  kinde  of  sportes : 
All  fine  apparell  that  makes  the  heart  ioye. 
With  musicall  instruments,  both  with  man  and  boye. 
Thus  no  sporte  or  ioye  wherein  man  hath  solace, 
But  I  doe  conteyne  them,  though  money  bring  them  to  passe." 
1578. — T.  Lupton.   All  for  money,  sign.  B.j. 

p.  123.  Usury.  See  Harrison,  I,  p.  242.  Also  S.  Rowlands,  '  To  Mr. 
Mony-bag  the  Vsurer'  in  his  Knaue  of  Spades  (  ?  1611),  ed.  1874,  p.  26  ;  and  his 
sketch  of  Usury  in  his  Diogines  Lanthorne,  1607  (Hunt.  Club,  1873,  p.  6-7). 

See  the  description  of  Avarice  in  Piers  Plowman,  Text  B,  Pass.  v.  p.  67-73, 
ed.  Skeat,  E.  E.  T.  Soc.,  and  specially  lines  257-9  : 

"  Hastow  pite  on  pore  men,  }?at  mote  nedes  borwe? 

IT  I  haue  as  moche  pite  of  pore  men,  as  pedlen?  hath  of  cattes, 

pat  wolde  kille  hem,  yf  he  cacche  hem  myjte,  for   coveitise  of  her? 

"Simplicity.   0  that  vild  Usury  !  he  lent  my  father  a  little  money  ;  and  for 

breaking  one  day, 

He  took  the  fee-simple  of  his  house  and  will  quite  away  ; 
And  yet  he  borrowed  not  half  a  quarter  as  much  as  it  cost ; 
But  I  think,  if  it  had  been  a  shilling,  it  had  been  loste, 
So  he  kill'd  my  father  with  sorrow,  and  undoed  me  quite." 

^84.  —  The  Three  Ladies  of  London,  Hazlitt's  Dodsley's  Old  Plays,  vi.  259. 

See  the  list  of  books  against  Usury  in  5th  Series  of  N.  6°  Q.,  x.  423,  and  xi.  63. 

p.  123.  Every  Begger  almost  is  called  Maister. — See  Lancelot's  "MAISTER 
Launcelet"  in  the  Merchant  of  Venice,  II.  ii.  51,  and  the  extract  illustrating  it 
from  Sir  Thomas  Smith's  Commonwealth  of  England,  bk.  I,  ch.  20  (founded  on 
Harrison,  I,  133,  137),  which  I  printed  in  New  Sh.  Soc.'s  Trans.  1877-9,  p.  103-4. 
Also  Shakspere  getting  his  "yeoman"  father  arms,  and  making  him  a  "gentle 
man  "  in  1596  (Leopold  Shakspere  Introduction,  p.  ciii)  ;  and  p.  237,  above. 

p.  124.  Usury  allow d  by  Law.  The  Act  13  Elizabeth,  c.  8— which  re vivd 
the  37  Hen.  VIII,  cap.  9,  that  had  been  repeald  by  5  &  6  Edward  VI,  cap.  20 
—  authorizd  the  taking  of  10  per  cent,  interest  for  money  lent  on  loan  or  mort 
gage.  The  rate  was  reduced  to  5  p.  c.  by  the  12  Anne,  St  2,  ch.  16. 

p.  126-7.     Prisoners  for  debt. 

"  Fallace  ...  if  he  come  with  his  actions  upon  you,  Lord  deliver  you  !  you 
are  in  for  one,  half-a-score  year ;  he  kept  a  poor  man  in  Ludgate  once  twelve 

Notes  on  p.  127.     Prisons.      Usurers.          293 

year  for  sixteen  shillings. "     1599. — Ben  Jonson,  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour^ 
V.  vii.,   Works,  i.  137,  col.  2. 

"I  am,  Sir,  a  Keeper  of  the  Counter,  and  there  are  in  our  wards  above  a 
hundred  poore  prisoners,  that  are  like  nere  to  come  forth  without  satisfaction." 
1606. — No-Body  and  Some-Body.  Simpson's  School  of  Shakspere,  1.307.  In  The 
Play  of  Stucley,  1605,  ib.  p.  228,  the  prison  stink  or  plague  is  mentiond  : 

"  Will  you  so  much  annoy  your  vital  powers 
As  to  oppress  them  with  the  prison  stink1  ? 
You  shall  not,  if  you  love  me,  come  so  near. 
The  place  is  mortally  infected  lately." 

"A  prison  .  .  is  a  Fabricke  built  of  the  same  stuffe  the  Keepers  of  ft  are 
made  of,  stone  and  iron  :  It  is  an  vnwholesome  full-stuffed  humorous  body,  which 
hath  an  Hole  in  the  posteriors  of  it,  whence  it  vents  many  stinking,  noysome  and 
vnsauory  smels,  which  is  the  onely  cause  there  is  such  a  perpetuall  sicknesse  and 
disease  in  it  .  .  when  Epimetheus  opened  Pandora's  box,  there  did  not  more 
mischiefes  and  maladies  flie  out. of  it  into  the  world,  then  there  is  in  this  cursed 
place,  for  it  hath  more  sicknesses  predominating  in  it,  then  there  are  in  twenty 
French  Hospitals,  or  at  the  Bathe,  in  the  spring  or  fall  of  the  leafe."  1617. — 
Wm.  Fennor,  The  Compters  Common-ivealth,  or  A  Voiage  made  to  an  Infernall 
Hand  long  since  discouered  by  many  Caplaines,  &c.,  Sign.  C.  (Fennor  had  been 
arrested  for  a  debt  of^ioo,  and  confined  in  the  Compter.  He  describes  interest 
ingly  the  place,  the  exacting  jailers,  the  occupants  of  the  two  sides  of  the  prison — 
those  who  could  afford  to  pay  well  for  food  and  drink,  and  those  who  couldn't — 
how  they  went  on,  how  young  men  were  duped  and  led  into  debt,  &c.  The  2nd 
edition  in  1619  was  calld  Miseries  of  a  Jaile,  or  A  True  Description  of  a  Prison.) 

p.  127.  I  will  make  dice  of  his  bones.  The  same  phrase  is  used  by  Lupton  (p. 
290,  above),  and  Rowlands  : 

"  Greedy  Vsurer. 

THou  Fur-gown'd  slaue,  exceeding  rich  and  olde, 
Ready  to  be  deuowred  of  the  Graue  : 
Thou  that  wilt  sell  a  soule,  to  purchase  Gold, 
And  gold,  still  gold,  nothing  but  golde  dost  craue  : 
Thou  most  extreame  hard-harted  cruell  wretch, 
Whome  Hell  gapes  for ;  the  Deuill  comes  to  fetch. 

Thou  that  wilt  not  forbeare  an  howers  time, 
But  wilt  a  forfayture  seueerely  take  : 
Thou  that  by  crueltie  to  wealth  dost  clyme, 
And  threatnest,  Dice,  of  poor  mens  bones  to  make, 
Hauing  that  rustic  gold  vpon  thy  hand, 
For  which,  there's  thousandes  perish  in  the  land, 

lie  stabbe  yee." 
1604.— S.  Rowlands,  Looke  to  it :  for,  lie  Stabbe  ye,  sign.  B  3  ;  p.  13,  ed.  1872. 

1  "  See  Bacon,  Nat.  Hist.  Cent.  X  no.  914.  Besides  the  well-known  black 
assizes  at  Oxford  in  1577,  there  was  a  similar  outbreak  at  Exeter  in  1586.  See 
Holinshed,  IV.  868,  and  Leicester  Correspondence,  224." 

294  Notes  on  pp.  128 — 131.     Swearing. 

"  Rayse  Rentes  apace,  builde  Houses,  purchase  Landes, 

Be  alwayes  raking  with  Oppressions  handes. 

Thinke  all  is  lawfull  purchase,  thou  can'st  catch 

from  thy  distressed  friendles  needy  wretch, 

Buye  thy  poore  neighbours  House  ouer  his  head, 

Turne  him  and's  children  out  to  begge  their  bread. 

Deale  cruelly  with  those  are  in  thy  debt, 

And  let  them  at  thy  handes  no  fauour  get, 

Send  them  to  Prison  ;  there  in  all  distresse, 

To  taste  the  mercie  of  the  mercilesse. 

He  shackle  thee,  for  stirring  handes  or  feete, 

Within  a  Coffin  and  a  Winding-sheete." — Ib.  p.  43-4. 

"Thou  that  vauntest,  and  wilt  make  dice  of  thy  debtor's  bones ;  be  these  the 
words  of  a  man  ?  " — Of  Creditors,  Minshul's  Essayes  and  Characters  of  a  Prison 
and  Prisoners,  1618,  ed.  1821,  p.  29. — S. 

p.  128.  Scriveners.  See  T.  M.'s  Father  Hubburtfs  Tales  in  Dyce's  Middle- 
tool's  Works,  vol.  v. 


p.  129.  Swearing.  On  this  in  1303,  see  my  Roberde  of  Brunne's  Handlyng 
Synne,  pp.  23-7,  88-92.  In  1550,  R.  Crowley's  Epigrams,  p.  19.  On  the 
hunting  oaths >  1544,  see  the  Supplication  to  Henry  VIII.  in  Four  Supplications, 
E.  E.  T.  Soc.,  1871,  p.  53:  "What  commessacyon  /  dronckenes  /  destable 
swearinge  by  all  the  partes  of  Christes  bodye  (and  yet  callynge  them  in  scorne 
huntinge  othes)  extorcyon  /  pryde  /  couetuousnes  /  and  suche  other  detestable  vyce, 
raigne  in  this  yowr  realme  /  " 

In  1542,  Andrew  Boorde  said  in  his  Dyetary,  my  ed.  p.  243,  "in  all  the 
worlde  there  is  not  suche  odyble  swearyng  as  is  vsed  in  Englande,  specyally 
amonge  youth  &  chyldren,  which  is  a  detestable  thyng  to  here  it,  and  no  man 
doth  go  aboute  to  punysshe  it." 

p.  131.  Swearing.  It  was  the  fashion  for  gallants,  not  only  to  swear 
generally  all  round,  but  for  each  to  have  oaths  special  to  himself.  In  Ben 
Jonson's  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour  (1599),  I.  i.,  Works,  i.  73,  "  be  sure  you 
mix  yourself  still  with  such  as  flourish  in  the  spring  of  the  fashion,  and  are 
least  popular  [=  vulgar]  :  study  their  carnage  and  behaviour  in  all;  learn  to 
play  at  primero  and  passage  ;  and  even  [when  you  lose]  have  two  or  three 
peculiar  oaths  to  swear  by,  that  no  man  else  swears."  And  in  Every  Man  in  his 
flumour,  I.  iii,  Cob  says  :  "  Well,  should  they  do  so  much  to  me,  I'd  forswear 
them  all,  by  the  foot  of  Pharaoh  !  There's  an  oath  !  How  many  water-bearers 
shall  you  hear  swear  such  an  oath  ?  O,  I  have  a  guest  [Bobadil]— he  teaches  me 
— he  does  swear  the  legiblest  of  any  man  christened  :  '  By  St.  George  !  the  foot 
of  Pharaoh  !  the  body  of  me  !  as  I  am  a  gentleman  and  a  soldier  !  '  such  dainty 
oaths!"  Ben  Jonson's  Works,  i.  12. 

'  //  iure  comme  vn  Gentilhomme.  He  sweares  after  a  thousand  pound  a  yeare.' 
//  iure  comme  vn  Abbe  [viz.  extreamly],  chartier ;  gentilhomme ;  prelat  [A 
Huguenot's  comparison].  Like  a  Tinker,  say  we.'  1611.— Cotgrave. 

Notes  on  pp.  133,  135.     Swearing.  295 

"Old  Jack  of  Paris-garden,  canst  thou  get 
A  faire  rich  sute,  though  fouly  run  in  debt  ? 
Looke  smug,  smell  sweet,  take  up  commodities, 
Keepe  whores,  fee  bauds,  belch  impious  blasphemies, 
Wallow  along  in  swaggering  disguise, 
Snuflfe  up  smoak-whiffs,  and  each  morne,  'fore  she  rise, 
Visit  thy  drab  ?    Canst  use  a  false  cut  die 
With  a  cleane  grace  and  glib  facilitie  ? 
Canst  thunder  common  oathes,  like  th'  rattling 
Of  a  huge,  double,  full-charg'd  culvering  ? 
Then,  Jack,  troupe  among  our  gallants,  kisse  thy  fist, 
And  call  them  brothers." 

IS99-— Jn-  Marston,  Scourge  of  Villanie,  Works,   1856,  iii.  295  ;  and  see  on 
p.  281  :— 

"  What,  meanst  thou  him  that  in  his  swaggering  slops     . 
Wallowes  unbraced,  all  along  the  streete  ?  .  . 

What  !  that  ringo  roote  ! 

Means't  that  wasted  leg,  puffe  bumbast  boot  ? 
What,  he  that's  drawne  and  quartered  with  lace  ; 
That  Westphalian  gamon  clove-stuck  face  ? 
Why,  he  is  nought  but  huge  blaspheming  othes, 
Swart  snout,  big  looks,  mishapen  Switzers  clothes. 
Weake  meager  lust  hath  now  consumed  quite, 
And  wasted  cleane  away  his  martiall  spright  ; 
Infeebling  riot,  all  vices'  confluence, 
Hath  eaten  out  that  sacred  influence 
Which  made  him  man." 

p.  133,  11.  I,  2.      Christes  blessed  bodie,  no  parte  thereof  shalbe  left  untornc, 
"  Our  blisful  Lordes  body  thay  to-tere." 
CHAUCER,  Pardoneres  Tale,  1.  12.     Bell's  ed.  iii.  73. — S. 
R.  Copland  says  of  the  Beggars  at  their  Suppers  in  Henry  VIH's  time,  ab. 
IS32-5>  Hye  Way  to  the  Spyttel  Hous,  Hazlitt's  Pop.  Poetry,  iv.  43  :— 

"  And  there  they  reuell  as  vnthryfty  braggers, 
With  horyble  othes  swerynge  as  they  were  wood,  [By  Gods] 
Armes,  nayles,  woundes,  herte,  soule,  and  blood, 
Deth,  fote,  masse,  flesshe,  bones,  lyfe,  and  body, 
With  all  other  wordes  of  blasphemy, 
Bostynge  them  all  in  dedes  of  theyr  myschefe, 
And  thus  passe  the  tyme  wz'th  daunce,  hore,  pipe,  thefe. 
The  hang-man  shall  lede  the  daunce  at  the  ende, 
For  none  other  ways  they  do  not  pretende. " 

p.  135,  1.  9.  There  was  a  certaine  yong  man  dwellyng  in  Enlocnilshire,  &c. 
— A  copy  of  Stubbes's  poem  here  referrd  to,  is  in  the  Lambeth  Library,  and  was 
reprinted  in  the  old  Shakespeare  Society's  Papers,  1849,  iv.  73-88.  See  my 
Forewords  above. 

296     Notes  on  p.  136.     Sunday  bear  baiting,  &c. 

p.  136, 1.  13.  Therewas  also  a  woman  in  the  Citie  ofMunidnol  [=  Londinum\ 
S*c> — "  The  1 1.  of  February,  Anne  Aueries,  widow,  for  swearing  her  selfe  for  a  litle 
money  that  she  should  haue  paid  for  sixe  pound  of  towe,  at  a  shop  in  Woodstreete 

*576-  •  u  °f  London,  fell  immediatly  downe  speechlesse,  casting  vp  at  her 
eth  penury,  mouth  in  great  abundance,  and  with  horrible  stinke,  the  same  matter 
which  by  natures  course  should  haue  bene  voided  downewards,  till  she  died  :  a 
terrible  example  of  Gods  iust  iudgement  vpon  such  as  make  no  conscience  of 
falsly  swearing  against  their  brother." — Stow's  Annales,  ed.  1605,  p.  1152. — S. 


p.  136.  Keeping  of  Sunday  (the  Christian)  as  identified  with  the  Sabbath 

As  to  Stage-playes,  see  the  extract  from  Gosson's  Schoole  of  Abuse  under 
Theatres,  below.  As  to  Fairs  and  Markets,  Harrison,  I,  p.  344,  and  the  passage, 
ab.  1584,  quoted  by  Mr.  J.  M.  Cowper  in  his  Crowley's  Select  Works,  E.  E.  T. 
Soc.,  1872,  p.  xxiv  : — 

"Go  to  alehouses  on  the  Saboth  daies:  there  is  as  well  sold  all  kinde  of 
loosenesse  as  vitayles.  Go  to  Greenes  :  there  is  myrth  that  would  wounde  a 
Christian  mans  heart  with  heauinesse.  Goe  to  Fayres  :  there  is  a  shewe  and 
traffike,  as  well  of  all  lewdnesse  as  of  wares.  Yea,  goe  to  all  other  places,  both 
in  City  and  countrey ;  and  what  shall  you  see,  but  so  many  euils  that  prouoke 
God  to  the  powryng  forth  of  most  fearefull  iudgements,  the  Theaters,  Parish 
garden,  Tauernes,  streetes,  fieldes,  all  full  and  prophanely  occupied,  and  this 
chiefly  on  the  Saboth  day."—  The  Vnlawfull  Practises  Of  Prelates  Against  Godly 
Ministers,  &c.,  sign.  B  3,  back.  See  p.  310,  below. 

Crowley  himself  says  in  his  One  and  thyrtye  Epigrammes,  1550  (ed.  1872, 

p.  9)  :— 

"  How  hallow  they  the  Saboth,  that  do  the  tyme  spende 

In  drynkinge  and  idlenes  tyll  the  daye  be  at  an  ende,  128 

Not  so  well  as  he  doeth,  that  goeth  to  the  plowe, 
Or  pitcheth  vp  the  sheues  from  the  carte  to  the  mowe."  132 

And  at  p.  16-17  "  of  Bearbaytynge,"  he  writes  :— 

"  What  follye  is  thys,  to  kepe  wyth  daunger 

A  greate  mastyfe  dogge  and  a  foule  ouglye  beare?  376 

And  to  thys  onely  ende  to  se  them  two  fyght 

Wyth  terrible  tearynge  :  a  full  ougly  syght.  380 

And  yet  me  thynke  those  men  be  mooste  foles  of  all, 
Whose  store  of  money  is  but  verye  smale,  384 

And  yet  euerye  Sondaye  they  will  surely  spende 
One  penye  or  two,  the  bearwardes  lyuyng  to  mende.  388 

At  Paryse  garden,  eche  Sunday  e,  a  man  shall  not  fayle 
To  fynde  two  or  thre  hundredes  for  the  bearwardes  vaile.  392 

One  halpenye  a  piece  they  vse  for  to  giue, 
When  some  haue  no  more  in  their  purse,  I  belieue."  396 

Notes  on  p.  136-7.    Sunday  Dancing  and  Baiting.   297 

So  too  Arthur  Golding,  in  his  '  Discourse  upon  the  Earthquake '  on  April  6, 
1580  :  "  The  Saboth  dayes  and  holy  dayes,  ordayned  for  the  .  .  speciall  occupy 
ing  of  our  selves  in  all  spirituall  exercizes,  is  spent  full  heathenishly  in  tavernmg, 
tipling,  gaming,  playing,  and  beholding  of  Beare-baytings  and  Stage-playes,  to 
the  utter  dyshonor  of  God,  impeachment  of  all  godlynesse,  and  unnecessarie 
consuming  of  mennes  substances,  which  ought- to  be  better  employed."  (From 
Collier's  Stationers*  Registers,  ii.  118,  and  my  Captain  Cox,  p.  68.) 

The  Dancing  on  Sunday  had  Queen  Elizabeth's  countenance.  This  is  how 
Sunday,  July  10,  1575,  was  spent  at  Kenilworth,  during  Leicester's  entertain 
ment  of  the  Queen  there  : 

•'  On  Sunday :  the  forenoon  occupied  (az  for  the  Sabot  day)  in  quiet  and 
vacation  from  woork,  &  in  diuine  seruis  &  preaching  at  the  parish  church  : 
The  afternoon  in  excelent  muzik  of  sundry  swet  instruments,  and  in  daunting  of 
Lordes  and  Ladiez,  and  oother  woorshipfull  degrees,  vttered  with  such  liuely 
agilitee  &  commendabl  grace,  az,  whither  it  moought  be  more  straunge  too  the 
eye,  or  pleazunt  too  the  minde,  for  my  part  indeed  I  coold  not  discern :  but 
exceedingly  well  waz  it  (me  thought)  in  both."  P.  12  of  my  edition  of  Captain 
Cox,  or  Lanehanfs  Letter,  Ballad  Soc.  1871. 

Laneham's  capital  description  of  the  bearbaiting  at  Kenilworth  (ib>  p.  16-17) 
is  well  known,  but  J.  Hooker's  lifting  of  part  of  it — "It  waz  a  sport  very 
plezaunt"  to  "  a  goodly  releef" — bodily  into  his  continuation  of  Holinshed's 
Chronicle,  ed.  1587,  vol.  iii.  p.  1582,  col.  I,  I  have  not  seen  noted. 

p.  137.     Beare  bay  ting  on  tJie  Saboth  day. 

"  What  else  but  gaine  and  Money  gote 

maintaines  each  Saboth  day 
The  bayting  of  the  Beare  and  Bull  ? 

What  brings  this  brutish  play  ? 
What  is  the  cause  that  it  is  borne, 

and  not  controlled  ought, 
Although  the  same  of  custome  be 

on  holy  Saboth  wrought  ? 
Now  sure  I  thinke  tys  gaine  or  spite 

gainst  good  and  godly  lyfe." 

1569,  E.  Hake.   Newes  out  oj  Pffwles  Churchy arde,  sign.  E.  6,  back,  ed.  1579. 

The  Sabbath  day,  says  Kethe's  Sermon  at  Blandford,  1570,  "the  multitude 
call  their  revelying  day  ;  which  day  is  spent  in  bulbeatings,  bearebeatings,  bowl 
ings,  dicyng,  cardyng,  daunsynges,  drunkennes  and  whoredome  .  .  in  so  much 
as  men  could  not  keepe  their  servauntes  from  lyinge  out  of  theyr  owne  houses  the 
same  sabbath-day  at  night."  Hazlitt's  Brand,  i.  158,  note  I.  See  p.  301  below. 

p.  137.  What  comes  of  being  at  Church  when  you  ought  to  be  at  Bear-baiting. — 
"  Of  sayeng  seruice,  quod  I,  this  is  much  like  as  at  Beuerlay  late,  whaw  much  of 
the  people  beyng  at  a  bere  baytyng,  the  church  fell  sodeinly  down  at  euensonge 
tyme,  and  ouer  whelmed  some  that  than  were  in  it :  a  good  felow,  that  after 
herde  the  tale  tolde,  '  lo  quod  he,  now  maie  you  see  what  it  is  to  be  at  euen- 
song  whan  ye  should  be  at  the  bere  baytynge.'  How  be  it,  the  hurt  was  not  ther 
in  beinge  at  euensonge,  but  in  that  the  churche  was  falsely  wrought." — Sir  T. 
More  (died  1535),  Works,  p.  208,  ed.  1557.— R.  Roberts. 

Compare  Dr.  M.  Busch's  Bismarck  in  the  Franco-German  War,  1870-1,  i. 
221-2  (1879)  :— 

"And  the  'keeping  holy  the  Sabbath-day,'  said  the  Chief  [Bismarck],  that 

298    Notes  on  p.  137.     Sunday  Bearbaitings,  &c. 

is  a  perfectly  horrible  tyranny.  I  remember,  when  I  first  went  to  England,  and 
landed  in  Hull,  that  I  began  to  whistle  in  the  street.  An  Englishman,  whom  I 
had  got  acquainted  with  on  board,  told  me  that  I  must  not  whistle.  '  Pray,  sir, 
do  not  whistle  ! '  '  Why  not ;  is  whistling  forbidden  here  ? '  '  No, '  said  he,  '  it 
is  not  forbidden ;  but  it  is  the  Sabbath  ! '  This  so  disgusted  me  that  I  at  once 
took  my  ticket  by  another  steamer  going  to  Edinburgh,  [out  of  the  frying-pan  into 
the  fire,  eh  ?]  as  I  did  not  choose  not  to  be  able  to  whistle  when  I  had  a  mind  to." 

p.  137.  Bearbaiting,  &3c.,  on  Sundays. — See  the  Act  I  Car.  I  [A.D.  1625], 
Ch.  I.  An  Acte  for  punishing  of  divers  abuses  committed  on  the  Lordly  day 
called  Sunday.  "  Forasmuch  as  .  .  the  holy  keeping  of  the  Lordly  day  is  a 
principall  part  of  the  true  Service  of  God,  which  in  very  many  places  of  this 
Realme  hath  beene  and  now  is  pn>faned  and  neglected  by  a  disorderlie  sort  of 
people,  in  exercising  and  frequenting  Bearebaiting,  Bullbaiting,  Enterludes, 
common  Playes,  and  other  unlawfull  exercises  and  pastimes  uppon  the  Lordly 
day ;  And  for  that  many  quarrelkr,  bloodshedd^r  and  other  great  inconueniences 
have  growen  by  the  resort  and  concourse  of  people  going  out  of  their  owne 
Parishes  to  such  disordered  and  unlawfull  exercises  and  pastimes,  neglecting 
Divine  service  both  in  their  own  Parishes  and  elsewhere  ;  Be  it  enacted  .  .  that 
from  and  after  fortie  dayes  next  after  the  end  of  this  Session  of  Parliament  there 
shalbe  no  meetings  assemblies  or  concourse  of  people  out  of  their  owne  Parishes 
on  the  Lordly  day  within  this  Realme  of  England,  or  any  the  Dominions  thereof, 
for  any  sports  or  pastimes  whatsoever  ;  nor  any  Bearebaiting,  Bullbaiting, 
Enterludes,  common  Playes  or  other  unlawfull  exercises  or  pastimes  used  by  any 
person  or  persons  within  their  owne  Parishes,  and  that  every  person  and  persons 
offending  in  any  the  pranisses,  shall  forfeit  for  every  offence  three  shillings  foure 
pence,  The  same  to  be  employed  and  converted  to  the  use  of  the  poore  of  the 
Parish  where  such  offence  shall  be  committed  ..."  (This  Act  was  confirmd 
and  continued  by  later  ones.) 

p.  137.     Prophanation  of  the  Sabot h. 

About  1542,  says  Henry  Brinklow,  Complaynt  of  Roderick  Mors,  E.  E.  T. 
Soc.,  1874,  p.  62-3,  after  the  Latin  service,  "the  people  depart  the  church  as 
empty  of  all  sprytual  knowledge  as  thei  came  thether.  And  the  rest  of  the  day 
thei  spend  in  all  wanton  and  vnlawful  gamys,  as  dyse,  cardys,  dalyeng  with 
wemen,  dansing,  and  such  lyke."  The  fact  that  Sunday  amusements  were 
inheritances  from  Popery,  no  doubt  made  them  doubly  offensive  to  the  Reformers 
and  the  Puritans. 

22  July  1566 — 22  July  1567. 

lacye  Recevyd  of  Alexandre  lacye  for  his  lycense  for  pryntinge  of  a 

ballett  the  abuse  of  ' y*  sabooth  of  the  lorde  &c/    ....     iiijd 
Arber's  Transcript  of  the  Stationers  Registers,  i.  328. 

(1578-9.)     28  February. 

Jhon  hynde  Lycenced  vnto  him  vnder  thandes  of  the  wardens  ij  ballades, 
thone  Dialogewise  betwene  William  Wax-wise  and  Walter 
Wold-be- wanton  concerning  thabuse  of  the  Sabothe  Daye.  thother 
the  lamentacon  of  a  synner  troubled  in  conscyence  .  .  .  viijd 

(Ib.  ii.  348.) 

Notes  on  p.  137.     Sunday  Fairs,  &c.  299 

"For  further  proof  whereof,  I  call  towitnesse  the  Theaters  [Burbage's],  Cur- 
tines  [in  Shoreditch]  Heauing  1  houses,  Rifling  boothes,  Bowling  alleyes,  and 
such  places,  where  the  time  is  so  shamefully  mispent,  namely  [=  specially]  the 
Sabaoth  dales,  vnto  the  great  dishonor  of  God,  and  the  corruption  and  vtter 
distinction  of  youth."  1579.  —  T.  F.,  Newts  from  the  North,  ed.  1585,  sign.  F  4, 
quoted  in  my  Thynne's  Animadversions,  E.  E.  T.  Soc.,  1875,  p.  cxxxv.  (Mr. 
Collier  absurdly  attributed  the  Newes  to  Francis  Thynne.j 

God  worst  "And  trust  me,  I  am  of  that  opinion,  that  the  Lord  is  neuer  so  il 
Sabbotk  dales  serued  as  on  the  holie-daies.  For  then  hel  breakes  loose.  Then 
wee  permit  our  youth  to  haue  their  swinge  ;  and  when  they  are  out  of  the  sight 
of  their  maisters,  such  gouernment  haue  they  of  themselues,  that  what  by  il  com- 
panie  they  meete  withal,  &  il  examples  they  learne  at  plaies,  I  feare  me,  I 
feare  me,  their  harts  are  more  alienated  in  two  houres  from  virtue,  than  againe 
maie  wel  be  amended  in  a  whole  yeare."  1580. — A  second  and  third  blast  of 
ret  rait  from  plaies  and  Theaters  (ed.  Hazlitt,  1869),  p.  135. 

Fairs.  Harrison,  in  Part  II.  p.  101,  complains  that  the  "paltrie  fairs  .  . 
tendeth  to  the  corruption  of  youth  .  .  whereby  they  often  spend,  not  onelie  the 
weeke  daies,  but  also  the  Lords  sabbaoth  in  great  vanitie  and  riot."  See  too 
the  notes  on  p.  152,  &c.,  that  follow  below. 

Fairs  &*  Markets  on  Sundays.  Compare  the  then  expired  Act,  22  Hen. 
VI.  cap.  5  (englisht).  "Considering  the  abominable  Injuries  and  Offences 
done  to  Almighty  God,  and  to  his  Saints,  always  Aiders  and  singular  Assisters  in 
our  Necessities,  because  of  Fairs  and  Markets  upon  their  high  and  principal 
Feasts,  as  in  the  Feast  of  the  Ascension  of  our  Lord  ...  in  the  Day  of  Whit 
sunday,  in  Trinity  Sunday,  with  other  Sundays  .  .  and  on  Good  Friday 
accustomably  and  miserably  holden  and  used  in  the  Realm  of  England  ;  in 
which  principal  and  festival  Days,  for  great  earthly  Covetise,  the  People  is  wil 
fully  more  vexed,  and  in  bodily  Labour  toiled,  than  in  other  ferial  Days,  as  in 
fastening  and  making  their  Booths  and  Stalls,  bearing  and  carrying,  lifting  and 
placing  their  Wares  outward  and  homeward,  as  though  they  did  nothing  remember 
the  horrible  Defiling  of  their  Souls  in  buying  and  selling,  with  many  deceitful 
Lyes,  and  false  Perjury,  with  Drunkenness  and  Strifes,  and  so  specially  with 
drawing  themselves  and  their  Servants  from  divine  Service  :  the  .  .  King  .  . 
hath  ordained  That  all  Manner  of  Fairs  and  Markets  in  the  said  principal  Feasts 
and  Sundays,  and  Good-Friday,  shall  clearly  cease  from  all  shewing  of  any 
Goods  or  Merchandises,  necessary  Victual  only  except,  upon  Pain  of  Forfeiture 
of  all  the  Goods  aforesaid  .  .  the  Four  Sundays  in  Harvest  except  .  .  ." 

Sabbath  Doings.  See  in  1579,  T.  F.'s  Newes  from  the  North.  Cap.  14.  .. 
"For  I  haue  partely  shewed  you  heer,  what  leaue  and  libertie  the  common  people, 
namely2  youth,  haue  to  follow  their  own  lust  and  desire  in  all  wantonnes  and 
dessolution  of  life.  For  further  proof  wherof,  I  call  to  witnesse  the  Theaters, 

1  Robbing:  "toheuea  bough,  to  robbe  or  rifle  a  boeweth  [booth]."    1567-  — 
J.  Harman,  Caueat :  Rogues,  their  pelting  Speche  :  p.  84,  E.  E.  T.  Soc.,  1869. 

2  specially. 

300  Notes  on  pp.  139,  141.      Keeping  of  Sunday. 

Curtines1,  Heauing  houses,  Rifling  boothes,  Bowling  alleyes,  and  such  places, v 
where  the  time  is  so  shamefuly  mispent,  namely2  the  Sabaoth  daies,  vnto  the 
great  dishonor  of  God,  and  the  corruption  and  vtter  distruction  of  youth  "  (ed. 
1585,  sign.  F.  4).      With  other  extracts,  in  my  edition  of  F.  Thynne's  Animad 
versions,  p.  cxxxv. 

"  But  what  is  he  that  may  not  on  the  Sabbath-day  attend  to  hear  God's  word, 
But  he  will  rather  run  to  bowls,  sit  at  the  alehouse,  than  one  hour  afford, 
Telling  a  tale  of  Robin  Hood,  sitting  at  cards,  playing  at  skittles,  or  some 

other  vain  thing, 

That  I  fear  God's  vengeance  on  our  heads  it  will  bring." 
1584.      The  Three  Ladies  of  London.     Hazlitt's  Dodsley's  Old  Plays,  vi.  28. 

p.  139,  1.  13.  it  chaunced  that  a  certaine  Jeiue.—"  In  this  yere  [43  Hen  III.] 
fell  that  happe  of  the  Jewe  of  Tewkysbury,  whiche  fell  into  a  gonge  vppon  the 
Saterdaye,  and  wolde  not  for  reuerence  of  his  sabbot  day  be  plucked  out ; 
wherof  heryng  the  Erie  of  Glouceter,  that  the  Jewe  dyd  so  great  reuerence  to 
hys  sabbot  daye,  thought  he  wolde  do  as  myche  to  his  holydaye,  whych  was 
Sondaye,  and  so  kept  hym  there  tyll  Monday,  at  which  season  he  was  found  dede." 
—Fabyan.  Quoted  in  Prompt.  Parv.,  s.  v.  Goonge.  According  to  Munster  (Cos 
mography,  bk.  III.  p.  738,  ed.  1550)  this  happened  in  Germany  in  1270.  Respect 
for  the  Sabbath  made  the  Jews  reject  their  unfortunate  brother's  entreaties  to 
be  released.  Munster  says  that  it  was  Conrad,  bishop  of  Magdeburg,  earl  of 
Sternenberg,  "  Judaeis  multuw  fuit  infestus,"  who  indulged  in  this  vile  jest, 
which  the  Jew  seems  to  have  survived. — S. 

p.  141,  I.  7  from  foot.  Theopompus  mingled  Moyses  law  with  his  writinges. — 
He  [Demetrius  Phalereus]  told  him  [Ptolemy  Philadelphus]  that  "Theopompus 
was  desirous  of  writing  somewhat  about  them  [the  Jewish  laws],  but  was  thereupon 
disturbed  in  his  mind  for  above  thirty  days'  time ;  and  upon  some  intermission  of 
his  distemper,  he  appeased  God  [by  prayer]  as  suspecting  that  his  madness  pro 
ceeded  from  that  cause.  Nay,  indeed,  he  further  saw  a  dream,  that  his  distemper 
befel  him  while  he  indulged  too  great  a  curiosity  about  divine  matters,  and  was 
desirous  of  publishing  them  among  common  men ;  but  when  he  left  off  that 
attempt,  he  recovered  his  understanding  again.  Moreover  he  informed  him  of 
Tlieodectes,  the  tragic  poet,  concerning  whom  it  was  reported,  that  when,  in  a 
certain  dramatic  representation,  he  was  desirous  to  make  mention  of  things  that 
were  contained  in  the  sacred  books,  he  was  afflicted  with  a  darkness  in  his  eyes  ; 
and  that  upon  his  being  conscious  of  the  occasion  of  his  distemper,  and  appeas 
ing  God  [by  prayer],  he  was  freed  from  that  affliction." — Whiston's  Josephus, 
Antiq.  XII.  ii.  §  13,  vol.  ii.  p.  148,  ed.  1818.— S. 

1  See  note  for  p.  144  on  p.  304  below.  2  specially. 

Notes  on  pp.  140 — 146.     Theatres,  Players.    301 


p.  140,  &c.     Stage- Plays,  Bearbaiting,  &>c.,  on  Sundays. 

"  The  Sabboth  days  and  holy  days  ordained  for  the  hearing  of  God's  word  to 
the  reformation  of  our  lives,  for  the  administration  and  receiving  of  the  Sacra 
ments  to  our  comfort,  for  the  seeking  of  all  things  behooveful  for  body  or  soul  at 
God's  hand  by  Prayer,  for  the  minding  of  his  benefits,  and  to  yield  praise  and 
thanks  unto  him  for  the  same,  and  finally,  for  the  special  occupying  of  ourselves 
in  all  spiritual  exercises,  is  spent  full  heathenishly,  in  taverning,  tippling,  gaming, 
playing  and  beholding  of  Bear-baiting  and  Stage  plays  to  the  utter  dishonour  of 
God,  impeachment  of  all  godliness,  and  unnecessary  consuming  of  men's  sub 
stances  which  ought  to  be  better  employed." — Liturgical  Services,  time  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  p.  574,  Parker  Soc. 

p.  144.  Theaters  &°  curtens.  James  Burbage's  "  Theatre"  in  Finsbury 
Fields,  near  Bishopsgate  St., — built  ab.  1577,  and  said  to  have  been  the  first 
regular  theatre  built  (but  see  Harrison,  I,  Appendix  I  to  Forewords,  p.  liv), — 
and  the  Curtain,  built  before  1579,  in  or  near  the  present  Curtain  Road  close  by. 

p.  140-6.  Here  are  a  few  extracts  from  a  rare  tract  in  the  Lambeth  Library, 
made  before  Mr.  Hazlitt  reprinted  it  in  his  Roxburghe  Library  (1869),  English 
Drama  and  Stage,  1543-1664. 

"A  second  and  third  blast 1/  of  ret  rait  from  plates]  and  Theatres:/  the  one 
whereof  was  sounded  by  a  r<?-/uerend  Byshop  dead  long  since2  ;/  the  other  by  a 
worshipful  and]  zealous  Gentleman/  now  aliue :/  One  showing  the  filthiness  of 
plaies  in/  times  past ;  the  other  the  abhomination  of/  Theaters  in  the  time  present :/ 
both  expresly  prouing  that  the  Common-weale  is/  nigh  vnto  the  cursse  of  God ; 
\f\\e.r&-lineitherplaiersbemadeof,  or  I  Theaters  ma.m-/tained./  Set  forth  by  Anglo 
phile  Eutheo.  /  Ephes.  5,  verse  15,  i6./  Take  heede  therefore  that  ye  walke  circum- 
spectlie,  not  I  as  vnwise,  but  as  wise,  redeeming  the  time,\  because  the  daics  are  euil./ 
Allowed  by  auctoritie/  1580 

"Evils  of  travelling  players. — Since  the  reteining  of  these  Caterpillers  [Players], 
the  credite  of  Noble  men  hath  decaied,  &  they  are  thought  to  be  couetously  per 
mitting  their  seruants,  which  cannot  Hue  of  thewselues,  and  whome,  for  neerenes 
they  wil  not  maintaine,  to  liue  at  the  deuotion  or  almes  of  other  men, 
bold  passing  from  countrie  to  countrie,3  from  one  Gentlemans  house  to  another, 
beggers.  offermg  their  seruice,  which  is  a  kind  of  beggerie.  Who  in  deede,  to 
speake  more  trulie,  are  become  beggers  for  their  seruants.  For  cowmonlie 
the  goodwil  men  beare  to  their  Lordes,  makes  them  drawe  the  stringes  of  their 
purses  to  extend  their  liberalitie  to  them,  where  otherwise  they  would  not. 

"  By  such  infamous  persons  much  time  is  lost ;  and  manie  daies  of  honest  trauel 
are  turned  into  vaine  exercises.  Wherein  is  learned  nothing  but  abuse  ;  poore  men 

1  Gosson's  Schoole  of  Abuse  was  the  first. 

2  Salviano,  Bp.  of  Massilia,  ab.  470.     De  Gubernatione  Dei,  bk.  vi, 

3  county  to  county. 

302    Notes  on  p.  146.     Theatres,  Satan  s  Chapels. 

lining  on  their  handie  labor,  are  by  them  trained  vnto  vnthriftines  ;  schoolers, 
by  their  gaudes  are  allured  from  their  studies. 

"Thus  the  people  are  robbed  ;  youth  corrupted  ;  the  Sabboth  prophaned  :  and 
of  all  these  euils,  who  are  counted  the  vpholders,  but  the  Noble,  who  of  right 
Traiane  the  should  establish  the  lawe  of  the  Roman  Traiane,  who  commanded 
Emperor.  t^at  no  plaier,  iester,  nor  iugler,  should  be  admitted  in  his  Common- 
weale  to  pick  the  purses  of  his  subiects,  but  that  they  should  either  learne  some 
occupation  to  mainteine  themselues  in  their  owne  houses,  or  otherwise  be 
banished  out  of  Rome.  But  now,  such  like  men,  vnder  the  title  of  their  maisters, 
or  as  reteiners,  are  priuiledged  to  roaue  abroad,  and  permitted  to  publish  their 
Temples  mametree  l  in  euerie  Temple  of  God,  and  that  throughout  England, 
with  plates,  vnto  the  horrible  contempt  of  praier.  So  that  now  the  Sanctuarie  is 
become  a  plaiers  stage,  and  a  den  of  theeues  and  adulterers."  p.  75-8.  A  second 
and  third  blast  of  relrait  from  plaies  and  Theaters,  1580. 

"  Whosoeuer  shal  visit  the  chappel  of  Satan,  I  meane  the  Theater,  shal  finde 
Theaters  the  there  no  want  of  yong  ruffins,  nor  lacke  of  harlots,  vtterlie  past  al 
°Satan.  *  '  shame  :  who  presse  to  the  fore-frunt  of  the  scaffoldes,  to  the  end  to 
showe  their  impudencie,  and  to  be  as  an  obiect  to  al  mens  eies.8  Yea,  such  is 
their  open  shameles  behauior,  as  euerie  man  may  perceaue  by  their  wanton 
gestures,  wherevnto  they  are  giuen  ;  yea,  they  seeme  there  to  be  like  brothels  of 
The  open  the  stewes.  For  often,  without  respect  of  the  place,  and  company  which 
™f  harlots  benold  them,  they  commit  that  filthines  openlie,  which  is  horrible  to 
at  plaies,  be  done  in  secret ;  as  if  whatsoeuer  they  did,  were  warranted.  For 
neither  reuerence,  iustice,  nor  anie  thing  beside,  can  gouerne  them  "  (ed.  Hazlitt, 

P-  139). 

Against  (p-  no.)     "  As  I  haue  had  a  saieng  to  these  versi-fieng  Plaie-makers, 

training  vp  go  must  j  iikewise  deale  with  shameles  inactors.     When  I  see  by 

oj  bates  to  ....                                                         .                            . 

plaies.  them   yong  boies,  inclining  of  themselues  vnto  wickednes,  trained 

vp  in  filthie  speeches,  vnnatural  and  vnseemlie  gestures,  to  be  brought  vp  by 
(p.  in)  these  Schoolemasters  in  bawderie,  and  in  idlenes,  I  cannot  chuse,  but 
with  teares  and  griefe  of  hart  lament. 

"  O  with  what  delight  can  the  father  behold  his  sonne  bereft  of  shamefastnes, 
Plaiers  the  &  trained  vp  to  impudencie  !  How  proane  are  they  of  themselues, 
schoolemaisters  and  apt  to  receiue  instruction  of  their  lewde  teachers,  which  are  the 
schoolTof  e  Schoolemasters  of  sinne  in  the  schoole  of  abuse  !  what  do  they 
abuse.  teach  them,  I  praie  you,  but  to  foster  mischiefe  in  their  youth,  that 

it  maie  alwaies  abide  in  them,  and  in  their  age  bring  them  sooner  vnto  hel  ? 

"  And  as  for  those  stagers  themselues,  are  they  not  commonlie  such  kind  of  men 
Disposition  in  their  conuersation,  as  they  are  in  profession  ?  Are  they  not  as 
"for^hTmost  vari-able  ^n  hart,  as  they  are  in  their  partes  ?  are  they  (p.  112)  not 
part.  good  practisers  of  Bawderie  as  inactors  ?  Liue  they  not  in  such  sort 

1  maumetrie,  idolatry. 

2  Cp.  the  ironical  Actors  Remonstrance  in  1643:  "we  shall  for  the  future 
promise  never  to  admit  into  our  six-penny-roomes  those  unwholesome  inticing 
Harlots  that  sit  there  meerely  to  be  taken  up  by  Prentizes  or  Lawyers  Clerks,  nor 
any  female  of  what  degree  soever,  except  they  come  lawfully  with  their  husbands 
or  neere  allies."     (Hazlitt,  ib.  p.  65.) 

Notes  on  p.  146.     Players,  infamous  folk.       303 

themselues,  as  they  giue  precepts  vnto  others  ?  doth  not  their  talke  on  the  stage 
Platers  can  declare  the  nature  of  their  disposition  ?  doth  not  euerie  one  take  that 
not  better  parj-  which  is  proper  to  his  kind  ?  doth  not  the  Ploughmans  tong 
than  to  the  walke  of  his  plough  j  the  Sea-faring  man  of  his  mast,  cable,  and 
ante  ton.  ga^e  .  ^  g^ier  of  ^is  harnes,  speare,  and  shield  ;  &  bawdie  mates 
of  bawdie  matters  ?  Aske  them,  if  in  their  laieng  out  of  their  partes,  they  choose 
not  those  partes  which  is  most  agreeing  to  their  inclination,  and  that  they  can 
best  discharge  ?  And  looke  what  euerie  of  them  doth  most  delight  in,  that  he 
can  best  handle  to  the  contentment  of  others.  If  it  be  a  roisting,  bawdie,  and 
lasciuious  part,  wherein  are  vnseemelie  (p.  113)  speeches,  &  that  they  make  choise 
of  them  as  best  answering,  &  proper  to  their  manner  of  plaie  :  maie  we  not 
saie,  by  how  much  he  exceedes  in  his  gesture,  he  delightes  himselfe  in  his  part  ? 
&  by  so  much  it  is  pleasing  to  his  disposition  and  nature  ?  If  (it  be  his  nature) 
to  be  a  bawdie  plaier,  &  he  delight  in  such  filthie  &  cursed  actions,  shal  we  not 
thinke  him  in  his  life  to  be  more  disordered,  and  to  abhor  virtue  ?  .  .  .  . 

"  If  the  good  life  of  a  man  be  a  better  instruction  to  repentance  than  the  tong,  or 
words,  why  do  not  plaiers,  I  beseech  you,  leaue  examples  of  goodnes  to  their  pos- 
teritie  ?  But  which  of  them  is  so  zealous,  or  so  tendereth  his  owne  saluatiow  that 
he  doth  amend  himselfe  in  those  pointes,  which,  as  they  saie,  others  should  take 
heede  of  ?  Are  they  not  notoriouslie  known  to  be  those  men  in  their  life  abroade, 
as  they  are  on  the  stage,  roisters,  brallers,  il-dealers,  bosters,  louers,  loiterers, 
ruffins  ?  So  that  they  are  alwaies  exercised  in  plaieng  their  parts,  and  practising 
wickednes  ;  making  that  an  art,  to  the  end  they  might  the  better  gesture  it  in  their 
partes.  For  who  can  better  plaie  the  ruffin  thaw  a  verie  ruffian  ?  who  better  the 
Chiefe  end  l°uer>  t^ian  ^eY  w^10  ma^e  ^  a  common  exercise  ?  To  conclude,  the 
of  piaies.  principal  end  of  all  their  interludes  is,  to  feede  the  world  with  (p.  116) 
infamous  sights  &  fond  pastimes ;  to  wriggle  in  good  earnest  the  monie  out  of 
persons  other  mens  purses  into  their  owne  hands.  What  shall  I  saie  ?  They 
are  infamous  men."  (End  of  the  Blast  extracts. ) 

"Those  also  haue  offended  in  wantonnesse,  that  giue  themselues  libertie 
to  be  present  at,  and  see,  such  things  as  bee  practises  of  wantonnesse,  as 
stage-playesy  which  serue  for  nothing  but  to  nourish  filthinesse  ;  and  where  they 
are  most  vsed,  there  filthinesse  is  most  practised ;  where  the  man  is  cloathed 
with  womans  apparell  ;  and  that  ordinarily  is  put  in  vse,  which  the  Lord 
condemneth  as  an  hainous  abomination.  Deut.  (22.  5.)  This  is  a  way  to 
breede  confusion  of  sexes,  and  it  is  a  plaine  belying  of  the  sexe."  1615.  [R. 
Cleaver]  Exposition  of  the  Ten  Commandments,  p.  299. 

On  the  '  light-taylde  huswiues'  at  the  Globe  in  1600,  see  John  Lane  in  my 
Tell-Troth  volume,  1876,  p.  133,  and  the  note  on  p.  199;  also  Harrison,  Pt.  I. 
p.  Ixxix,  Ixxx. 

"as  enterlude-plaiers,  you  shal  now  see  them  on  the  stage,  play  a  King,  an 
Emperor,  or  a  Duke ;  but  they  are  no  sooner  off  the  stage,  but  they  are  base 
rascals,  vagabond  abjects,  and  porterly  hirelings,  which  is  their  naturall  and 
originall  condition."  1603.— J.  Florio,  Montaignes  Essayes  (French,  1580),  ed. 
1634,  p.  140. 

"  Players  shal  haue  libertie  to  be  as  famous  in  pride  and  idlenes,  as  they  are 
dissolute  in  liuing,  and  as  best  in  their  marriages  for  communitie,  as  vnhappie  in 

304  Notesonpp.  144 — 147.   Men  and  girls  at  Theatres. 

their  choyces  for  honesty."  1606. — Anthony  Nixon,  The  Black  Yeare,  C  3. 
"  There  shall  be  also  as  much  strife  among  Players,  who  shall  haue  the  greatest 
Auditory,  as  is  warre  among  the  foure  knaues  at  Gardes,  for  superioritie. "  Ib.  B 
2,  back. 

p.  144,  at  foot. — Gosson  has  an  amusing  passage  in  his  Schoole  of  Abuse,  1579 
(old  Shakesp.  Soc.,  1841,  p.  25),  on  men's  behaviour  to  girls  at  the  theatre  or 
play-house,  and  their  making  it  a  place  for  picking  one  another  up  on  Sundays  : 

"In  our  assemblies  at  playes  in  London,  you  shall  see  suche  heaving  and 
shooving,  suche  ytching  and  shouldering,  to  sytte  by  women  ;  suche  care  for  their 
garments  that  they  be  not  trode  on  ;  suche  eyes  to  their  lappes,  that  no  chippes 
lighte  in  them ;  such  pillowes  to  their  backes,  that  they  take  no  hurte  :  suche 
masking  in  their  eares,  I  know  not  what ;  suche  geving  them  pippins  l  to  passe 
the  time  ;  such  playing  at  foote  saunt  without  cardes  ;  such  ticking,  such  toying, 
such  smiling,  such  winking,  and  such  manning  them  home  when  the  sportes  are 
ended,  that  it  is  a  right  comedie  to  marke  their  behaviour,  to  watch  their  con- 
ceates,  as  the  catte  for  the  mouse,  and  as  good  as  a  course  at  the  game  it  selfe,  to 
dogge  them  a  little,  or  follow  aloofe  by  the  printe  of  their  feete,  and  so  discover 
by  slotte  where  the  deare  taketh  soyle. 

"If  this  were  as  well  noted  as  il  scene,  or  as  openly  punished  as  secretely 
practised,  I  have  no  doubt  but  the  cause  woulde  be  seared,  to  drye  up  the  effect, 
and  these  prettie  rabbets  verye  cunninglie  ferretted  from  their  borrowes.  For 
they  that  lacke  customers  all  the  weeke,  either  because  their  haunt  is  unknowen, 
or  the  constables  and  officers  of  their  parish  watch  them  so  narrowly  that  they 
dare  not  queatche,  to  celebrate  the  Sabboth,  flocke  too  theaters,  and  there  keepe 
a  generall  market  of  bawdrie.  Not  that  any  filthinesse,  in  deede,  is  committed 
within  the  compasse  of  that  ground,  as  was  once  done  in  Rome,  but  that  every 
wanton  and  [his]  paramour,  everye  man  and  his  mistresse,  every  John  and  his 
Joane,  every  knave  and  his  queane,  are  there  first  acquainted,  and  cheapen  the 
inarchandise  in  that  place,  which  they  pay  for  else  where,  as  they  can  agree. 
These  wormes,  when  they  dare  not  nestle  in  the  pescod  at  home,  find  refuge 
abrode,  and  ar  hidde  in  the  eares  of  other  mens  corne." 

p.  144-5.  playhouse. — See  chapter  vi.  of  Dekker's  Guls  Hornbook,  1609, 
"  How  a  Gallant  should  behave  himself  in  a  Playhouse." 


p.  146.  Lords  of  Misrule. — See  Brand's  Popular  Antiquities,  ed.  Ellis,  1841, 
i.  272-8  (Stubbs  is  the  chief  authority),  and  ed.  Hazlitt,  1870,  i.  272-281  :  the 
latter  has  several  valuable  fresh  extracts. 

p.  147.     Lords  of  Misrule  in  the  Churchyard. 

"Whether  the  minister  and  churchwardens  have  suffered  any  lords  of  misrule 
or  summer  lords  or  ladies,  or  any  disguised  persons,  or  others,  in  Christmas  or 

1  See  the  extract  from  Gosson's  Playes  confuted  (ab.  1580)  in  Harrison,  Pt.  I. 
p.  Ixxx  :  '  they  give  them  pippines  ;  they  dally  with  their  garments,'  &c. 

Notes  on  pp.  148,  149.     May-games.          305 

at  May-games,  or  any  morris-dancers,  or  at  any  other  times,  to  come  unreverently 
into  the  church  or  churchyard,  and  there  to  dance  or  play  any  unseemly  parts, 
with  scoffs,  jests,  wanton  gestures  or  ribald  talk,  namely  {=  specially]  in  the  time 
of  Common  Prayer.  .  .  ." — 1576.  Arch-Bishop  Grindal,  Articles  for  the 
Province  of  Canterbury i  Remains^  p.  175,  Parker  Soc.  1843. 

" .  .  .  .  that  their  churches  and  chapels  be  kept  clean  and  decently,  that 
they  be  not  loathsome  to  any,  either  by  dust,  sand,  gravel,  or  any  filth ;  and 
that  there  be  no  feasts,  dinners,  or  common  drinking  kept  in  the  Church  ;  and 
that  the  Church-yard  be  well  fenced,  and  cleanly  kept,  and  that  no  folks  be  suf 
fered  to  dance  in  the  same." — 1571-2.  Bishop  Grindal,  Injunctions  at  York  for 
the  Laity,  Remains,  1843,  p.  135. 

p.  148-9.    Maie  games.    See  the  latter  part  of  the  extract  from  Northbrooke, 
in  the  note  for  p.  155,  below,  p.  314.     Compare  Herrick's  kindlier  account: 
"  Come,  my  Corinna,  come  ;  and  comming,  marke 
How  each  field  turns  a  street ;  each  street  a  parke 
Made  green,  and  trimm'd  with  trees  :  see  how 
Devotion  gives  each  house  a  bough, 
Or  branch  :  each  porch,  each  doore,  ere  this, 
An  arke,  a  tabernacle  is 
Made  up  of  white-thorn  neatly  enterwove  ; 
As  if  here  were  those  cooler  shades  of  love. 
Can  such  delights  be  in  the  street, 
And  open  fields,  and  we  not  see't  ? 
Come,  we'll  abroad  ;  and  let's  obay 
The  proclamation  made  for  May : 
And  sin  no  more,  as  we  have  done,  by  staying  ; 
But,  my  Corinna,  come,  let's  goe  a  Maying. 
There's  not  a  budding  boy,  or  girle,  this  day, 
But  is  got  up,  and  gone  to  bring  in  May. 
A  deale  of  youth,  ere  this,  is  come 
Back,  and  with  White- thorn  laden  home. 
Some  have  dispatcht  their  cakes  and  creame, 
Before  that  we  have  left  to  dreame  : 
And  some  have  wept,  and  woo'd,  and  plighted  troth, 
And  chose  their  priest,  ere  we  can  cast  off  sloth  : 
Many  a  green-gown  has  been  given  ; 
Many  a  kisse,  both  odde  and  even  : 
Many  a  glance  too  has  been  sent 
From  out  the  eye,  love's  firmament  : 
Many  a  jest  told  of  the  keyes  betraying 
This  night,  and  locks  pickt,  yet  w'are  not  a  Maying." 

HerrkVs  Hesperides  (1869),  p.  70. 

I  remember  getting  up  before  sunrise,  forty  years  ago,  on  the  First  of  May 
and  eight  succeeding  mornings,  and  washing  my  face  in  dew  to  take  away 
freckles,  for  which  washing  in  May-dew  nine  mornings  together  was  said  to  be  a 
cure. — R.  Roberts. 


306       Notes  on  pp.  149,  150.      May  games,  &c. 

p.  149.  Maygnmes.  Stafford,  in  l$8l,  says  that  these,  and  wakes,  revels, 
wagers  at  wrestling,  &c.,  had  been  '  layde  downe  now',  p.  16  of  my  N.  Sh.  Soc. 
edition.  He  can  have  meant  only  '  partly  disused. ' 

"Littlewit.  He  was  a  baker,  sir,  but  he  does  dream  now,  and  see  visions  j 
he  has  given  over  his  trade. 

Qiiarlous.  I  remember  that  too  :  out  of  a  scruple  he  took  that,  in  spiced 
conscience,  those  cakes  he  made,  were  served  to  bridales,  maypoles,  morrices,  and 
such  profane  feasts  and  meetings.  His  Christian  name  is  Zeal-of-the-land." 
1614.— Ben  Jonson,  Bartholomew  Fair,  I.  i. ;  Works,  ed.  Cunningham,  ii.  152, 
col.  i. 

"Well,  syr,  after  theez  horsmen,  a  liuely  morisdauns^  according  too  the 
auncient  manner,  six  daunserz,  Mawdmarion,  and  the  fool."  1575.— Laneham's 
Letter,  p.  22  of  my  edition. 

p.  150.  Church- Ales,  or  Whitsun-Ales. — See  Brand's  Pop.  Antiq.  i.  157-161, 
ed.  Ellis,  1841,  and  ed.  Hazlitt,  1870,  i.  156-172.  'For  Scot-Ales,  Give- Ales, 
Sect-Ales,  Bride- Ales,  Clerk- Ales,  &c.,  see  Archceologia,  xii.  11-17.' 

Church- Ales  on  Sundays :  '  by  an  order  made  in  July,  1595,  at  a  Sessions  held 
in  the  Chapter  House  .  .  It  is  declared  that  all  "  Church  or  parish  ales,  revels, 
May- games,  plays,  and  such  other  unlawful  assemblies  of  the  people  of  sundry 
parishes  unto  one  parish  on  the  Sabbath  day  and  other  times,  is  a  special  cause 
that  many  disorders,  contempts  of  law,  and  other  enormities  are  there  perpetrated 
and  committed,  to  the  great  profanation  of  the  Lord's  '  Saboth,'  the  dishonour  of 
Almighty  God,  increase  of  bastardy,  and  of  dissolute  life,  and  of  very  many  other 
mischiefs  and  inconveniences,  to  the  great  hurt  of  the  commonwealth."  It  is 
therefore  ordered  that  these  assemblies  shall  be  abolished  on  the  Sabbath  ;  that 
there  shall  be  no  drink  "used,  kept  or  uttered"  upon  the  Sabbath,  at  any  time 
of  the  day,  nor  upon  any  holiday  or  festival  in  the  time  of  divine  service  or 
preaching  of  the  Word  ;  nor  at  any  time  in  the  night  season  ;  nor  yet  that  there 
shall  be  "  any  Mynstralsy  of  any  sort,  Dauncying,  or  suche  wanton  Dallyances," 
used  at  the  said  May-games,'  &c.  'In  January  1599,  the  justices  took  a  long 
step  further,  and  having  discovered  that  many  inconveniences  "which  with 
modestie  cannot  be  expressed,"  had  happened  in  consequence  of  these  gatherings, 
they  ordered  that  parish  ales,  church  ales,  and  revels  should  thenceforth  be 
utterly  suppressed.  A  market  which  had  been  held  on  the  "  Saboth"  at  East 
Budleigh,  was  also  abolished.'  1878. — A.  H.  A.  Hamilton,  Quarter  Sessions 
from  Q.  Elizabeth  to  Q.  Anne,  p.  28-9. 

And  under  James  I  '  An  order  of  Easter  1607  declares  that  church  ales, 
parish  ales,  young  men's  ales,  clerks'  ales,  sextons'  ales,  and  all  revels,  are  to  be 
utterly  suppressed.  Yet  we  find  as  late  as  1622  that  the  war  against  them  was 
still  being  carried  on.'  Ib.  p.  73. 

"An  other  sorte  of  blynde  shauelings  .  .  preache  muche  holynes  and  Gods 
seruice  to  stande  in  their  holy  oyle  /  holy  creame  /  holy  water  /  holy  asshes  /  hal- 

1  See  Gifford's  Ben  Jonson,  Vol.  i,  pp.  50,  51,  52,  and  ChappelFs  Popular 
Music,  pp.  130—135. — W.  C. 

Notes  on  p.  150.     Ale-drinking,  &c.  307 

lowed  bedes  /  mumblynge  of  a  numbre  of  psalmes  in  Laten  /  keepinge  of  church 
ales,  in  the  whiche,  with  leappynge  /  daunsynge  /  and  kyssyng  /  they  maynteyne  the 
profett  of  their  churche  (to  the  honoure  of  God,  as  they  both  saye  and  thyncke)." 
.  —  A  Supplication  to  .  .  Kynge  Henry  the  Eyght.  E.  E.  T.  Soc.  1871,  p.  41. 

p.  150.     Ale  sold  in  Churches,  &c. 

"  Item,  whether  upon  the  holy-days  there  be  kept  in  the  Church  or  Church 
yard  any  market,  buying  or  selling,  with  such  doings  as  becometh  neither  the 
day  nor  the  place."  ?  Ab.  1550.  —  Bishop  Hooper,  Injunctions  (?)  in  his  Later 
Writings  (Parker  Soc.  ),  p.  142. 

"  Item,  that  the  churchwardens  do  not  permit  any  buying,  selling,  gaming, 
outrageous  noises,  tumult,  or  any  other  idle  occupying  of  youth,  in  the  church, 
church-porch  or  church  -yard,  during  the  time  of  common  prayer,  sermon,  or 
reading  of  the  homily."  ?  Ab.  1550.  —  Bishop  Hooper,  Later  Writings  (Parker 
Soc.),  p.  129. 

"Ye  shall  not  keep,  or  suffer  to  be  kept,  in  your  parsonage  or  vicarage 
houses,  any  alehouses,  tippling-houses,  or  taverns,  nor  shall  sell  ale,  beer  or 
wine."  .  .  .  1571-2.  —  Bishop  Grindal,  Injunctions  at  York  for  the  Clergy,  p. 
130,  Parker  Society. 

"The  Churchwardens  shall  not  suffer  any  pedler,  or  others  whatsoever,  to  set 
out  any  wares  to  sale,  either  in  the  porches  of  churches  or  in  the  church-yards, 
nor  any  where  else  on  holy  days  or  Sundays,  while  any  part  of  divine  service  is 
in  doing,  or  while  any  sermon  is  in  preaching."  1571-2.  —  Bishop  Grindal, 
Injunctions  at  York  for  the  Laity,  Remains,  p.  138,  Parker  Society. 

p.  150,  1.  19.  Hufcap.  —  See  Harrison,  I.  295  :  "there  is  such  headie  ale  & 
beere  in  most  of  them  [markets],  as  for  the  mightinesse  thereof,  among  such  as 
seeke  it  out,  is  commonlie  called  huffecap,  the  mad  dog,  father  whoresonne, 
angels  food,  dragons  milke,  [go  by  the  wall,  stride  wide,  and  lift  leg,  (1587)] 
&c.  .  .  It  is  incredible  to  saie  how  our  maltbugs  lug  at  this  liquor,  euen  as  pigs 
should  lie  in  a  row,  lugging  at  their  dames  teats,  till  they  lie  still  againe,  and  be 
not  able  to  wag." 

I  thought  at  first  that  the  huftie-tuftie  of  Snuffe,  the  Clown  of  the  Curtain  in 
1600,  was  this  Huf-cap  :  but  the  extract  below,  from  T.  Nash,  in  his  Haue  with 
you  to  Saffron  Walden,  sign.  L  4,  shows  that  Snuffe  used  the  word  for  an  exclama. 
tion,  "jolly,"  or  the  like.  "  Who's  the  Foole  now  ?  "  asks  Snuffe,  and  answers, 
his  drunken  friend  who  got  robbd  on  his  way  to  the  Curtain  theatre  in  Shoreditch  : 

"  My  friend  was  pleasant,  drinking  all  the  day, 
With  huftie-tuftie,  let  vs  all  be  merrie, 
Forgetting  how  the  time  did  passe  away  : 
Such  is  mans  folly,  making  himself  wearie. 
But  now  attend,  and  I  will  tell  the  rest, 
How  my  friends  follie  he  could  scarce  disgest. 

When  he  was  beaten  with  a  Brewers  washing  bittle 
Or  had  in  deed  almost  quite  burst  his  thombe, 
Or  had  behelde  the  Diudl,  where  he  did  tipple, 

308          Notes  on  p.  150.      Church  Ales,  &c. 

Or  (the  old  word)  was  drunke,  marke  what  did  come. 
Thus  it  fell  out,  as  he  him  selfe  did  say, 
He  to  the  Curtaine  went,  to  see  a  Play. 

His  friendes  went  with  him,  and  as  wise  as  hee, 
Yet  wiser  as  it  chaunst,  for  he  went  reeling  ; 
A  tottering  world  it  was,  God  wott,  to  see 
My  friend  disguisde  thus  without  sense  or  feeling. 
Here  a  fell  downe,  and  vp  againe,  God  wott, 
Backward  and  forward  staggring  like  a  sott. 

A  soberer  man  than  he,  or  girle  or  boy, 
I  know  not  who — for  he  him  selfe  not  knowes— 
Begins  to  looke  into  this  goodly  toy, 
And,  to  teach  him  wit,  this  deede  at  pleasure  showes  : 
Into  his  pocket  diues,  and  being  alone, 
Pursse,  hat,  cloake,  frow  my  drunken  friend  was  gone." 
1600. — Quips  upon  Questions,  sign.  B  4,  back,  and  C  I. 

huffty  tujfty,  adv.  bravely,  finely. 

"  I  haue  a  tale  at  my  tungs  end  if  I  can  happen  vpon  it,  of  his  hobby  horse 
reuelling  &  dominering  at  Audley-end,  when  the  Queene  was  there  :  to  which 
place  Gabriell  [Harvey]  (to  doo  his  countrey  more  worship  &  glory)  came  ruffling 
it  out  huffty  tuffty  in  his  suite  of  veluet."  1596. — T.  Nashe,  Haue  with  you  to 
Saffron-walden,  sign.  L  4,  back. 

(I've  unluckily  mislaid  my  other  extracts  on  the  names  for  being  drunk.) 

p.  150.  Church-ales.  "There  were  no  rates  for  the  poor  in  my  grand 
father's  days 1 ;  but  for  Kington  St.  Michael  (no  small  parish)  the  church-ale  at 
Whitsuntide  did  the  business.  In  every  parish  is  (or  was)  a  church-house,  to 
which  belonged  spits,  crocks  &c. ,  utensils  for  dressing  provision.  Here  the  house 
keepers  met,  and  were  merry,  and  gave  their  charity.  The  young  people  were 
there  too,  and  had  dancing,  bowling,  shooting  at  butts  &c.,  the  ancients  sitting 
gravely  by  and  looking  on.  All  things  were  civil  and  without  scandal.  This 
church-ale  is  doubtless  derived  from  the  ayairai,  or  love-feast,  mentioned  in  the 
New  Testament."  —  Aubrey's  Introduction  to  the  Survey  of  Wiltshire^  in  his 
Miscellanies  (Library  of  Old  Authors),  pp.  216-17, — S. 

p.  150.  Church- Ales  &°  Dancing.  Compare  the  Bride-Ales  : 
"  Early  in  the  morning  the  wedding  people  begynne  to  exceade  in  superfluous 
eating  &  drinkyng  |  wherof  they  spytte  vntill  the  halfe  sermon  be  done.  And 
whan  they  come  to  the  preaching  |  they  are  halfe  dronke  j  some  altogether  | 
therefore  regard  they  nether  the  preaching  ner  prayer  |  but  stonde  ther  onely 
because  of  the  custome.  Such  folkes  also  do  come  vnto  the  Church  with  all 
maner  of  pompe  and  pryde  |  &  gorgiousnesse  of  rayment  and  lewels.  They 
come  with  a  greate  noyse  of  basens  &  drommes  |  wher-with  they  trouble  the 

Say  about  1600.    Aubrey  was  born  in  1626,  and  died  about  1697. 

Notes  on  pp.  150,  152.     Bride-Ales  and  Wakes.    309 

whole  church  |  &  hindre  them  in  matters  pertayninge  to  god.  They  come  in  to 
the  lordes  house  |  as  it  were  into  an  house  of  merchaundise  |  to  lay  forth  theyr 
wares  &  offre  to  sell  themselues  vnto  vyce  and  wickednesse.  And  euen  as  they 
come  to  the  Church  |  so  go  they  from  the  Church  agayne  |  lyght  |  nyce  J  in 
shamefull  pompe  and  vayne  wantonesse."  (Fol.  50.)  Fol.  Ivi,  ed.  1552. 

"  After  the  bancket  and  feast  |  there  begynneth  a  vayne  |  madd  |  and  vn- 
manerly  fashiow.  For  the  bryde  must  be  brought  in  to  an  open  dauncing  place. 
Then  is  there  such  a  renninge  |  leapinge  |  and  flynging  amonge  them  |  then  is 
there  such  a  lyftinge  vp  and  discoueringe  of  the  damesels  clothes  and  of  other 
wemens  apparell  |  that  a  man  might  thinke  |  all  these  dauncers  had  cast  all 
shame  behinde  the**  |  and  were  become  starke  madde,  and  out  of  theyr  wyttes  | 
and  that  they  were  sworne  to  the  deuels  daunce.  Then  must  the  poore  bryd 
kepe  foote  with  all  dauncers  |  &  refuse  none  |  how  scabbed  |  foule  |  dronckew  | 
rude  and  shameles  soeuer  he  be.  Then  must  she  oft  tymes  heare  and  se  much 
wickednesse  |  &  many  an  vncomely  word.  And  that  noyse  and  rombling 
endureth  euen  tyll  supper. 

"As  for  supper,  looke  how  much  shameles  and  dronken  the  evening  is  more 
then  the  morning,  so  much  the  more  vice,  exces,  and  misnurture  is  vsed  at  the 
supper.  After  supper,  must  they  begin  to  pype  and  daunce  again  of  anew.  And 
though  the  young  persons  (being  weary  of  the  bablyng  noyse  and  inconvenience) 
come  once  towards  their  rest,  yet  can  they  haue  no  quietness.  For  a  man  shall 
find  vnmanerly  and  restles  people  that  wyll  first  go  to  their  chamber  doore,  and 
there  syng  vicious  and  naughty  balates,  that  the  devil  may  have  his  whole 
triumphe  now  to  the  vttermost."  1541. — Miles  Coverdale,  The  Christian  State 
of  Matrinwnye,  fol.  51  (sign.  H  i,  Fol.  Ivii,  ed.  1552). 

"fye  vpont,  what  a  miserable  thing  tis  to  be  a  noble  Bride!  there's  such 
delayes  in  rising,  in  fitting  gownes,  in  tyring,  in  pinning  Rebatoes,  in  poaking, 
in  dinner,  in  supper,  in  Reuels,  &  last  of  all  in  cursing  the  poore  nodding  fidlers 
for  keeping  Mistris  Bride  so  long  vp  from  sweeter  Reuels, — that,  oh  I  could 
neuer  endure  to  put  it  vp  without  much  bickering."  1602. — T.  Dekker, 
Satiromastix.  Works,  1873,  i-  *&>• 

"  As  for  matrimony,  that  hath  also  corruptions  too  many  ....  Other  petty 
Abuses  things  out  of  the  book  we  speak  not  of,  as  that  women,  contrary  to  the 
accidental  rule  of  the  Apostle,  come,  and  are  suffered  to  come,  bareheaded,  with 
bagpipes  and  fiddlers  before  them,  to  disturb  the  congregation ;  and  they  must 
come  in  at  the  great  door  of  the  church,  else  all  is  marred."  1570-160x3. — 
Archbp.  Whitgift,  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  353,  Parker  Soc. 

p.  152.  Wakes  and  Feasts. — See  Brand's  Popular  Antiquities,  ii.  i-io,  ed. 
Ellis,  1841,  and  ii.  i-io,  iii.  7-8,  ed.  Hazlitt,  1870. 

'  Wakes :  a  very  old  English  custom.  The  35th  of  Elfric's  Canons  is  : 
"  ye  ought  not  to  make  merry  over  dead  men,  nor  to  hunt  after  a  corpse,  unless  ye 
be  invited  to  it.  When  ye  are  invited,  forbid  the  heathenish  songs  of  laymen, 
and  thear  loud  cackling,  and  do  not  eat  &  drink  over  the  body  in  their  heathenish 
manner."  (Quoted  from  Wilkins's  Concilia,  Vol.  i,  p.  255,  by  Chappell,  in  his 
Introduction  to  Old  English.  Ditties,  p.  81.)' 

310  Notes  on  p.  152.      Wakes,  Sunday  Fairs,  &c. 

The  above  are  the  real  Irish  wakes,  not  those  on  the  eve  of  Saints'  Days 
when  the  people  danced  in  the  churches  or  church-yards  through  the  night. — W.  C. 

p.  152.  wakes,  &c.  See  The  Chetham  Miscellanies,  Vol.  V.  Ed.  F.  R. 
Raines  (Chetham  Society).  The  Athenaum  Review*,  August  12,  1876,  says  : 
"The  first  article  in  the  collection  is  a  Report  on  'The  State,  Civil  and  Ecclesi 
astical,  of  the  county  of  Lancaster,'  made  by  certain  of  the  clergy  about  1590. l 
....  The  authors  of  the  Report  were  for  the  most  part  men  of  Puritan  leanings, 
but  there  is  nothing  particularly  strange  or  grotesque  in  the  complaints  they  make. 
We  know  from  many  other  sources  that  the  rough-and-ready  manner  in  which 
the  Reformed  doctrines  and  discipline  had  been  planted  in  the  county  palatine  of 
Lancaster  had  cruelly  wounded  the  feelings  of  many,  and  that  the  first  result  of  a 
change  so  violent  was  an  alarming  amount  of  godlessness.  Almost  every  clause 
of  this  old  paper  shows  that  the  bonds  of  authority  had  become  terribly  relaxed, 
and  that  there  was  no  strong  public  opinion  on  the  side  of  moral  order  to  keep 
loose  persons  in  check.  Not  only  do  we  find  that  the  mediaeval  custom  of  hold 
ing  fairs  and  markets  on  Sunday  was  still  usually  retained,  and  that  '  wackes, 
ales,  greenes,  maigames,  rushbearinges,  bearebaites,  doveales,  bonfires,  [and]  all 
maner  vnlawful  gaming,  pipeinge,  and  daunsing,  and  such  like,  ar  in  all  places 
freely  exercised  vppon  ye  Sabboth, ;  but  that  the  persons  who  professed  to  con 
form  to  the  worship  of  the  English  Church  frequently  did  so  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  show  their  contempt  for  her  ritual,  some  walking  about  and  talking,  others 
laughing  during  prayers,2  while  the  more  devout  evinced  their  adherence  to  the 

1  "  The  manifolde  Enormities  of  the  Ecclesiasticall  state  in  the  most  partes  of 
the  Countie  of  Lancaster  j  and  many  of  them  in  som  partes  also  of  Cheshire 
[about  the  year  1590]  .  .  .  . 

"  V.  Faires  and  Marketes  in  most  Townes  ar  vsually  kepte  vppon  the 
Sabboth  :  by  occasion  whereof  divine  Service  in  the  Forenoone  is  greatly 

"  VI.  Wackes,  Ales,  Greenes,  Maigames,  Rushbearinges,  Bearebaites,  Dove- 
ales,  Bonfiers,  all  maner  vnlawfull  Gaming,  Pipinge  and  Daunsinge,  and  suche 
like,  ar  in  all  places  frely  exercised  vppon  ye  Sabboth." 

2  Compare  Sir  Thomas  M ore's  complaint  of  the  Irreverent  behaviour  at  Prayer 
in  his  Popish  day  :  he  died  in  1535.      Works  (1557),  p.  1359.      '  Out  of  al,  most 
true  is  ye  old  said  saw,  thai  the  outward  behauior  &  cowtinaunce  is  a  plain  expresse 
mirror  or  ymage  of  ye  minde,  in  asmuche  as  by  ye  eyes,  by  ye  chekes,  by  y9 
eye  liddes,   by  ye  browes,  by  ye  handes,  by  ye  fete,  &  finally  by  ye  gesture  of 
ye  whole  body,  right  well  appereth,  how  madly  &  fondly  ye  minde  is  set  &  dis 
posed.     For  as  we  litle  passe  how  smal  deuociow  of  hart  we  come  to  pray  wz't^al, 
so  dooe  we  litle  passe  also  howe  vndeuoutli  we  go  forward  therin.      And  albeit 
we  wold  haue  it  seme,  y11  on  ye  holye  daies  we  go  more  gorgeously  apparelled 
then  at  other  times  onely  for  ye  honor  of  god,  yet  ye  negligent  fashion  y*  we 
vse,  a  greate  mainy  of  vs,  in  ye  time  of  our  praier,  doth  sufficiently  declare,  (be  we 
neuer  so  lothe  to  haue  it  so  knowew  &  apparaunte  to  the  world)  y*  we  do  it 
altogether  of  a  peuysh  worldly  pride.     So  carelessly  do  we  euen  in  ye  church 
somewhiles  sole^mely  iet  to  &  fro,  &  other  whiles  faire  &  softly  sette  vs  down 
again.  And  if  it  hap  vs  to  kneele,  then  either  do  we  knele  vpow  ye  tone  knee,  & 
lene  vpow  ye  tother,  or  els  will  wee  haue  a  cushion  layd  vnder  thew  both,  yea  & 
sometime,  namely  if  we  be  any  thyng  nyce  &  fine)  we  cal  for  a  cushiow  to  beare 
vp  our  elbowes  to,  &  so,  like  an  olde  rotten  ruynouse  house,  be  we  fain  therwith 
to  bee  staide  &  vnderpropped.    And  thew  further  do  we  euery  way  discouer, 

Notes  on  p.  152.     Popish  funeral  customs.      311 

suppressed  religion  by  crossing  themselves,  beating  their  breasts,  and  telling  their 
beads  in  secret.  At  the  time  when  service  was  going  on,  it  was  common  for 
the  unreclaimed  people  who  remained  without,  to  assemble  in  the  churchyard 
or  the  streets  hard  by,  and  to  amuse  themselves  with  clamorous  shouting  and 
throwing  stones  upon  '  the  leades  of  the  churche.' l 

"  The  ancient  burial  customs  seem  to  have  been  retained  almost  without  alter 
ation,  as  far  as  the  change  of  circumstances  would  permit.  When  the  body  was 
laid  out  preparatory  to  burial,  it  was  surrounded,  by  night  and  by  day,  with  burn 
ing  candles,  the  church  bells  were  rung  to  warn  the  neighbours  to  pray  for  the 
soul  of  the  departed,  and  all  the  neighbours  who  visited  the  corpse  were  wont 
to  say  a  Pater  Noster  or  a  De  Profundis.  The  wayside  crosses,  which  have  now 
nearly  all  been  swept  away  either  by  the  reforming  zeal  of  our  predecessors  or 
the  carelessness  of  more  modern  time*,  seem  then  to  have  been  common;  for  these 
Lancashire  clergy  tell  us  that  at  funerals  'they  carie  the  corse  towardse  the 
churche  all  garnished  with  crosses,  which  they  sett  downe  by  the  way  at  everie 
crosse,  and  there  all  of  them  devowtly,  on  theire  knees,  make  prayers  for  the 

"This  custom  of  affixing  small  crosses  to  the  bier  or  the  pall  lingered  long. 
We  have  heard  of  it  being  followed  late  in  the  last  century.  '  The  Obsequy  of 
faire  Phillida,'  a  ballad  in  the  Roxburghe  collection  (Ballad  Soc.  ix.  345),  is 
adorned  with  a  woodcut  of  a  funeral,  which,  from  the  dresses  of  the  bearers  and 
grave-digger,  cannot  be  much  older  than  1640.  There  we  find  the  coffin  or  bier, 
(it  is  not  easy  to  say  which  it  is),  covered  with  a  tight-fitting  pall,  on  which  are 
fastened  in  an  irregular  manner  seventeen  small  crosses  in  circles. 

"  The  intense  dislike  of  the  Roman  Catholic  population  for  the  English  burial 
service  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  when  the  body  was  brought  to  the  churchyard, 
they  were  accustomed  to  '  overtreate  the  minister  to  omitt  the  service,'  and 
bury  the  body  themselves  without  religious  rites.  If,  however,  the  clergyman 
insisted  upon  performing  his  duty,  the  friends  were  in  the  habit  of  going  away, 
as  they  refused  absolutely  to  join  in  or  be  present  at  the  service. 

"Secret  marriages  and  baptisms  are  complained  of,  though  the  memorialists 
do  not  seem  to  have  felt  the  evil  of  them  so  bitterly  as  they  did  many  other  things 
of  less  consequence.  To  us,  for  whom  all  these  things  are  but  matters  of  history, 
these  unregistered  marriages  and  baptisms  are  of  far  more  import  than  the  cere 
monial  which  gave  so  much  pain  to  the  compilers  of  the  Memorial.  It  is  well 
known  that  throughout  the  whole  of  the  north  of  England  in  the  sixteenth  and 

how  far  wide  our  mind  is  wawdriwg  from  god.  We  clawe  our  head,  we  pare  oure 
nailes,  we  picke  our  nose,  &  say  therwhiles  one  thing  for  an  other,  sith  what  is 
said  or  what  is  vnsaid  both  hailing  cleane  forgotten,  we  be  fain  at  al  aduentures 
to  ayme  what  we  haue  more  to  say.  Bee  we  not  ashamed  thus  madly  demeaning 
our  selfes  both  secretly  in  our  hert,  &  also  in  our  doings  opewly  in  such  wise  to 
sew  for  soucor  vnto  god,  being  in  so  gret  danger  as  we  be,  &  in  such  wise  to  pray 
for  pardow  of  so  many  horrible  offences,  &  ouer  y*  in  suche  wise  to  desire  him  to 
preserue  vs  fro/;/  parpetuall  dawnaciow  ?  so  y*  this  one  offence  so  vnreuerently  to 
approch  to  ye  high  maiesty  of  God,  al  had  we  neuer  offewded  him  before,  wer 
yet  alone  wel  worthy  to  bee  punished." — R.  Roberts. 

1  The  next  page  was  set  by  the  compositor  in  mistake,  but  is  let  stand. 

312         Notes  on  p.  152.     Heralds  at  Funerals. 

seventeenth  centuries  the  more  devout  among  the  Roman  Catholics  were  wont  to 
have  these  rites  performed  by  their  own  priests.  One  consequence  is  that  now 
they  are,  in  many  cases,  entirely  incapable  of  proof.  The  Bodleian  list  of  York 
shire  Roman  Catholics  in  1604  furnishes  numerous  examples  of  these  secret 
marriages,  and  is  in  some  instances  the  only  evidence  we  have  that  such  marriages 
were  ever  contracted.  They  usually  took  place  far  from  home,  before  a  few 
chosen  and  faithful  witnesses  only.  Here  is  an  instance,  notable  as  relating  to 
one  of  the  higher  gentry  of  the  county  of  York  : — *  Secret  mariage.  Richard 
Cholmley,  Esquier,  maryed  with  Mary  Hungate,  in  the  presence  of  John  Wilson, 
William  Martin,  Hugh  Hope,  and  Christopher  Danyell,  in  a  fell  with  a  Popish 
priest. '  The  lady  and  her  lover  dare  not  be  wedded  at  home,  for  fear  of  spies  ; 
so  they  met  by  appointment  at  some  wild  place  on  the  moorlands,  where  a  priest, 
at  the  risk  of  his  life,  was  found  ready  to  perform  the  marriage  rite.  .  .  . 

"In  the  volume  are  the  letters  of  Randal  Holme  and  Leonard  Smethley,  the 
deputy  heralds  who  acted  in  Lancashire  and  Cheshire  in  the  reign  of  James  the 
First.  .  . 

"Both  master  and  man  were  constantly  in  trouble  with  the  gentry  in  their 
dominions  on  the  subject  of  fees.  When  the  Herald's  College  was  incorporated, 
it  took  upon  itself  not  only  the  regulation  of  arms,  but  also  the  ordering  of  those 
sumptuous  funerals  in  which  the  bad  taste  of  our  forefathers  delighted.  If  a  great 
man  died,  the  body  was  sometimes  kept  lying  in  state  for  weeks.  More  fre 
quently,  however,  the  remains  were  privately  interred,  without  pomp  or  heraldic 
display,  and  some  time  afterwards  a  magnificent  hearse  was  erected  in  the  church, 
hung  round  with  the  arms,  crest,  and  motto  of  the  dead  and  his  ancestors,  and 
the  family  retainers  went  at  night  by  torch -light  to  hear  a  funeral  sermon  in 
praise  of  the  virtues  of  the  deceased.  For  all  this  display,  heraldic  knowledge  was 
needed;  yet  so  perverse  were  the  gentry  around  that,  instead  of  employing  Holme 
and  Smethley  to  superintend  the  pageant  and  paint  the  banners,  they  often  engaged 
what  the  senior  deputy  herald  calls  '  poor  snaks,  hedge-paynters,  and,  I  take  it, 
plasterers,'  to  do  their  blazonry  for  them.  This  was  unbearable  to  the  men  in 
authority,  who  were  defrauded  of  their  fees  ;  and  long  and  bitter  were  their  com 
plaints  to  the  authorities  in  St.  Paul's  Churchyard,  urging  that  sharp  measures 
should  be  taken  with  the  arms-painters,  and  that  the  people  who  had  these 
stately  funerals  provided  for  their  relatives  should  be  compelled  to  pay  the 
accustomed  fees  to  Messrs.  Holme  and  Smethley,  whether  they  availed  them 
selves  of  their  services  or  not." 

As  to  Sabbath-keeping  in  early  days  in  Arbroath  and  Scotland,  note : — 
"  It  is  the  common  opinion  that  the  strict  observance  of  Sunday,  for  which  the 
Scotch  people  are  remarkable,  came  in  with  the  Reformation,  and  that  the  prac 
tice,  so  far  from  having  become  more  stringent  as  time  went  on,  has  been  relaxed 
in  modern  days.  This  is,  of  course,  a  mistake.  In  1564,  we  find  the  council  of  the 
town  ordering  that  '  thair  be  na  mercats  upon  the  sabouith  day  before  audit 
[eight]  hours,  noder  flesh  nor  uder  merchandeis  on  pain  of  viij5.'  Mr.  Hay 
truly  remarks  that  we  should  think  it  passing  strange  were  a  town  council  now 
adays  to  give  tacit  consent  to  holding  public  markets  at  any  hour  on  the  Sunday. 
It  is  curious,  too,  at  so  early  a  date  to  find  Sabbath  used  to  indicate  the  dies 
dominica.  Inaccurate,  however,  as  the  term  is,  the  Reformation  is  not  responsi- 

Notes  on  pp.  154,  155.    Dancing.  313 

ble  for  coining  it,  but  only  for  bringing  it  into  common  use.  The  town  records 
of  Beverley  in  1456 — ninety-eight  years  before  this — contain  a  memorandum  of 
how  a  certain  John  Johnson  was  fined  fourpence  because  he  housed  corn  on  the 
Sabbath — '  Hospitabat  frumentum  ....  die  Sabbatti.'  (Poulson's  Beverlac.  I. 
219.)  It  was,  as  the  author  points  out,  a  considerable  time  after  the  establishing 
of  the  reformed  faith  before  the  custom  of  holding  markets  and  other  such  assem 
blies  on  Sunday  was  discontinued. 

"  We  have  come  across  many  instances  in  England  of  parish  meetings  being 
held,  and  churchwardens'  accounts  audited,  on  Easter  Sunday  late  in  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth,  and  far  down  into  that  of  her  successor.  Though  the  Scotch  did 
not  enter  on  their  course  of  strictness  so  early  as  some  have  thought,  they  cer 
tainly  did  at  length  surpass  in  that  particular  all  other  people  on  earth,  unless  it 
were  some  of  the  New  England  settlements.  It  would,  we  should  imagine,  be 
impossible  to  parallel  the  following  from  the  records  of  the  most  Protestant  town 
in  Germany,  Holland,  or  Scandinavia  : — 

'"On  the  5th  December,  1732,  the  barbers  in  the  Town  compeared  before  the 
session  in  answer  to  their  citation  ;  and  record  bears,  "  Being  accused  of  profaning 
the  Sabbath-day  by  shaving  people  and  dressing  their  wigs  before  and  in  time  of 
the  sermon,  [they]  confessed  their  faults,  upon  which  they  were  exhorted  to  reform, 
under  the  pain  of  being  publicly  censured."  '  " — Athenceum,  August  19,  1876,  on 
G.  Hay's  Hist,  of  Arbroath. 

In  Messrs.  Cotton  and  Woollcombe's  Gleanings  from  the  Municipal  and 
Cathedral  Records  relative  to  the  City  of  Exeter,  1877,  there  are  many  convictions 
during  the  Puritan  time  for  baking  on  the  Lord's  Day,  and  for  heating  an  oven 
on  it.  Travelling  on  Sunday  was  forbidden,  and  punisht  with  the  stocks ;  and 
a  barber  was  brought  up  for  "  tryming  a  man  on  the  Lords  Day,  about  tenn 
o'clocke  in  the  forenone  in  sermon  time." — Athentzum,  September  15,  1877, 
P-  332- 

p.  154.  Dancing.— See  p.  297  ;  T.  F.'s  Newes  from  the  North,  1597,  as  to 
the  Dancing  School ;  and  Northbrooke's  Treatise  [against]  Dicing,  Dauncing, 
Vaine  Playes  or  Enterluds,  1577,  old  Sh.  Soc.  reprint,  1840,  p.  113-148. 

p.  155  :  kissing.     See  note  on  this  at  p.  269,  above. 

p.  155  :  dancing. — Busino,of  the  Venetian  Embassy  at  Jas  I's  Court  in  1617— 
1618,  speaks  thus  of  the  dancing  before  the  King  : — Quart  Rev.  Oct.  1857,  p. 
424.  Harrison,  Part  II. ,  p.  58*.  "  The  masque  began.  [Ben  Jonson's  Pleasure 
reconciled  to  Virttie,  Twelfth  Night,  1617-18].  .  .At  last  twelve  cavaliers  in  masks, 
the  central  figure  always  being  the  prince,  '  chose  their  partners  and  danced  every 
kind  of  dance,  the  last  being  the  Spanish  dance  in  single  pairs,  each  cavalier  with  his 
lady  ;  and  at  length,  being  well  nigh  tired,  they  began  to  flag,  whereupon  the  king, 
who  is  naturally  choleric,  got  impatient,  and  shouted  aloud,  "  Why  don't  they 
dance  ?  What  did  you  make  me  come  here  for  ?  Devil  take  you  all ;  dance  !  "  On 
hearing  this,  the  Marquis  of  Buckingham,  his  majesty's  most  favoured  minion, 
immediately  sprang  forward \  cutting  a  score  of  lofty  and  minute  capers  with  so  much 
grace  and  agility,  that  he  not  only  appeased  the  ire  of  his  angry  sovereign,  but, 
moreover,  rendered  himself  the  admiration  and  delight  of  everybody.  The  other 

314  Notes  on  pp.  155,  171.     Dancing.    Bawdy  Songs. 

masquers,  being  thus  encouraged,  continued  successively  exhibiting  their  prowess 
with  various  ladies  ;  finishing  in  like  manner  with  capers,  and  by  lifting  their 
goddesses  from  the  ground.'  " 

See  also  a  tract  of  19  leaves  in  the  Lambeth  Library  :  "  A  Treatise  of  Daunses 
wherin  it  is  shewed  that  they  are  as  it  were  accessories  and  dependants  (or 
thinges  annexed)  to  whoredome;  where  also  by  the  way  is  touched  and  proved 
that  Playes  are  joyned  and  knit  togeather  in  a  rancke  or  rowe  with  them  .  .  Anno 
1581."  Hazlitt's  Handbook,  p.  137.  Also  "A  Dialogue  agaynst  light,  lewde, 
and  lascivious  dauncing  :  wherein  are  refuted  all  those  reasons  which  the  common 
people  vse  to  bring  in  defence  thereof.  Compiled  and  made  by  Christopher 
Fetherston.  Eccle.  9.  4.  Use  not  the  companie  of  a  woman  that  is  a  singer  and 
a  dauncer,  least  thou  be  intrapped  in  her  snares.  Imprinted  at  London  by 
Thomas  Dawson,  1582."  8vo.  46  leaves.  Bodleian  (Douce).  Hazlitt's  Hand 
book,  p.  195. 

"  Age.  What  woulde  these  fathers  say  nowe,  if  they  were  presently  aliue,  to 
see  the  wanton  and  filthie  daunces  that  are  now  vsed,  in  this  cleare  day  and  light 
of"  the  Gospell?  What  Sabboth  dayes,  what  other  dayes  are  there,  nay,  what 
nightes  are  ouerpassed  without  dauncing  among  a  number  at  this  time  ?  In 
summer  season,  howe  doe  the  moste  part  of  our  yong  men  and  maydes,  in  earely 
rising  and  getting  themselues  into  the  fieldes  at  dauncing  ?  what  foolishe  toyes 
shall  not  a  man  see  among  them  ?  what  vnchast  countenances  shall  not  be  vsed 
then  among  them?  or  what  coales  shall  there  be  wanting  that  may  kindle 
Cupid's  desire  ? — truly  none.  Through  this  dauncing,  many  maydens  haue  been 
vnmaydened,  whereby  I  may  saye,  it  is  the  Storehouse  and  nurserie  of  bastardie. 
What  adoe  make  our  yong  men  at  the  time  of  May  ?  Do  they  not  vse  night 
watchings  to  rob  and  steale  yong  trees  out  of  other  men's  grounde,  and  bring 
them  home  into  their  parishe  with  minstrels  playing  before  ?  and  when  they  haue 
set  it  vp,  they  will  deck  it  with  floures  and  garlandes,  and  daunce  round  (men 
Exod.  32,  6.  an(i  women  togither,  moste  vnseemly  and  intolerable,  as  I  haue 
i  Cor.  10,  7.  proued  before)  about  the  tree,  like  vnto  the  children  of  Israeli,  that 
daunced  about  the  golden  calfe  that  they  had  set  vp,"  &c.  1577. — John  North- 
brooke,  A  treatise  against  Dicing,  Dancing,  etc.,  ed.  1840,  p.  175-176. 
p.  171  :  bawdy  songs, 

"  He  hath  all  that  to  villany  belongs, 
The  hugest  number  of  such  baudy  songs, 
You  euen  would  wonder  (Gossips,  this  is  plaine) 
That  any  man  could  beare  them  in  his  braine. 
He  hath  a  song  cald,  Mistris,  will  you  do  ? :  [i] 

And  My  man  Thomas  did  me  promise  to,      [to  is  too]      [2] 

1  Mr.  Ebsworth  kindly  identifies  these  songs  : — 

(2)  "  My  man  Thomas 

Did  me  promise 
He  would  visit  me  this  night. 
Thomas .]   '  I  am  here,  love ; 

Tell  me,  dear  love  ; 
How  I  may  obtain  thy  sight. 

Maid.]   Come  up  to  my  window,  love ; 
Come,  come,  come  ! 

Come  to  my  window,  my  dear  ; 
The  wind  nor  the  rain 
Shall  trouble  thee  again, 

But  thou  shalt  be  lodged  here." 

Notes  on  p.  171.     Bawdy  Songs.  315 

He  hath  the  Pinnace  rigd  %vith  silken  saile,  [3] 

And.  pretty  Birds,  with  Garden  Nightingale,  [4,  5] 

lie  tye  my  Mare  in  thy  ground  a  new  way,  [6] 

Worse  then  the  Players  sing  it  in  the  Play,      [?  what  Play] 

Besse  for  abuses,  and  a  number  more,  [7] 

That  you  and  I  haue  neuer  heard  before. 

And  these  among  those  wenches  he  doth  learne, 

Which  by  actiuity  their  liuings  earne. 

His  Crownes  vpon  them  frankly  he  bestowes, 

Not  caring  for  his  wife,  or  how  she  goes." 

1609.— S.   Rowlands,  A   Crew  of  kind  Gossips,  sign.  C  2  (Hunt.  Club,   1876, 
p.  19). 

On  2,  3,  6  of  these  Mr.  Wm.  Chappell  says:—"  See  my  Popular  Music,  p. 
738,  for  My  Man  Thomas,  A  Pinnace  riggd,  and  /'//  tie  my  mare  : — 

'  A  pinnace  rigg'd  with  silken  sail, 

What  is  more  lovely  than  to  see  ? 
But  still  to  see,  is  small  avail ; 
I  must  aboord,  as  thinketh  me.' 

It  is  full  of  double  meanings."    In  Pop.  Mus.,  p.  738,  are  6  lines  and  the  music  of 

Two  other  verses  are  elsewhere  sung ! 
by  Old  Merrythought : 

"  Go  from  my  window,  love,  go  ; 

Go  from  my  window,  my  dear  : 
The  wind  and  the  rain 
Will  drive  you  back  again, 

You  cannot  be  lodged  here. 

Tye  the  Mare,  Tom,  boy  ! 

Begone,  begone,  my  juggy,  my  puggy, 
Begone,  my  love,  my  dear  ! 
The  weather  is  warm 
'Twill  do  thee  no  harm ; 
Thou  can'st  not  be  lodged  here." 

(3).  "  A  pinnace  rigg'd  with  silken 
saile  "  is  extant  in  an  early  MS.  (time 
noted,  before  1609),  belonging  to  a  friend 
of  mine.  I  will  print  it  soon  in  The 
Amanda  Group  of  Bagford  Poems,  for 
the  Ballad  Society. 

"  A  pinnace  rigg'd  with  silken  saile, 
What  is  more  lovely  then  to  see  ? 
But  still  to  see  is  small  availe : 
I  must  aboord,  as  thinketh  mee. 
To  see  is  well, 
But  more  to  tell 

Lackes  more  then  sight,  you  will  agree." 
(etc.  four  other  verses. ) 

(6)  I  have  the  Catch  «  I'le  tye  my  Mare 
in  thy  ground."    There  is  also  another, 

of  earlv 
date.     (I)   j  haye  (certaiiy  Qf  |6wJ 

'  Mistress,  since  you  so  much  desire  ;  " 
probably  resembling  "  Mistress  will 
you  do?"  (7)  I  believe  that  "Besse 
for  abuses  "  I  also  have  a  clue  to  ;  and 
I  know  of  one  "Pretty  Nightingale," 
[of  date  1575, 

"  Litle  pretty  nightingale, 

Among  the  braunches  greene, 
Geue  us  of  your  Christmasse  ale, 
In  the  honour  of  Saint  Steven." 

But  this  is  a  "  Mock  "  to  the  original 
which  I  possess  from  an  early  MS., 
beginning  thus  :  — 

"The  lytyll  prety  nyghtyngale, 

Among  the  levys  grene, 
I  wolde  I  were  with  hur  all  nyght, 
But  yet  ye  wot  not  whome  I  mene," 
etc.,  etc. 

(4)  I  have  also  one  song  beginning 
"  Ye  pretty  birds  that  chirp  and  sing;" 
but  its  date  is  much  later  in  the  I7th 
century  :—  the  author  was  not  scrupul 
ous  in  availing  himself  of  elder  sugges 
tions,  and  occasionally  would  '.'  convey, 
the  wise  it  call  !  "—  J.  W.  Ebsworth. 

316  Notes  on  p.  173.     Games  and  Sports. 

My  man  Thomas,  of  which  12  lines  were  sung  in  Fletcher's  Monsieur  Thomas, 
Act  III.  sc.  iii  (B.  &  F.'s  Works t  1839,  i.  481,  col.  i).  See  too  the  note  for 
p.  185,  below,  p.  319. 

Compare  the  following  cancelld  entry  in  the  Stationers'  Registers,  Arber's 
Transcript,  ii.  576 : 

7.  marcij  [1590-1] 

Thomas  Gosson  Entred  for  his  copie  a  ballad  of  a  yonge  man  that  went  a 
Cancelled  out  of  ™oayin£ &c-  Abe11  Jeffes  to  be  his  Printer  hereof  Provyded 
the  book,  for  the  alwayes,  that  before  the  publishinge  hereof  the  vndecentnes  be 
vndecentues  of  it  ,  -A 

in  Diuerse   verses,     reformed ,      •      •      •      •      VJ* 


p.  173  :  games  and  sports.     Here  is  a  list  of  them  in  1600  : — 
"  Man,  I  dare  challenge  thee  to  throw  the  sledge, 
To  iumpe  or  leape  ouer  a  ditch  or  hedge, 
To  wrastle,  play  at  stooleball,  or  to  runne, 
To  pitch  the  barre,  or  to  shoote  off  a  gunne  : 
To  play  at  loggets,  nine  holes,  or  ten  pinnes, 
To  trie  it  out  at  foot-ball  by  the  shinnes  ; 
At  Ticktacke,  Irish,  Noddie,  Maw,  and  Ruffe ; 
At  hot-cockles,  leape-frogge,  or  blindman-buffe ; 
To  drinke  halfe  pots,  or  deale  at  the  whole  canne ; 
To  play  at  base,  or  pen-and-Ynk-horne  sir  Ihan  : 
To  daunce  the  Morris,  play  at  barly-breake  : 
At  all  exploytes  a  man  can  thinke  or  speake  : 
At  shoue-groute,  venter-poynt,  or  crosse  and  pile  : 
At  beshrow  him  that's  last  at  yonder  style." 

1600. — S.  Rowlands,  The  Letting  of  Humours  Blood  in  the  Head-vaine,  D  4, 
back  (ed.  1874,  p.  64).  On  these  and  other  games  see  Hazlitt's  Brand, 
vols.  i.,  ii.  Also  Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy.  The  Act  33  Hen.  VIII., 
ch.  9,  §  8,  says:  "noe  manner  of  person  .  .  shall  for  his  or  their  gayne,  lucre 
or  lyvinge,  kepe  ...  or  maynteyne  any  common  house,  alley  or  place  of 
bowlinge,  Coytinge,  Cloyshe,  Coyles,  halfe  bowle,  Tennys,  Dysing,  Table,  or 
Cardinge,  or  any  other  manner  of  Game  pnrtiibite  by  anye  estatute  here 
tofore  made,  or  any  unlaufull  newe  game  nowe  invented  or  made,  upon  payne 
to  forfeit  and  pave  for  everie  day  kepinge  .  .  or  sufferinge  any  suche  Game  to 
be  .  .  playde  .  .  fourtie  shillings  ..."  By  §  II  "noe  manner  of  Artyfycer 
or  Craftey  man  of  any  handy  crafte  or  occupaczon,  husbandman,  apprentice, 
laborer,  smrawnte  at  husbandrye,  jorneyman  or  s^rvaunte  of  artyficer,  mariners, 
fysshermen,  watermen,  or  any  s^rvyngman,  shall .  .  playe  at  the  Tables,  Tennys, 
Dyce,  Gardes,  Bowles,  Clashe,  Coytinge,  Logatinge,  or  any  other  unlawful!, 
Game,  out  of  Christmas,  under  peyne  of  twentye  shillings  to  be  forfeyt  for  everie 

Notes  on  pp.  174,  175.     Dicing,  Football.      317 

tyme,  And  in  Christmas  to  playe  at  anye  of  the  said  Games  [only]  in  their 
maisters  houses  or  in  their  maisters  presence :  and  also  that  noe  manner  of  person 
shall  at  any  tyme  playe  at  any  bowle  or  bowles  in  open  places  out  of  his  garden 
or  orcharde,  under  the  peyne  for  everie  tyme  so  offendinge  to  forfeyt  vjs.  viij^.'' 
§  15  and  16  provide  for  Servants  playing  Cards  Dice  &  Tables  by  License  of 
their  Masters,  &  give  Noblemen,  &  Landholders  of  ,£100  a  year,  power  to  license 
their  Servants  to  play  in  their  Houses,  Gardens  or  Orchards  '  Gardes,  Dyce, 
Bowles  or  Tennys.'  33  Henry  VIII  was  from  22  April  1541  to  21  April  1542. 

p.  174.  Dicing.  "  O  how  happie  were  it  for  your  Posteritie,  if  the  Innes  of 
the  Court  were  farre  from  the  Dyeing-houses,  or  Dicyng-houses  with  their 
Originall,  the  Deuill  .  .  .  These  Houses  (outwardly)  are  of  the  substance  of 
other  Buildinges,  but  within  are  the  Botches  and  Byles  of  abhomynation  :  they 
are  lyke  vnto  deepe  Pittes,  couered  with  smoothe  Grasse,  of  which,  men  must 
be  warned,  or  els  they  can  hardly  auoide  that  their  eye  can  not  discouer."  1586. 
— Geo.  Whetstone,  ThcEnemieto  Vnthryftinesse  .  .  A  Perfect  Mirrour  for  all 
Maiestrates,  A  3,  back.  (A  very  disappointing  book,  which  professes  to  discover 
'the  vnsufferable  Abuses  now  raigning  in  our  happie  English  common  wealth,' 
but  only  quotes  the  abuses  in  Rome  which  Alexander  Severus  tried  to  put  down, 
and  gives  no  details  of  them  in  England.  He  had  brothels  shut  from  sunset  to 
sunrise,  that  the  frequenters  of  them  might  be  seen,  &c.) 

Latimer,  in  his  6th  Sermon  before  Edward  VI,  in  1549,  says  : — "There  be  such 
dicing  houses  also,  they  say,  .  .  .  where  young  gentlemen  dice  away  their  thrift ; 
and  where  dicing  is,  there  are  other  follies  also  .  .  Men  of  England,  in  times  past, 
when  they  would  exercise  themselves  .  .  were  wont  to  go  abroad  in  the  fields  a 
shooting ;  but  now  it  is  turned  into  [boiling,  1562]  glossing,  gulling  and  whoring 
within  the  house,  The  art  of  shooting  .  .  hath  been  Gods  instrument  whereby 
he  hath  given  us  many  victories  against  our  enemies  ;  but  now  we  have  taken  up 
whoring  in  towns,  instead  of  shooting  in  the  fields."  Sermons,  Parker  Soc.  1844, 
p.  196-7. 

p.  175.  Football.  Cp.  Laneham's  Letter,  1575,  on  the  sports,  &c.,  at  Kenil- 
worth  Castle  :  the  bridegroom  is  *  lame  of  a  leg,  that  in  his  youth  was  broken  at 
football, '  p.  2  7.  "  Fatal  Accident  at  a  Football  Match.  — An  inquest  was  held  yester 
day  evening  by  Mr.  Bedford,  the  coroner  for  Westminster,  at  the  Board-room, 
Eburybridge,  Pimlico,  touching  the  death  of  Mr.  Sydney  James  Henniss  Branson, 
aged  21,  a  medical  student,  residing  at  7,  South  Eaton-place,  Eaton-square,  which 
occurred  under  the  following  sad  circumstances  : — Mr.  Maurice  Chilton,  medical 
student,  deposed  that  he  resided  with  the  deceased  at  the  above  house,  and  on  the 
afternoon  of  Wednesday  week  last  they  were,  with  a  great  many  others,  taking 
part  in  a  football  match  at  Battersea-park,  and  at  about  four  o'clock  a  young  gen 
tleman  named  Baily  had  seized  the  football  and  was  running  with  it  swiftly  across 
the  ground,  when  the  deceased  immediately  ran  after  him,  but  had  scarcely 
reached  him  when  he  stumbled  and  fell  to  the  ground.  He  caught  hold  of  Baily's 
leg  and  dragged  him  down  upon  him,  the  latter  falling  with  considerable  force 
upon  deceased's  chest  and  stomach.  Deceased  was  picked  up  by  his  companions 
and  taken  in  an  insensible  state  to  the  porter's  lodge,  where  he  remained  an  hour, 
and  was  afterwards  taken  home  in  a  cab  with  witness's  assistance.  In  witness's 

3i 8  Notes  on  p.  175.    Football. 

opinion  Mr.  Baily's  falling  was  quite  the  consequence  of  deceased  pulling 
him.  Mr.  Charles  Henry  Baily,  sub-lieutenant,  Royal  Naval  College,  Green 
wich,  was  called,  and  stated  that  deceased  was  a  stranger  to  him.  On  that  after 
noon  he  scarcely  knew  deceased  was  running  after  him,  but  recollected  being 
caught  suddenly  round  the  legs,  and  falling  with  his  knees  on  deceased.  Mr. 
Bertram  Pink,  surgeon,  stated  he  lived  in  the  same  house,  and  saw  deceased  when 
brought  home.  Without  doubt  he  had  an  internal  rupture,  and  some  injury  to 
the  abdomen.  He  had  him  put  to  bed,  inflammation  (the  result  of  the  injury) 
set  in  next  day,  from  which  he  died  on  Monday.  The  jury  returned  a  verdict  of 
*  Accidental  Death,'  agreeing  with  the  coroner  that  it  was  deceased's  own  impru 
dence  which  had  caused  the  death." — Daily  News,  March  19,  1875. 

"Shocking  Football  Accident  at  Derby. — On  Saturday  afternoon  a  match 
took  place  at  Derby,  under  the  Rugby  rules,  between  the  Derby  Wanderers 
and  a  Birmingham  football  club.  The  ground  was  hard,  owing  to  the  frost 
of  the  previous  night.  During  the  play,  one  of  the  Birmingham  players  named 
Matthew  Wilcox  made  a  'charge,'  but  missed  his  mark  and  fell.  Before  he 
could  recover  himself  another  player  fell  across  him,  and  he  became  insensible. 
Various  means  used  to  recover  him  failed,  and  he  was  conveyed  upon  a  shutter 
to  the  infirmary,  where  it  was  discovered  that  the  lower  cervical  vertebrae  were 
dislocated.  Under  surgical  treatment  he  recovered  consciousness,  and  his  friends 
were  telegraphed  for,  but  the  case  is  considered  hopeless." — Daily  News,  March 

20,   1876. 

"  Football  and  the  Rugby  Rules.—  The  accident  to  Mr.  Matthew  Wilcox, 
of  Birmingham,  in  a  football  match  at  Rugby,  having  terminated  fatally,  an 
inquest  was  held  yesterday.  The  deceased  was  a  jeweller  of  Handsworth, 
and  was  twenty-five  years  of  age.  He  was  one  of  the  (Birmingham)  Moseley 
Club,  who  played  the  Derby  Wanderers  at  Parker's-field  Ground  last  Saturday. 
Mr .  Thomas  Hill,  solicitor,  deposed  that  deceased  picked  up  the  ball,  and,  run 
ning  with  it  towards  the  goal,  was  collared  by  an  opponent  named  Champion, 
and  both  fell,  deceased,  who  appeared  to  turn  a  somersault,  being  undermost, 
with  the  whole  weight  of  his  opponent  on  the  back  of  his  neck.  He  tried  to 
rise,  but  could  not.  Mr.  IlifFe,  surgeon,  directed  him  to  be  taken  to  the  Infirmary. 
Mr.  Andrew  Champion  (Wanderers),  and  Thomas  Bent  and  W.  Matthews 
(Moseley  Club),  gave  similar  evidence.  The  house  surgeon  at  the  Infirmary 
stated  that  deceased  was  suffering  from  complete  paralysis  arising  from  disloca 
tion  of  the  lower  cervical  vertebrae.  He  lingered  until  11.30  on  Sunday  night, 
when  he  died.  A  verdict  was  returned  of  'Accidental  Death.'  The  sad  affair 
has  created  a  profound  impression  in  Derby,  where  football  is  much  played.  In 
connection  with  this  matter,  Mr.  T.  Budworth  Sharp,  of  Smethwick,  a  friend  of 
the  deceased,  writes  to  the  Birmingham  Daily  Post,  giving  the  following  list  of 
serious  injuries  sustained,  owing  to  the  Rugby  rules,  in  one  Birmingham  Club 
(the  Handsworth)  in  one  season  alone  : — '  I.  A  broken  thigh  and  leg,  bent  to 
an  angle  of  about  45  degrees.  We  put  the  player  into  a  cab,  sent  him  off  to  the 
hospital,  where  he  remained  some  months.  2.  Some  dislocations  about  the 
collar-bone.  3.  A  broken  collar-bone.  4.  Some  serious  internal  ruptures, 
necessitating  the  use  of  a  truss  and  gentle  exercise  for  some  years.  5.  Some 
broken  bones  in  the  ankle  :  sent  to  hospital  for  some  weeks,  and  since  on 

Notes  on  pp.  175 — 185.      Games.  319 

crutches.  6.  Injuries  to  the  chest.  7.  Serious  injury  to  the  knee-joint ;  laid  up 
for  three  weeks.  Nos.  4  and  5  are  brothers  ;  Nos.  I  and  6  are  twin  brothers  ; 
and  No.  7  is  the  writer.'  Mr.  Sharp  adds  that  this  list  was  written  in  April, 
1875,  and  was  then  put  aside  at  the  request  of  certain  members  of  the  club,  one 
of  whom  was  the  unfortunate  Matthew  Wilcox." — Daily  News,  March  22,  1876. 
Other  deaths,  and  lots  of  accidents,  have  been  reported  since.  Here's  the  last, 
from  the  Echo,  Feb.  10,  1879,  p.  3,  col.  I  : — 

"  Killed  at  Football. — Yesterday  a  youth  died  at  Tunstall  from  a  kick  received 
at  a  football  match  played  between  the  Tunstall  and  Goldenhill  (North  Stafford 
shire)  teams,  at  Tunstall,  a  few  days  before.  Play  was  very  rough,  and  Herbert 
Whitedock,  one  of  the  Goldenhill  team,  was  kicked  in  the  stomach.  He  was  con 
veyed  from  the  ground  in  a  state  of  unconsciousness,  and  succumbed  after  much 
suffering.  It  is  not  known  who  made  the  fatal  foul." 

p.  175.  On  gaming  and  dice,  leading  to  robbery. — See  S.  Rowlands's 
'  All's  Fish  that  comes  to  net '  in  his  Knaue  of  Spades  ( ?  1611),  ed.  1874,  p.  14  ; 
also  his  Satyres,  p.  59,  in  his  Letting  of  Humours  Blood,  1600,  ed.  1874;  and  the 
extract  from  Latimer  in  Note  for  p.  174,  above,  p.  317. 

p.  177.     Bearbaiting. — See  the  extracts  above,  p.  296-8,  301.     * 

p.  179.  Accident  at  the  Bear-Garden.  Stowe  says — Annales,  Eight  persons 
1605,  p.  1173 — "The  same  13.  day  of  Januarie,  being  sonday,  about  }^a^/^tke 

foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  the  old  and  vnderpropped  scaf-  scaffold  at 

the  Bear 
folds  round  about  the  Beare  garden,  commonly  called  Paris  garden,  garden. 

on  the  Southside  of  the  riuer  of  Thamis  ouer  against  the  citie  of  London,  ouer- 
charged  with  people,  fell  suddenly  downe,  whereby,  to  the  number-  of  eight 
persons,  men  and  women,  were  slaine,  and  many  others  sore  hurt  and  bruised,  to 
the  shortening  of  their  Hues.  A  friendly  warning  to  such  as  more  delight  them- 
selues  in  the  crueltie  of  beasts  then  in  the  works  of  mercie,  the  fruits  of  a  true 
professed  faith,  which  ought  to  be  the  sabboth  dales  exercise." 

p.  184  :  wrestling -in  the  City  of  London  : — "On  Bartholomew  day,  for  the 
Wrastling.  So  many  Aldermen  as  doe  dine  with  the  Lord  Maior,  and  the  Sheriffes, 
The  meet-  are  apparelled  in  their  Scarlet  Gownes  lined  ;  and  after  dinner,  their 
Tlg  ifiu16'  horses  are  brought  to  them  where  they  dined.  And  those  Aldermen 

house  on  Bar-  which  dine  with  the  Sheriffes,  ride  with  them  to  the  Lord  Maiors 
tholomew  day.  house>  for  accompanying  him  to  the  Wrastling.  When  as  the 
Wrastling  is  done  ;  they  mount  their  horses,  and  ride  backe  againe  thorow  the 
Fayre,  and  so  in  at  Aldersgate,  and  then  home  againe  to  the  Lord  Maiors  house. 
The  next  day  (if  it  be  not  Sunday)  is  appointed  for  the  Shooting,  and  the  service 
The  Shoot-  performed  as  upon  Bartholomew  day  ;  but  if  it  bee  Sunday,  the 
ing  day.  Sabbath  day,  it  is  referred  to  the  Monday  then  following."  1633. 
Continuation  of  Stowe's  Suruay,  p.  651,  col.  2. 

p.  185  :  bawdy  songs,  &c.     (See  p.  314-16,  above.) 
" .  .   our  own  children  .  .  the  first  words 

We  form  their  tongues  with,  are  licentious  jests  : 
Can  it  call  'whore,'  cry  '  bastard '  ?    O  then,  kiss  it ! 

320     Notes  on  po.  185,  186.     Song-writers,  &c. 

A  witty  child  !  can't  swear  ?    The  father's  darling  ! 
Give  it  two  plums.     Nay  rather  than't  shall  learn 
No  bawdy  song,  the  mother  herself  will  teach  it !  " 
1598-1601. — B.  Jonson,  Every  Man  in  his  Humour,  II.  iii.  Works,  i.  22,  col.  I. 

p.  185.  Bableries,  &c.  "  &  in  truth,  what  leasings  will  not  make-shyfts  inuent 
for  money?  What  wyl  they  not  faine  for  gaine?  Hence  come  our  babling 
Ballets,  and  our  new  found  Songs  and  Sonets,  which  euery  rednose  Fidler  hath 
at  his  fingers  end,  and  euery  ignorant  Ale  knight  will  breath  forth  ouer  the  potte, 
as  soone  as  his  braine  waxeth  hote.  Be  it  a  troth  which  they  would  tune,  they 
enterlace  it  with  a  lye  or  two  to  make  meeter,  not  regarding  veritie,  so  they  may 
make  vppe  the  verse  ;  not  vnlike  to  Homer,  who  cared  not  what  he  fained,  so 
hee  might  make  his  Countrimen  famous  .  .  .  sith  they  obtaine  the  name  of  our 
English  Poets,  and  thereby  make  men  to  thinke  more  baselie  of  the  wittes  of  our 
Countrey,  I  cannot  but  turne  them  out  of  their  counterfet  liuerie,  and  brand  them 
in  the  foreheade,  that  all  men  may  know  their  falshood."  1590. — T.  Nashe, 
The  Anatomic  of  Absurditie,  B  4. 

p.  1 86  :  putting  good  Laws  into  practice.  Idle  fellows  and  rascals. 
Queene  E.  "Queene  Elizabeth  in  the  xiii  and  xviii  yeres  of  hir  gracious  reygne, 
an.  14  &*  18  |-wo  actes  were  made  for  ydle,  vagrant,  and  maisterlesse  persons, 
that  used  to  loyter,  and  woulde  not  worke,  shoulde,  for  the  first  offence,  haue  a 
hole  burned  through  the  gristle  of  one  of  his  eares,  of  an  ynche  compasse  j  and, 
for  the  seconde  offence  committed  therein,  to  be  hanged. 

"If  these  and  such  lyke  lawes  were  executed  iustlye,  truly,  and  seuerely,  (as 
they  ought  to  be),  without  any  respect  of  persons,  fauour,  or  friendshippe,  this 
dung  and  filth  of  ydleness  woulde  easily  be  reiected  and  cast  oute  of  thys  com 
mon  wealth  ;  there  would  not  be  so  many  loytering,  ydle  persons,  so  many 
ruffians,  blasphemers,  and  swingebucklers,  so  many  drunkardes,  tossepottes, 
whooremaisters,  dauncers,  fydlers,  and  minstrels,  diceplayers,  and  maskers, 
fencers,  theeves,  enterlude  players,  cut  purses,  cosiners,  maisterlesse  seruauntes, 
jugglers,  roges,  sturdye  beggars,  counterfaite  Egyptians,  &c.  as  there  are ;  nor 
yet  so  many  plagues  to  bee  amongst  vs  as  there  are,  if  these  dunghilles,  and  filthe 
in  common  weales  were  remoued,  looked  vnto,  and  cleane  caste  out  by  the 
Industrie,  payne,  and  trauell  of  those  that  are  sette  in  authoritie  and  haue  gouerne- 
mente."  1577- — John  Northbrooke,  A  treatise  against  Dicing,  Dancing,  Plays, 
and  Interludes,  with  other  idle  Pastimes,  ed.  1840,  p.  76.  See  too  the  end  of  the 
note  for  p.  75,  above,  p.  265. 




(Dn  <Saint0'-Jla2)$  anb 


A.  a  1553, 



The  Popish  Kingdome,  or  reigne  of  Antichrist,  written  in  Latine 

verse  by  Thomas  NAOGEORGUS  (or  KIRCHMAIER),  and 

englyshed  by  Barnabe  GOOGE.  .  .  Anno  1570." 



[THOMAS  KIRCHMAIER:  one  of  the  most  violent  Protestant  writers  of  the 
i6th  century,  born  in  1511  at  Straubingen,  in  Bavaria.  Following  the  custom  of 
his  time,  he  changed  his  name  for  that  of  Nao-Georgos  —  two  Greek  words, 
having  the  same  meaning.  He  embraced  the  reformation  of  Luther,  and  did  not 
cease  to  declaim  against  what  he  termed  the  superstitions  of  the  Romish  Church, 
with  a  virulence  which  harmed  him  even  in  the  opinion  of  the  sensible  members 
of  his  own  community.  [This  is  written  by  a  Papist.]  He  had  imagination, 
power,  and  much  wit.  From  the  number  of  his  productions  we  can  judge  of  the 
great  facility  with  which  he  worked.  He  knew  a  good  deal  of  Greek,  and  we 
possess  several  translations  by  him.  After  having  exercised  the  functions  of 
pastoral  minister  in  various  villages  in  Germany,  and  having  called  down  upon 
himself  the  censures  of  the  Consistory  of  Weimar,  he  died  on  the  29th  December, 
1563,  at  Wisbach,  in  the  Palatinate.  The  curious  seek  for  his  works  with  great 
eagerness,  and  this  reason  has  induced  us  to  give  a  complete  list  of  them.  I. 
Trag.  nova,  Pammachius,  Wittemberg,  1538,  in  8°  of  81  leaves.  II.  Tragoedid 
nova,  Mercator  seu  Judicium l  (Bale,  1540),  in  8°  of  75  leaves.  This  work  has 
been  translated  into  French  under  this  title  :  Le  Marchand  converti,  tragedie 
nouvelle  en  laquelle  la  vraie  et  la  fausse  religion,  au  paragon  Tune  de  Fautre,  sont 
ati  vif  represents,  etc.  (Geneve),  1558;  in  8°  1561,  in  12°  with  the  "  Comldie  du 
Pape  malade  et  tirant  a  safin  "  (by  Theod.  de  Beze),  1585,  in  two  parts  in  1 6°  ; 
1591  in  16°,  1594  in  12°.  The  translation  of  the  ''''Marchand  Converti"  is 
attributed  to  J.  Crespin.  III.  Incendia,  seu  Pyrgopolynices,  tragedia  recens  nata, 
nephanda  quorundam  papistici  gregis  exponens  facinora,  Wittemberg,  1541,  in 
8°  of  49  leaves,  without  the  title-page ;  republished  under  the  same  date,  in  8  ° 
of  56  leaves.  This  was  Kirchmaier's  rarest  work,  but  it  has  been  republished  in 
the  '  Politica  imperialia '  of  Goldast,  p.  1112  ;  IV.  Hammanus,  trag.  nova  sumpta 
e  Bibliis  (Leipzig),  1543,  in  small  8°  ;  V.  Hieremias,  trag.  nova,  expropheta  Hier- 
emia  sumpta  (Bale),  1551,  in  8°;  VI.  Judas  Iscariotes,  trag.  nova  et  sacra;  adjuncts 
sunt  dua  Sophoclis  iragedice,  Ajax  flagellifer  et  Philocletes,  carmine  versoe  (Stutt- 
gard),  1552,  in  8°,  rare;  VII.  Agricultures  sacra  libri  V.,  ibid,  1550,  small  8°  ; 
VIII.  Regnum  papisticum,  1553,  small  8°  of  173  pages,  original  edition;  the 
same,  with  other  works,  Bale,  Oporin,  1559,  in  8°  of  343  pages,  without  count 
ing  1 6  unnumbered  leaves  with  the  Errata  and  Index  (see  Brunei,  Manuel  du 
libraire);  IX.  Explanatio  Enchiridionis  Epicteti,  Strasbourg,  1554,  in  8°;  X. 
Satyranim  libri  V prior es,  his  sunt  adjecti  de  animi  tranquillitate  duo  libelli^  Bale, 
1555,  in  8°;  XI.  De  dissidiis  c omponendis  libri  duo;  adjuncta  est  Satyra  in  J. 
della  Casa,  ibid,  1559,  in  8°  ;  XII.  Annotationes  in  canonicam  Joannis  primam 
epistolam,  1544,  in  8°  ;  XIII.  Confutatio  de  bello  germanico  in  pedionetum,  trime- 
tris  scazonibus  ;  XIV.  De  Infantum  ac  parvulorum  salute,  deque  Christi  dicto : 
"  Sinite  parvulos  venire  ad  me,"  etc.  Conclusions,  145,  Bale,  1556,  in  8°  ;  XV. 
Epitome  ecclesiastic orum  dogmatum,  carmine  hexametro  heroica.  Kirchmaier  has 
translated  several  of  Dion  Chrysostom's  "Discourses"  from  Greek  into  Latin, 
Paris,  1604,  fol. ;  several  Pieces  of  Isocrates,  Plutarch  (Bale,  1556,  in  8° ),  and  the 
letters  of  Synesius  (ibid,  1558,  in  8°  ),  those  of  Phalaris,  ibid,  1558,  in  8°.  Some 
works  by  him  are  to  be  found  in  the  Delicuz  poetarum  Germanorumt  vol.  4. — 
Biographie  Universelle,  2nd  edition.] 

*  Tragoedia,  in  qua,  in  conspectu  ponuntur  apostolica  et  papistica  doctrina. 



The  Popish  Kingdome. 
The  fourth  booke. 

[  Tfa  Sidenotes  of  the  original  are  in  italics.} 

AS  Papiftes  doe  beleue  and  teach  the  vaynefl  things  that  bee, 
So  with  their  do&rine  and  their  fayth,  their  life  doth  iump 
Their  feafts  &  all  their  holidayes  they  kepe  throughout  the 


Are  full  of  vile  Idolatrie,  and  heathenlike  appeare :  4 

Whereby  though  they  do  nothing  teach,  but  Ihould  their  doctrine  hide, 
(Which  yet  in  volumes  more  than  one,  may  openly  be  fpide) 
Thou  eafily  mayft  knowe  whether  true  Catholikes  they  bee, 
And  onely  truft  in  Chrift,  and  keepe  th'aflured  veritee.  8 

Be  therefore  here  a  perfite  ludge,  and  all  things  warely  way, 
With  equall  ballance,  for  before  thine  eyes  I  here  will  lay 
Moft  plainly,  though  not  all  (for  who  is  able  that  to  tell,) 
But  fuch  as  beft  are  knowne  to  vs  in  Germanie  that  dwell.  12 

And  firft  betwixt  the  dayes  they  make  no  little  difference, 
For  all  be  not  of  vertue  like,  nor  like  preheminence. 
But  fome  of  them  Egyptian  are,  and  full  of  ieopardee, 
And  fome  againe  befide  the  reft,  both  good  and  luckie  bee.  16 

Like  diffrence  of  the  nights  they  make,  as  if  th'almightie  king, 
That  made  them  all,  not  gracious  were  to  them  in  euery  thing. 
Befide  they  giue  attentiue  eare  to  blinde  Aftronomars, 
About  th'afpe6ts  in  euery  howre  of  fundrie  mining  ftars :  20 

And  vnderneath  what  Planet  euery  man  is  borne  and  bred, 
What  good  or  euill  fortune  doth  hang  ouer  euery  hed. 
Hereby  they  thinke  afluredly  to  know  what  mall  befall, 
As  men  that  haue  no  perfite  fayth  nor  truft  in  God  at  all :  24 

But  thinke  that  euery  thing  is  wrought  and  wholy  guided  here. 
By  moouing  of  the  Planets,  and  the  whirling  of  the  Speare. 
No  vaine  they  pearfe  nor  enter  in  the  bathes  at  any  day, 
Nor  pare  their  nayles,  nor  from  their  hed  do  cut  the  heare  away :    28 
They  alfo  put  no  childe  to  nurfe,  nor  mend  with  doung  their  ground, 
Nor  medicine  do  receyue  to  make  their  crafed  bodies  found, 

[leaf  44l 

Papists'  Feasts 
and  Holidays  are 
idolatrous  and 

They  don't  trust 
in  Christ  alone. 

Con.  26.  q.  7. 
Si  quis,     Non 
obner.    Quis. 
q.  2.     Nos  pla 
net.  Sed&illua 
q.  5.   Non  liceat. 

They  attend  to 
the  Aspects  of 
the  Stars,  and 
think  folk's  for 
tunes  are  ruld  by 
the  Planets. 

They'll  not  be 
bled,  bathe,  or 

take  medicine, 

without  looking 

to  the  Moon's 


[leaf  44,  back] 


On  Christmas 
eve,  boys  and 
girls  knock  at 
every  door,  wish 
the  inmates  a 
happy  year,  and 
get  fruit  and 
pence  from  them. 

Wanton  girls  try 
to  find  out  their 
husbands'  names 
by  Onions, 

and  their 
husbands' natures 
by  Faggots. 


Some  think  all 

[leaf  45] 

the  wine  is  turnd 

to  water,  and 

back  again. 

Others  watch  for 


3  Masses  are 
sung  ; 

324  Appendix.  Popular  and  Popish  Customs,  A.D.  1553. 

Nor  any  other  thing  they  do,  but  earneftly  before 

They  marke  the  Moone  how  {he  is  placde,  and  flandeth  euermore  :  32 

And  euery  planet  ho  we  they  rife,  and  fet  in  eche  degree, 

Which  things  vnto  the  perfite  fayth  of  Chrift  repugnant  bee. 

Which  firft  I  ihowe,  leaft  in  my  courfe  I  (hould  be  driuen  plaine, 

To  call  to  minde  thefe  fooliihe  toyes,  now  to  my  theame  againe.     36 

Three  weekes  before  the  day  whereon  was  borne  the  Lorde  of  grace, 
And  on  the  Thurfday  Boyes  and  Girles  do  runne  in  euery  place, 
And  bounce  and  beate  at  euery  doore,  with  blowes  and  luftie  fnaps, 
And  crie,  the  aduent  of  the  Lorde  not  borne  as  yet  perhaps.  40 

And  wilhing  to  the  neighbours  all,  that  in  the  houfes  dwell, 
A  happie  yeare,  and  euery  thing  to  fpring  and  profper  well : 
Here  haue  they  peares,  and  plumbs,  &  pence,  ech  man  giues  willinglee, 
For  thefe  three  nightes  are  alwayes  thought,  vnfortunate  to  bee :     44 
Wherein  they  are  afrayde  of  fprites,  and  cankred  witches  fpight, 
And  dreadful!  deuils  blacke  and  grim,  that  then  haue  chiefeft  might. 
In  thefe  fame  dayes  yong  wanton  Gyrles  that  meete  for  mariage.bee, 
Doe  fearch  to  know  the  names  of  them  that  fhall  their  huibandes  bee. 
Foure  Onyons,  flue,  or  eight,  they  take  and  make  in  euery  one,       49 
Such  names  as  they  do  fanfie  moft,  and  beft  do  thinke  vpon. 
Thus  neere  the  Chimney  them  they  fet,  and  that  fame  Onyon  than, 
That  firft  doth  fproute,  doth  furely  beare  the  name  of  their  good  man. 
Their  huibandes  nature  eke  they  feeke  to  know,  and  all  his  guile,    53 
When  as  the  Sunne  hath  hid  himfelfe,  and  left  the  ftarrie  ikies, 
Unto  fome  woodftacke  do  they  go,  and  while  they  there  do  ftande, 
Eche  one  drawes  out  a  faggot  fticke,  the  next  that  commes  to  hande, 
Which  if  it  ftreight  and  euen  be,  and  haue  no  knots  at  all,  57 

A  gentle  hulband  then  they  thinke  mall  furely  to  them  fall. 
But  if  it  fowle  and  crooked  be,  and  knottie  here  and  theare 
A  crabbed  churl im  hulband  then,  they  earneftly  do  feare.  60 

Thefe  things  the  wicked  Papiftes  beare,  and  fuffer  willingly, 
Bicaufe  they  neyther  do  the  ende,  nor  fruites  of  faith  efpie : 
And  rather  had  the  people  mould  obey  their  foolifh  luft, 
Than  truely  God  to  know,  and  in  him  here  alone  to  truft.  64 

Then  comes  the  day  wherein  the  Lorde  did  bring  his  birth  to  palfe, 
Whereas  at  midnight  vp  they  rife,  and  euery  man  to  Maife. 
This  time  fo  holy  counted  is,  that  diuers  earneftly 
Do  thinke  the  waters  all  to  wine  are  chaunged  fodainly :  68 

In  that  fame  houre  that  Chrift  himfelfe  was  borne,  and  came  to  light, 
And  vnto  water  ftreight  againe,  tranfformde  and  altred  quight. 
There  are  betide  that  mindfully  the  money  ftill  do  watch, 
That  firft  to  aultar  commes,  which  then  they  priuily  do  fnatch.        73 
The  Prieftes  leaft  other  mould  it  haue,  takes  oft  the  fame  away, 
Whereby  they  thinke  throughout  the  yeare  to  haue  good  lucke  in  play, 
And  not  to  lofe :  then  ftraight  at  game  till  daylight  do  they  ftriue, 
To  make  fome  prefent  proofe  how  well  their  hallowde  pence  wil  thriue. 
Three  Mafles  euery  Prieft  doth  fing  vpon  that  folemne  day,  77 

With  offrings  vnto  euery  one,  that  fo  the  more  may  play. 

Appendix.   Popular  and  Popish  Customs,  A.D.  1553.  325 

This  done,  a  woodden  childe  in  clowtes  is  on  the  aultar  fet 

About  the  which  both  boyes  and  gyrles  do  daunce  and  trymly  iet,  80 

And  Carrols  fing  in  prayfe  of  Chrifl,  and  for  to  helpe  them  heare, 

The  Organs  aunfwere  euery  verfe,  with  fweete  and  folemne  cheare. 

The  Prieftes  doe  rore  aloude,  and  round  about  the  parentes  ftande, 

To  lee  the  fport,  and  with  their  voyce  do  helpe  them  and  their  hande. 

Thus  woont  the  Corilants  perhaps  vpon  the  mountaine  Ide,  85 

The  crying  noyfe  of  lupiter  new  borne  with  fong  to  hide, 

To  daunce  about  him  round,  and  on  their  brafen  pannes  to  beate, 

Leaft  that  his  father  finding  him,  mould  him  deftroy  and  eate.         88 

Then  followeth  Saint  Stephens  day,  whereon  doth  euery  man, 
His  horfes  iaunt  and  courfe  abrode,  as  fwiftly  as  he  can. 
Until  1  they  doe  extreemely  fweate,  and  than  they  let  them  blood, 
For  this  being  done  vpon  this  day,  they  fay  doth  do  them  good,      92 
And  keepes  them  from  all  maladies  and  ficknefie  through  the  yeare, 
As  if  that  Steuen  any  time  tooke  charge  of  horfes  heare. 

Next  lohn  the  fonne  of  Zeledee  hath  his  appoynted  day, 
Who  once  by  cruell  tyraunts  will,  conftrayned  was  they  fay  96 

Strong  poyfon  vp  to  drinke,  therefore  the  Papiftes  doe  beleeue, 
That  whofo  puts  their  trufl  in  him,  no  poyfon  them  can  greeue. 
The  wine  befide  that  halowed  is,  in  worlhip  of  his  name, 
The  Prieftes  doe  giue  the  people  that  bring  money  for  the  fame.    100 
And  after  with  the  felfe  fame  wine  are  little  manchets  made, 
Agaynfl  the  boyftrous  winter  ftormes,  and  fundrie  fuch  like  trade. 
The  men  vpon  this  folemne  day,  do  take  this  holy  wine,  103 

To  make  them  ftrong,  fo  do  the  maydes  to  make  them  faire  and  fine. 

Then  comes  the  day  that  calles  to  minde  the  cruell  Herodes  ftrife, 
Who  feeking  Chrift  to  kill,  the  king  of  euerlafting  life, 
Deftroyde  the  little  infants  yong,  a  beaft  vnmercilefle, 
And  put  to  death  all  fuch  as  were  of  two  yeares  age  or  lefTe.  I  oS 

To  them  the  finfull  wretcheffe  crie,  and  earneftly  do  pray, 
To  get  them  pardon  for  their  faultes,  and  wipe  their  finnes  away. 
The  Parentes  when  this  day  appeares,  doe  beate  their  children  all, 
(Though  nothing  they  deferue)  and  feruaunts  all  to  beating  fall,     112 
And  Monkes  do  whip  eche  other  well,  or  elfe  their  Prior  great, 
Or  Abbot  mad,  doth  take  in  hande  their  breeches  all  to  beat : 
In  worfhip  of  thefe  Innocents,  or  rather  as  we  fee, 
In  honour  of  the  curled  king,  that  did  this  crueltee'.  116 

The  next  to  this  is  Newyeares  day,  whereon  to  euery  frende/ 
They  coftly  prefents  in  do  bring,  and  Neweyeares  giftes  do  fende. 
Thefe  giftes  the  hufband  giues  his  wife,  and  father  eke  the  childe, 
And  maifter  on  his  men  beftowes  the  like,  with  fauour  milde.        120 
And  good  beginning  of  the  yeare  they  wifhe  and  wilhe  againe, 
According  to  the  auncient  guile  of  heathen  people  vaine. 
Thefe  eight  dayes  no  man  doth  require  his  dettes  of  any  man, 
Their  tables  do  they  furnilh  out  with  all  the  meate  they  can:          124 
With  Marchpaynes,  Tartes,  &  Cuftards  great,  they  drink  with  flaring 
They  rowte  and  reuell,  feede  and  feaft,  as  merry  all  as  Pyes :       [eyes, 

and  a  wooden 
Child  drest  up, 
set  on  the  altar. 
Boys  and  Girls 
daunce  and  sing 
round  it, 
the  Priests  roar, 
and  the  Parents 

Saint  SteueH. 
Dec.  26. 
Horses  are  gal- 
lopt  till  they 
sweat,  to  keep 
em  well  all  the 

Saint  lohn. 
Dec.  27. 

Pries  tiJiallow 
wiiie,  and  sell  it, 

and  make  Man 
chets  with  it, 
against  storms. 

[leaf  45,  back] 
Dec.  28. 

Parents  beat 
their  children, 
servants  and 
Monks  beat  one 

Nnvyeares  day. 

Gifts  are  made 
to  every  one. 

For  8  days  no 
man  asks  a  debt. 
Great  feasting 
goes  on. 

Tivelfe  day. 
January  6. 

Every  set  of 
friends  chooses  a 
King,  and  has  a 

Children  choose 
a  Prince  too. 

[leaf  46] 

Every  house 
holder  makes  a 
big  cake,  and 
puts  a  penny  in 
it.    It's  cut  up, 

and  the  man  who 
gets  the  penny, 
is  King,  and  is 
lifted  up  to  the 
roof  to  make 
crosses  on  the 
rafters,  against 

At  night, 
Frankincense  is 
burnt,  and  all  the 
family  smoke 
their  noses  and 
eyes  in  it,  to  keep 
'em  sound. 

Then  they  carry 
the  pan  in  pro 
cession  round 
the  house,  to 
keep  witches  off. 

They  foretell  the 
year's  weather 

326  Appendix.    Popular  and  Popish  Customs,  A.D.  1553. 

As  if  they  {hould  at  th'entrance  of  this  newe  yeare  hap  to  die, 

Yet  would  they  haue  theyr  bellyes  full,  and  auncient  friendes  allie,  128 

The  wife  mens  day  here  foloweth,  who  out  from  Perfia  farre, 
Brought  gifts  and  prefents  vnto  Chrift,  conducted  by  a  ftarre. 
The  Papiftes  do  beleeue  that  thefe  were  kings,  and  fo  them  call, 
And  do  affirme  that  of  the  fame  there  were  but  three  in  all.  132 

Here  fundrie  friendes  togither  come,  and  meete  in  companie, 
And  make  a  king  amongft  themfelues  by  voyce  or  deftinie : 
Who  after  princely  guife  appoyntes,  his  officers  alway, 
Then  vnto  fealting  doe  they  go,  and  long  time  after  play :  136 

Upon  their  hordes  in  order  thicke  the  daintie  dimes  ftande, 
Till  that  their  purfes  emptie  be,  and  creditors  at  hande. 
Their  children  herein  follow  them,  and  choofing  princes  here, 
With  pompe  and  great  folemnitie,  they  meete  and  make  good  chere : 
With  money  eyther  got  by  Health,  or  of  their  parents  eft,  141 

That  fo  they  may  be  traynde  to  knowe  both  ryot  here  and  theft. 
Then  alfo  euery  houfholder,  to  his  abilitie, 

Doth  make  a  mightie  Cake,  that  may  fuffice  his  companie :  144. 

Herein  a  pennie  doth  he  put,  before  it  come  to  fire, 
This  he  deuides  according  as  his  houiholde  doth  require, 
And  euery  peece  diftributeth,  as  round  about  they  ftand, 
Which  in  their  names  vnto  the  poore  is  giuen  out  of  hand :  148 

But  who  fo  chaunceth  on  the  peece  wherein  the  money  lies, 
Is  counted  king  amongft  them  all,  and  is  with  fhowtes  and  cries 
Exalted  to  the  heauens  vp,  who  taking  chalke  in  hande, 
Doth  make  a  crofle  on  euery  beame,  and  rafters  as  they  ftande:     152 
Great  force  and  powre  haue  thefe  agaynft  all  iniuryes  and  harmes 
Of  curfed  deuils,  fprites,  and  bugges,  of  coniurings  and  charmes. 
So  much  this  king  can  do,  fo  much  the  Croffes  brings  to  pafle, 
Made  by  fome  feruant,  maide,  or  childe,  or  by  fome  foolifh  afle.  156 
Twife  fixe  nightes  then  from  Chriftmaffe,  they  do  count  with  diligence, 
Wherein  eche  maifter  in  his  houfe  doth  burne  vp  Franckenfence : 
And  on  the  Table  fettes  a  loafe,  when  night  approcheth  nere, 
Before  the  Coles,  and  Franckenfence  to  be  perfumed  there:  160 

Firft  bowing  downe  his  heade  he  ftandes,  and  nofe  and  eares,  and  eyes 
He  fmokes,  and  with  his  mouth  receyue  the  fume  that  doth  arife : 
Whom  followeth  ftreight  his  wife,  and  doth  the  fame  full  folemly, 
And  of  their  children  euery  one,  and  all  their  family :  164 

Which  doth  preferue  they  fay  their  teeth,  and  nofe,  and  eyes,  and  eare, 
From  euery  kind  of  maladie,  and  ficknerte  all  the  yeare. 
When  euery  one  receyued  hath  this  odour  great  and  fmall, 
Then  one  takes  vp  the  pan  with  Coales,  and  Franckenfence  and  all, 
An  other  takes  the  loafe,  whom  all  the  reaft  do  follow  here,  J  69 

And  round  about  the  houfe  they  go,  with  torch  or  taper  clere, 
That  neither  bread  nor  meat  do  want,  nor  witch  with  dreadful  charme, 
Haue  powre  to  hurt  their  children,  or  to  do  their  cattell  harme.     172 
There  are  that  three  nightes  onely  do  perfourme  this  foolilli  geare, 
To  this  intent,  and  thinke  themfelues  in  fafetie  all  the  yeare. 

Appendix.  Popular  and  Popish  Customs,  A.D.  1553.  327 

To  Chrift  dare  none  commit  himfelfe.     And  in  thefe  dayes  befide, 
They  iudge  what  weather  all  the  yeare  lhali  happen  and  betide:    176 
Afcribing  to  ech  day  a  month,  and  at  this  prefent  time, 
The  youth  in  euery  place  doe  flocke,  and  all  appareld  fine, 
With  Pypars  through  the  ftreetes  they  runne,  and  ling  at  euery  dore, 
In  commendation  of  the  man,  rewarded  well  therefore  :  180 

Which  on  themfelues  they  do  beftowe,  or  on  the  Church,  as  though 
The  people  were  not  plagude  with  Roges  and  begging  Friers  enough. 
There  Cities  are,  where  boyes  and  gyrles  togither  ftill  do  runne, 
About  the  ftreete  with  like,  as  foone  as  night  beginnes  to  come,     184 
And  bring  abrode  their  waflell  bowles,  who  well  rewarded  bee, 
With  Cakes  and  Cheele,  and  great  good  cheare,  and  money  plentiouflee. 

Then  commes  in  place  faint  Agnes  day,  which  here  in  Germanic, 
Is  not  fo  much  efteemde,  nor  kept  with  fuch  folemnitie :  188 

But  in  the  Popifh  Court  it  ftandes  in  palling  hie  degree, 
As  fpring  and  head  of  wondrous  gaine,  and  great  commoditee. 
For  in  faint  Agnes  Church  vpon  this  day  while  Malfe  they  ling, 
Two  Lambes  as  white  as  fnowe,  the  Nonnes  do  yearely  vfe  to  bring: 
And  when  the  Agnus  chaunted  is,  vpon  the  aultar  hie,  193 

(For  in  this  thing  there  hidden  is  a  folemne  myfterie) 
They  offer  them.     The  feruaunts  of  the  Pope  when  this  is  done, 
Do  put  them  into  Pafture  good  till  (hearing  time  be  come.  196 

Then  other  wooll  they  mingle  with  thefe  holy  fleefes  twaine, 
Whereof  being  fponne  and  dreft,  are  made  the  Pals  of  pairing  gaine : 
Three  fingars  commonly  in  bredth,  and  wrought  in  compaffe  fo, 
As  on  the  Bilhops  moulders  well  they  round  about  may  go.  200 

Thefe  Pals  thus  on  the  fhoulders  let,  both  on  the  backe  and  breft, 
Haue  labels  hanging  fomething  lowe,  the  endes  whereof  are  dreft, 
And  typte  with  plates  of  weightie  lead,  and  vefture  blacke  arayde, 
And  laft  of  all  to  make  an  ende,  with  knots  are  furely  ftayde.         204 
O  ioyfull  day  of  Agnes,  and  to  Papiftes  full  of  gaine, 
O  precious  worthie  Lambes,  O  wooll  moft  fortunate  againe. 
O  happie  they  that  fpin  and  weaue  the  fame,  whofe  handes  may  touch 
This  holy  wooll,  and  make  thefe  Pals  of  price  and  vertue  fuch.       208 
For  by  the  fame  the  Bilhops  haue  their  full  aucthoritie, 
And  Metropolitanes  are  forced,  thefe  dearely  for  to  buie. 
Beftowing  fometime  eight,  or  ten,  yea  thirtie  thoufand  crownes, 
Ere  halfe  the  yeare  be  full  expirde,  for  thefe  fame  pelting  gownes.  212 
Ne  can  they  vfe  the  Pall  that  was  their  predicelfors  late, 
Nor  play  the  Bilhop,  nor  receyue  the  Primates  hie  eftate, 
Till  that  he  get  one  of  his  owne :  with  fuch  like  fubtiltie, 
The  Pope  doth  all  men  powle,  without  refpect  of  Simonie.  216 

Perchaunce  fuch  force  doth  not  in  thefe  fame  holy  Lambes  remaine, 
Nor  of  it  felfe  the  wooll  fo  much,  nor  all  the  weauers  paine, 
As  thefe  fame  powlers  feeme  to  fay :  for  thus  thefe  palles  being  wrought, 
Are  ftreight  waies  to  S.  Peters  Church  by  hands  of  Deacons  brought, 
And  vnderneath  the  aultar  all  the  night  they  buryed  lie,  221 

Among  faint  Peters  reliques  and  faint  Paules  his  fellow  bie. 

[leaf  46,  back] 

Young  men 
dresst-up.  go 
singing  thro  the 
streets  with 

Saint  Agnes. 
Jan.  21. 

Is  kept  at  Rome 

2  snow-white 
lambs  are  offerd 
on  the  altar, 

then  put  to  grass 
and  shorn  ;  and 
their  wool  is 
made  into  narrow 

with  labels  tipt 
with  lead. 

These  Palls, 
Bishops  and 
Archbishops  are 
forc't  to  buy  at 
high  prices. 

[leaf  47] 

The  Palls  are 
put  under  the 
altar  in  St. 
Peter's,  among 
his  relics,  for  one 
night,  and  thence 

are  thought  to 
draw  heavenly 
p  ower. 

Foul  deceits  ! 

What  holy  thing 
hav'n't  the 
Papists  turnd  to 

They  say  these 
Palls  were  insti 
tuted  by  St. 
Peter's  successor. 

[leaf  47,  back] 

C  andelmasse . 
Feb.  2. 

Big  Tapers  are 
blest  in  Church, 
then  lighted,  put 
out,  and  kept  to 
light  against 
thunder,  devils, 
and  spirits  that 
walk  by  night. 

Blase.    Feb.  3. 

The  Holy-Water 

328  Appendix.   Popular  and  Popish  Customs,  A.D.  1553. 

From  hence  the  facred  iuyce  they  draw,  and  powre  celeftiall, 

As  if  the  holy  ghoft  mould  giue  thefe  Clarkes  his  vertue  all.  224 

Straunge  Reliques  fure,  and  bodies  eke  of  paffing  fan&itie, 
That  to  fuch  lowfie  clokes  can  giue  fo  great  au6thoritie. 
Who  would  not  more  efteeme  you  nowe  then  when  you  here  did  liue, 
When  as  no  clokes  at  all  you  did  vnto  your  Bifhops  giue,  228 

Nor  fed  fo  many  paunches  great,  nor  fliauen  companies, 
With  foule  illufions  and  deceytes  and  mameleffe  futtelties  ? 
Now  filuer  do  you  giue  and  heapes  of  golde  togither  rake 
From  euery  realme,  and  for  a  denne  of  theeues  prouifion  make.     232 
Farre  be  it  from  me  that  I  mould  thus  of  you  beleeue  or  fay : 
But  what  fo  holy  in  this  worlde  hath  bene,  or  is  this  day, 
That  this  fame  wicked  Papacie  doth  not  conuert  to  gaine  ? 
Th'almightie  Lord  himfelfe  aboue  in  fafetie  cannot  raigne.  236 

Now  here  the  Papiftes  do  declare  from  whom  at  firft  did  fpring, 
The  vfe  of  this  fame  pelting  Pall,  and  this  vnfeemely  thing. 
And  here  a  thoufand  lyes  they  make,  from  auncient  fathers  olde, 
They  fay  the  firft  inuention  came,  ne  dare  they  yet  be  bolde          240 
To  burthen  Peter  with  the  fame,  for  feare  they  faint  in  proofe, 
But  do  reiect,  not  probably,  yet  farther  of  aloofe. 
Such  folly  and  ambicion  great,  whereat  you  wonder  may. 
For  Linus  he  that  Peter  firft  fucceeded  as  they  fay,  244 

And  guyded  next  the  fea  of  Rome,  firft  tooke  this  fame  in  hande, 
That  woollen  garment  might  in  fteede  of  lynnen  Ephod  ftande. 
But  where  was  Agnes  at  this  tyme  ?  who  offred  vp  and  how, 
The  two  white  Lambes  ?  where  then  was  Maffe  as  it  is  vfed  now  ? 
Yea  where  was  then  the  popifh  ftate,  and  dreadfull  Monarchee  ?    249 
Sure  in  faint  Aujlens  time,  there  were  no  Palles  at  Rome  to  fee : 
When  Bimops  all  had  equall  powre,  although  as  ftories  tell, 
The  romifhe  Bifhop  did  the  reaft  in  worthinefle  excell.  252 

Thus  Papiftes  neuer  count  it  iharne,  nor  any  fault  to  lie, 
So  they  may  get  great  fummes  of  golde,  and  rayfe  their  kingdome  hie. 

Then  comes  the  day  wherein  the  virgin  offred  Chrift  vnto 
The  father  chiefe,  as  Moyfes  law  commaunded  hir  to  do.  256 

Then  numbers  great  of  Tapers  large,  both  men  and  women  beare 
To  Church,  being  halowed  there  with  pomp,  &  dreadful  words  to  heare. 
This  done,  eche  man  his  Candell  lightes,  where  chief  eft  feemeth  hee, 
Whofe  taper  greateft  may  be  feene,  and  fortunate  to  bee :  260 

Whofe  Candell  burneth  cleare  and  bright,  a  wondrous  force  and  might 
Doth  in  thefe  Candels  lie,  which  if  at  any  time  they  light, 
They  fure  beleue  that  neyther  ftorme  nor  tempeft  dare  abide, 
Nor  thunder  in  the  fkies  be  heard,  nor  any  deuils  fpide,  264 

Nor  fearefull  fprites  that  walke  by  night,  nor  hurts  of  froft  or  haile, 
How  eafily  can  thefe  fellowes  alt  thefe  hurly  burlyes  quaile  ? 
That  needlelfe  is  it  nowe  to  put  their  truft  in  Chrift  alone, 
Or  to  commit  all  things  to  him  that  fittes  in  chiefeft  throne.  268 

Then  followeth  good  fir  Blafe,  who  doth  a  waxen  Candell  giue, 
And  holy  water  to  his  men,  whereby  they  fafely  liue. 

Appendix.   Popular  and  Popish  Customs,  A.V.  1553.  329 

I  diuers  Barrels  oft  haue  feene,  drawne  out  of  water  cleare, 
Through  one  fmall  blefled  bone  of  this  fame  holy  martyr  heare :   272 
And  caryed  thence  to  other  townes  and  Cities  farre  away, 
Ech  fuperftition  doth  require  fuch  earneft  kinde  of  play  : 
But  in  the  meane  time  no  man  ieekes  for  Chrifl  and  God  aboue, 
Nor  dare  content  themfelues  to  haue  his  fauour  and  his  loue.         276 
f  Now  when  at  length  the  pleafant  time  of  Shrouetide  comes  in  place, 
And  cruell  falling  dayes  at  hande  approch  with  folemne  grace : 
Then  olde  and  yong  are  both  as  mad,  as  gheftes  of  Bacchus  feafl, 
And  foure  dayes  long  they  tipple  fquare,  and  feede  and  neuer  reaft. 
Downe  goes  the  Hogges  in  euery  place,  and  puddings  euery  wheare 
Do  fwarme :  the  Dice  are  fhakte  and  toft,  and  Gardes  apace  they  teare : 
[n  euery  houfe  are  ihowtes  and  cryes,  and  mirth,  and  reuell  route, 
And  daintie  tables  fpred,  and  all  be  fet  with  gheftes  aboute :  284 

With  fundrie  playes  and  Chriftmafle  games,  &  feare  and  Ihame  away, 
The  tongue  is  fet  at  libertie,  and  hath  no  kinde  of  flay. 
All  thinges  are  lawfull  then  and  done,  no  pleafure  pafTed  by, 
That  in  their  mindes  they  can  deuife,  as  if  they  then  mould  die  :  288 
The  chiefeft  man  is  he,  and  one  that  moft  deferueth  prayfe, 
Among  the  reft  that  can  finde  out  the  fondeft  kinde  of  playes. 
On  him  they  looke  and  gaze  vpon,  and  laugh  with  luftie  cheare, 
Whom  boyes  do  follow,  crying  foole,  and  fuch  like  other  geare.    292 
He  in  the  meane  time  thinkes  himfelfe  a  wondrous  worthie  man, 
Not  mooued  with  their  wordes  nor  cryes,  do  whatfoeuer  they  can. 
Some  fort  there  are  that  runne  with  ftaues,  or  fight  in  armour  fine, 
Or  fhew  the  people  f oolifhe  toyes,  for  fome  fmall  peece  of  wine.  296 
Eche  partie  hath  his  fauourers,  and  faythfull  friendes  enowe, 
That  readie  are  to  turne  themfelues,  as  fortune  lift  to  bowe. 
But  fome  againe  the  dreadfull  fhape  of  deuils  on  them  take, 
And  cha/e  fuch  as  they  meete,  and  make  poore  boyes  for  feare  to  quake. 
Some  naked  runne  about  the  ftreetes,  their  faces  hid  alone,  301 

With  vifars  clofe,  that  fo  difguifde,  they  might  be  knowne  of  none. 
Both  men  and  women  chaunge  their  weede,  the  men  in  maydes  aray, 
And  wanton  wenches  dreft  like  men,  doe  trauell  by  the  way,         304 
And  to  their  neighbours  houfes  go,  or  where  it  likes  them  beft, 
Perhaps  vnto  fome  auncient  friend  or  olde  acquainted  gheft, 
Unknowne,  and  fpeaking  but  fewe  wordes,  the  meate  deuour  they  vp, 
That  is  before  them  fet,  and  cleane  they  fwinge  of  euery  cup.        308 
Some  runne  about  the  ftreets  attyrde  like  Monks,  and  fome  like  kings, 
Accompanied  with  pompe  and  garde,  and  other  ftately  things. 
Some  hatch  yong  fooles  as  hennes  do  egges  with  good  and  fpeedie  lucke, 
Or  as  the  Goofe  doth  vfe  to  do,  or  as  the  quacking  ducke.  312 

Some  like  wilde  beaftes  doe  runne  abrode  in  fkinnes  that  diuers  bee 
Arayde,  and  eke  with  lothfome  mapes,  that  dreadf all  are  to  fee : 
They  counterfet  both  Beares  and  Woolues,  and  Lions  fierce  in  fight, 
And  raging  Bulles.     Some  play  the  Cranes  with  wings  &  ftilts  vpright. 
Some  like  the  filthie  forme  of  Apes,  and  fome  like  fooles  are  dreft, 
Which  beft  befeeme  thefe  Papiftes  all,  that  thus  keepe  Bacchus  feaft. 

Barrels  of  it  are 
drawn  thro'  one 
of  his  bones. 

(Shrove  Tuesday 
varies  from  Feb. 
3  to  March  9). 
Is  a  regular 
Drinking  and 
feasting  go  on 
for  4  days,  with 
cards,  mirth, 
and  revels. 

[leaf  48] 

Every  one  does 
as  he  likes, 

and  the  b